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The people will know then what they are taxed for. Rut so Ipng as the revenues are avowedly collected for defraying the expenses,of the Government, they should be sacred to that end. If in this way a portion of the funds of the nation be useless, it may operate as an inducement to make the taxes as light as possible, which in its turn will relieve the people, and keep the Government poor; and by keeping it poor, keep it honest, free from corruption. The greatest objection or one of the greatest objections to the de pbsite system, in either a National Bank or in State banks, is that it •gives tn the banks the use of the Government funds. Being given Ho the banks, the use of these funds is virtually given to the business •Community. The business community, so long as it has the use of them, will not be anxious to reduce the revenues. It will prefer high taxes, and favor the accumulation of a surplus, because by having the use of the funds to sustain its credit, it gets back more than it is ob liged to pay tn taxes. This part of the subject, Mt. Calhoun, in his speech of February Wlh, has set in a clear light, and his remarks deserve to be read and pondered well by every freeman. The policy of our Government should be to make taxes as light as possible, consequently to look with distrust on all measures the direct tendency of which must be to iu< rease them. ft may also be maintained, with some plausibility at least, that it is for the true interest of the banks themselves to have no connection with the fiscal concerns of the Government. Nobody, we presume, is hardy enough to contend that the banks should control the Gov ernment. It has never, we believe, been the intention of the people to place the real government of the country in'the hands of the bank corporations. They have, we believe, always intended that the Gov ernment should maintain its supremacy, and follow its own interest and that of the country, regardless of the special interests of the presidents and directors ot banks. In case the Government maintains its su premacy, the amount cf its funds, the time, place, and extent of its appropriations, must alway s he matters beyond the control of the banks, and also matters which they may not always foresee, or be prepared to meet. Government will have it in its power to disturb, whenever it chooses, their nicest business calculations, and thwart them in their most cherished plans. It may call upon them for its ; funds, when they are all loaned out, and when they cannot be called I in without great detiiment to the business operations of the common- j ity, often not without producing a painc, financial embarsment, com meicial distress. Il there be but one bank, or if there be one mammoth bank, it i may, perhaps, profit by panics, financial embarrassments, commercial : distress; but die bunks generally cannot. Their interest is one and the same with that of the business community; it is best promoted ■ by sustaining credit, by keeing the waters smooth and even, the times • good and easy. They ought, then, to be free from all connection with a partner over whose operati >ns they have on control, and [ who may choose to withdraw his investments at the very moment when they are most in need of them. It is altogether better for them to trust to theii own means, ami keep to their proper vocation, than it is to mix up their interests with those of the Government. The history of the late deposite banks may be thought to afford some evidence of the truth of this. From the Fincastle Democrat. THE MALIGN INFLUENCE. “These remarks satisfies us that the moneyed influence of the whole land, from one extremity to the other, was arrayed against ahis all important measure, —(the Constitutional Treasury Bill,) and that the deblois of the banks were to be forced to oppose the bill, •or be ruined by the sale of their property. The writs were filled up, •and the indebted members of Congress, were warned that if they opposed the will of the banks, that if they would not sacrifice their predilictions in favor of the measuie, —if their love of liberty, and the best interests of the nation should predominate over their regard for the will anJ wishes of their creditors, that their property should 1 be thrown into the market, ami by its sacrifice, that their wives and children would be reduced to poverty.” Tne influence was doubtless felt tot ic fullest extent here portrayed by the editor of the Democrat; but the mode in which it was brought j to bear was in >re insidious, though not less potent. The agents did not assume quite so bold a tone—their experience taught them more , discretion. I'he sterotypr warning of every agent, so far as our in formation extends, was in about these words: “ Sir, if this bill PASS, OUR, AND EVERY OTHER BANK WILL BE COMPELLED TO WIND UP ITS BUSINESS IMMEDIATELY.” This was a general observation—but it was fully understood by every one to whom it was addressed. The trembling debtor heard it,as hears the condemned criminal the bell which summons him to execution. In such a state of things w.is it to be expected that pa triotism, however pure, could stand the trial ? Who will look to the Constitution or to the interests of Government or a people, when a starving family stands naked before his eyes making its piteous apfieals for bread ? We call upon one high in office — and to a South ern Senator, his endorser on notes to the amount of thirty thousand dollars, to say whether language of this import were not spoken in Ins ears during the pen lency of the bill ? We appeal to another member of the same body to say whether he did not tell us that “ if the hill passed he would be ruined ; as the Lank to which he was a debtor, had determined in such ease, to wind up its business? The Mine call might, with equal propriety,be made on, at least, one hun dred and fifty members who voted fur or against the bill ? Such was the mode in which the malign influence was brought to bear cn the question ; and we put it to the calm judgment of every thinking man in the country to say, whether such a state of things can end in good to the Republic ? It cannot. It will undermine dur institutions—sap the foundation of the public virtue—corrupt the Government, and destroy the public liberties. Every precept of common sense—every dictate of common patriotism cries aloud against it. If reckless and ambitious men must have ladders to mount into place and power, let them take some other than this. The evils which must result from this dangerous connection of the POLITICAL and the BANKING POWERS are too tremendous to be trifled with. The man or the party that advocates such a con nection is the deadliest enemy of the Constitution—of the Govern ment, and of the banks. Observe to what mad excesses this politi cal banking organization has already hurried its advocates. The last Winchester Republican—a leading Federal paper in Virginia, in some remarks on the resumption of specie payments, has the fol lowing commjnts on the course of the Government in relations to the banks : “ It is hoped, however, now that there have been such clear and decisive manifestations of popular sentiment in all sections of the country in opposition to its reckless experiments, and that Congress has refused to lend its sanction to them, that it will cease its warfare upon these institutions, and permit them to go on quietly to fulfil the objects for which they were created." “ Cease its warfare upon these institutions, (the banks) and PERMIT THEM To GO ON QUIETLY TO FULFIL THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH THEY WERE CREATED!!!” Was there ever such midness and delusion !—Were the banks created to hold and trade upon the public fuu Is? Do their chatters confer the-right to con vei t the treasures of the country into so much banking capital for the use of their stockholders ? Where they, in any, the least degree, created by the States as agents of the Federal Government ? And is the separation, a force from the unauthorized connection between them, to be construed as an act of positive “ warfare upon these in stitutions." Can any man iu his sober senses talk thus? Neither the State constitutions nor the State, laws—nor the Federal Consti tution ever authorized the unhallowed and dangerous Union ; nor was a Federal agency ever contemplated as among the “ objects," for which they were created. They have rightfully no more to do with the Federal revenues or the fiscal operations of the Federal Government th in the editor of the Republican himself. And what would be thought of him were he to contend that the Government ought to put the public revenues in his hands, to be used for his pri vate benefit; and, that, if it did not so do, it would be making “ war" on him ? He would, in such case, deserve to be pul in a mad-house—and would probably be so disposed of. And what bet ter right have the banks to demand the same unwarrantable privi lege ? None under heaven. And yet, we are gravely told that, to refuse them this boon is tantamount to a declaration of war against them! Nay,—worse than that—this it is substantially a "separa tion of the. (rone.mment from the people," an “ union of the purse and sword," a “ dangerous and despotic assumption of power," a granting, as Gov. Ritner expresses it, “to the. Federal Executive THE ENTIRE CONTROL OFTHE NATIONAL WEALTH, and of the WHOLE AMOUNT OF SPECIE IN THE COUN TRY, and the consequent power to affr.ct an lwtrA.n to its own rcßp.sr.s ALL THE CAPITAL AND CREDIT OFTHE WHOLE UNION !” Now, we ask any man possessed of three grains of common to say if all this is not the most bald and despicable jargon that .ever disturbed the human understanding ? Is it not clear that this party are even now prepared—in their wlid and reckless mania, to put both Government and people under the dominion of privi leged corporations? And will the free people of this country submit to it ? THAT IS THE QUESTION. — Washington Chronicle. {From the Savannah Georgian.] RESUMPTION. The Savannah Banks, we presume, are ready to resume, and all the Georgia Banks are able and willing: Resumption of Specie Payment* by the Charleston Banks.. —Tire following it from the Charleston Patriot of 24th inst.— I here can exist no doubt, from the arrangements now in pro gress, that the Banks generally at the North will resume spe cie payments about the period designated in Gov. Rimer’s Proclamation, as that prescribed for the Pennsylvania Banks —to wit, on the 13'h of August. The commercial reputation of Charleston requires that she should move in this matter si multaneously with the Northern Banks.—An understanding with the Georgia Institutions can be obtained in time to effect the object. I here can be no apprehension of disturbance hy anticipating the period fixed upon at the late Convention. Our Bank* have since greatly strengthened themselves, and the designation of a certain time for the resumption will have a tendency of itself to lower the exchanges, while the act of re sumption will restore that general confidence which must be followed by calling into immediate activity those large pecu niary resources now lying dormant on deposit in the various in ctitutions. Mr. Biddle cannot hold out against a general de- termination to resume, and we have little doubt that before the expiration of the period fixed in the Proclamation of Gov. Ritner, that he will have sufficiently strengthened himself front his funnds in Europe, the proceeds of his shipments, as to be able to resume, in common with the other banks in the country. From (he Richmond THE GOVERNMENT REPUDIATING ITS OWN PAPER. The following transaction will speak for itself: [a copy.] Post Office Department. Draft No. 5323. To J. J. Coddingtott, P. M. at New-York : At .sight, pay to Arthur Nelson, or order, one thousand four hun dred and .’wenty-four dollars and fifty cents, and charge to account of this Department AMOS KENDAL, P. M. General. sth July, 1838. Charged ; G. K. Gardner, Auditor P. O. Department. $ 1,424 50. Specie or Treasury Notes tfifinie.'l. — Having to pay to the Gov ernment two duty bonds amounting to abotn 8 1,930, we offered to day to Thomas Nelson, Esq. Collector of this port, $ 500 in specie, a Treasury note for SIOO and the above draft of the Cover illiienl for $ 1,424 50. 'The draft was promptly refused by the Collector, who stated that be had no authority to take such claims against the Government in discharge of claims due to it. We will, therefore, give the market value for the specie or Treasury notes. How long will a people who once called themselves free and independent submit to such tyranny 1 DAVID ANDERSON, jr.& CO. July 12. 1838. Remarks.- —“ Tyranny,” indeed ! What wrong has the Govern ment done to David Anderson, jr. and Co. T It bound itself to pay Arthur Nelson a sum of money in New-York. He had no tight to demand payment any where else. He assigned the draft to David Anderson, jr. and Co. who saw and know that it was payable in New-York and nowhere else. Os course they had no right to de mand pavinent any where else. Had payment be°n refused in New- York 2 Not at all. Hail they ever presented- it for payment? Never. But because the Government will not consent, for their pri vate accommodation filmy not having been its original creditors, but having procured this paper in market, knowing where it was payable,) to transfer its funds from New-York to Richmond, they call it “ ty ranny !” What makes this conduct the more contemptible is, that in or dinary times, the warrants and drafts of the Government never have been receivable for public dues at all, and under no cir cumstances have they been made so receivable, until they had first been presented to the place where payable, and payment refused. In 1837, Treasury warrants were made so receivable after having been so presented and payment refused. There never was a time from the days of Washington down, when Messrs. Anderson & Co. could have paid duties in Richmond with Treasury warrants on New- York without first presenting them in the latter city ; and there never was a time when they could make such payment with Post Office drafts under any circumstances. Yet they would have the country believe, that some new course lias been adopted, and that some un heard of “ tyranny" has been practiced upon them ! What do men deserve, who raise this false clamor against the Go vernment, because it will not render them special favors at the expense of the people? Do they merit ridicule or scorn? But it is in character with the Federalism of the day. It is not surprising, that men who are seeking to overthrow the Administration to get the public money for their own private use, should wish the Government, in addition to transport it for them to any place, where they may be pleased towant it. But “ will a people who once called theiusrlvesiree, submit to such” imposition? Will they pay taxes merely that David Anderson, jr. & Co., may have the use of the money, and then be at the trouble and expense of sending it to Richmond from New-York, or New-Orleans, Maine, or Missouri for their accommodation ?—- Globe. TO THE UNION PARTY. It is a great and glorious principle which binds us together, a principle no less sacred thaii that which engendered, created, and doth perpetuate our freedom and happiness as a people ; a principle which was agitated in the stormy days of the revo lution, and had its consummation in the ever hallowed epoch of ’76. This principle is before us in al! the greenness and purity of its youth, and in all the luxuriance and glory of its manhood. Like the sun in mid-heaven, the beauty and glory of the dav, so stands the principle ot Union, elevated above our pathway of life, shedding its brilliant rays in advance of our footsteps, gleaming upon the darkness of our withering prospects, and lighting us cheerfully onward to the goal of peace and pros perity. In all works where durabilily and strength of structure is considered, it is proper and essential that the purest cement should be applied. So with a party which would form itself upon a solid foundation, and which would essay to withstand the fierce tempests of discord and collision, it must be bound together by a common principle, united by a kindred spirit, and sustained by a unity and sympathy of feeling. I he cause which you have espoused, the cause of Union, em braces all that has been described above ; and von, as the mem bers of that cause, are battling under the broad banner of vottr country’s beacon-hope, and should leel inspired bv the breath of liberty. The mantle of your revolutionary fathers has fal len upon your shoulders, and beneath its ample f rills you should feel nerved and strengthened for every opposing conflict. Your cause is good, for it was purchased with struggles, l blood and death ; and after the battle smoke had cleared away, i i and your ancestors had been buried, the form of a Washington | arose, clad in the habiliments of political salvation, and placed | itself before you, the harbinger of hope and promise. His I laws were given—his precepts divulge:!—his virtues imparted ; I and the Cnion, based upon his gigantic eflorts and holy prin ciples, bids fair to remain forever. Democracy was the cardinal feature in the system of our first j I Ge.ieral and President. The wholesome dm*trine im ideated ! | by the savior of America, both by precept and practice, was ■ contained in these few words : voxpopuli, vox dei. And do you not feel yourselves bound by every considera- ; tten of veneration for your ancestors, and regard for vottr own peace and prosperity, to adhere closely and vigilantly to the great principle of republicanism which rims throughout the sacred Constitution oi these United States ; mid which marks in broad characters the declaration of our National Indepen dence? What stimulant can we offer you in the ‘ work of pa tience and labor of love ?’ ‘The Union must be preserved,’ , was the declaration of that great and extraordinary man, whose • suti of life is sinking behind the shades of his own Hermitage j and where is the patriot whose bosom fires with the love of country, who will not catch up the dying strains of the hero’s I song, ami swell it to ear.h’s utmost bounds! in the ear ol the Union party of Georgia do we blow the trumpet's blast, ami we would that the sound might perforate . very heart and startle every spirit. It is the day and hour in j which exertion must be made, mid the cry of ‘ Watchman, what I of the night,’ should reverberate from post to post. j In carrying out the great and fundamental principles of the I present administration, it well becomes every freeman to look to his democracy, mid see that it yield not to the monopolizing spirit of the age—to his republicanism, and see that it be not ■ iiiirtiire.l with the aristocracy of thrones and despots,—and to his patriotism, and see that it lose none of its lustre, as it shines amidst the brilliant constellation of republics, empires, and ' worlds, for ‘ ’Tis freedom's banner w aving o’er ns.' The Union party of the South hasan immense weight of res ponsibility’ to sustain. That great measure of divorce, w hich is to cut off from the general government, a multitudinous host ot banks, with all tlieir corrupt and pernicious influences, is to be maintain’ d, the fatal doctrine of abolition is to be ttp- I rooted in its germ, and the deadly sirocco, nullification, is to b<> circumscribed within reasonable bounds. There is no time then for a sentinel on the watch-tower of liberty to slumber. Let every independent voter lift his eye upon the great scene before him, and survey its magnitude. Let the Union party bestir themselves for every political conflict, whether national or local, and the victory will be theirs. Let Washington, Jef ferson and Madison be your file leaders—let a democratic re publican administration be vottr glory ami vottr pride. The good old Republican motto of “ Principles not Men," is re versed with our opponents. They go for certain men, no matter what their principles; and they go against certain other men, no matter what their views or opinions on political matters maybe. (See Recorder, Whig, &.r.) The ease with which the Georgia Whigs put on and off their po litical opinions, reminds one of the metamorphoses seen at the Thea tre, where the same individual that one hour fills the character of a flaming patriot, the next, is transformed into a cunning note shaver, or perchance, a highway robber ! A year or two ago our opponents were most immaculate State Rights men—Nullifiers —staking every thing upon principle—and counting names as mere straw ! There was something sublime in this: though wo regarded them as visionary enthusiasts, led away by their feelings, we could not but respect their apparent sincerity and devotion. “Principles, not men, was then their cry.” Who would then ever have dreamt of seeing them so soon abandoning their high ground, their proud and distinctive character, for that of grovelling politicians ? Is it possible that this appearance Os devotion and sin cerity was all assumed? We fear it was! They have abandoned almost every position they then occupied—every principle they then professed ! Then they went for principles not men—now they go for men, regardless of principle. Opposition to the present admin istration—or rather opposition to the present incumbents—to the of fice holders—is the only principle by which they cohere. Snb-Trea surv or no Sub-Treasury—Bank or no Bank is not the question with them. The only question with them is, “ W ill you help turn the present inbumbents out of office and put us iu ? If you will, you are one of us, be you nullifier, submissionist, tariffite, or sub-treasury man. If yon will not, you are not one of us !” This is the lan guage of our oj.’punets. 'I his is the ground they have chosen, on which to battle for power and patronage. The public good is not the object of their association, of tlieir struggle, of the deadly conflict in which they have embarked. Itisa political adventure : a piratical crusade against the government, and against the best interests of the country. It is a game in which they have nothing to lose, and much togain. It is a stake worth playing for. If they succeed, the ho nors of office and the pationage of government, aye, the whole re venue of the country, are theirs ! It is a noble prize, and valiantly • will they contend for it. Plain yeomanry of the country, will you place the destinies of the nation, the fate of posterity, in the hands ot reckless politicians and political gamblers?— Macon Telegraph. STATE RIGHTS and UNITED STATES RIGHTS. of Ogutott. ‘ I'he friends of the Union are our friends,and its enemies, out enemies.' TUESDAY riOUMVt;, AUGUST 14. Inion Democratic Republican Ticket. FOR CONGRESS. Gen. J. W. BURNEY, of Jasper. ] Dr. J. G. McWHDRTER, of Richmond, Hon. ALF’D IVERSON, o/ Muscogee, j Gen. CHAS. 11. NELSON, of Cherokee, D. C. CAMPBELL, Esq. of Bibb, ROB’T W. POOLER, of Chatham, Gen. B. G RAVES, of Newton, Col. J. S. PATTERSON, of Early, JUNIUS HILLYER, Esq. of Clark, UNION NOMINATION FOR BALDWIN COUNTY. At a meeting of the Union party, held at McComb’s Hotel on Sattir ■lay the 11 th inst. the following gentlemen were nominated to supply the place of the former nomination, all of whom had deciiued. GEORGE LEEVES. Senate. CH XRLF.S D. HAMMOND, ) „ RICHARD ROWELL, tj Representatives. THE CONTRAST. The I nion Ticket for Congress is composed of men entertaining the same principles in regard to all the leading measures of Government. I hey advocate a strict construction of the Federal Constitution, and deny to the General Government, the exercise of any power not spe cifically delegated to it. 1 hey oppose a tariff for protection—lnternal Improvements— and a national Bank by Congress, because the entire jurisdiction over these questions is reserved to the’States. They are decidedly in favor of separating the Government fiom the Banks, Ist, because the connexion has already proved disasterous to both, ami secondly, because the tendency of such a union leads directly to consolidation. If the alliance between them continues, it will strengthen the power of the Federal Government, while it will, in the same ratio, diminish ! that independence of the States, which forms the great safeguard of our ; liberties. Such a Ticket, the Union Party presents to the people, united in op position to every encroachment of Federal power. On the contrary, the Whigs present a Ticket, united upon no common principle, hut mixed up of all the elements which arc to be found among the existing parties of the day. Some for the Sub-Treastny— some against it-—some for a National Bank—some Conservatives, &e. &xc. How can a party united upon common principles support such a I Ticket? and yet their presses cro calling out fo.'htallv. It is time for the Union Party to put on its armour and march out iu ’ its full stiength. Ihe day of trial is at hand, and let it be remembered, that “ Uniled we stand, divided we fall." EXCHANGE. Upon no subject has the public mind been more abused, or the sober ! reason of the people so much disgusted as upon that of the currency and exchanges. The Federal-Bank-Whig press, has labored with a recklessness and perseverance seldom equalled, to fasten upon the Government, all the evils which have grown out of overbanking, overtrading, overspeculatin"- and over living, for the sole object of alarming the country into the sup port of a National Bank. The difference of Exchange between different points of the Union have all been ascribed to the measures of the Government, and the re medy—the great regulator—-a National Bank, has been as steadily held up as theinfailible nostrum, the “ king cure all,” of ail our diseases and ditficulties. Ihe Southern merchfinti who (or nenrly eighteen months p<isr, h<is been compelled to pay from eight to fifteen percent, for Northern funds, is told, that this tax has been imposed upon him by the Government that her refusal to recharter the United States Batik, has brought all this mischief upon the country, and until it is re-established, times will grow no better. Such is the slang with which we have been drugged from day to day» and week to week, but the time is close at hand, which is destined to falsify all the predictions, and to prove hy stubborn fact, that the rate of exchanges depends alone, upon the con duct of the local Banks; and that whenever they fulfil tlieir obligations to the public, in good faith, exchanges will comeat once, to their proper standard ; because when all the banks redeem their notes in specie, the rate of exchange between any two given points, is as easily ascertained, as the freight of a bale of cotton—the rost of transportation being the only difference. I 1 o place the matter in the clearest point of view, let us suppose that I a merchant of Milledgeville owes a debt in New-York. He collects ' the amount in the Bills of the City Banks, and calls upon them foi ex change oti New-York. They answer, we cannot draw. Well, says the merchant, if you cannot give me New-York funds lor your bills, I must take the specie. He receives it, and ships it—pays freight and insu rance, which we presume would no! costovorone, or one and a quarter per cent., and there is the rate of exchange between Milledgeville and New-York, whenever the Banks redeem their bills in specie, and upon the same principle, may it be estimated between any other two given points. The banks in Georgia, will, in all probability, resume in about fifty days, and as a proof that our position is correct, we learn that exchange is already coming down, and if they do resume, and continue to meet their engagements as they should do, we predict, that before the first day of next November, their will he no complaint i i Georgia, about the rate of exchange; and if oi:r predictions prove true, it will then he seen, that the high rate which has been paid since May 1837, was not caused by the acts of the Government, bat by the refusal of the Banks to redeem their promises; and if half as much exertion had been made to biin" the Banks to a sense of their duty, as there has been to convict the Go vernment of bringing down a groat calamity upon the country, the evil wotdd have been cured much sooner than it will be. Laying it down, that the true rate of exchange between any two given places, each paying specie, is no more than the cost of transport ing gold and silver from one to the other, we venture another predic tion. which, if it proves true, will affird a practical illustration of the principle laid down—ft is this:—lf Geogia resumes in October, and Alaba .aa and Miss : ssippi. do not, we predict, that while Georgia gets ex change on the North at a reasonable rate, it will nearly or quite main tain its present standard in the other two Slates named, until they re sume, and that when they resume, exchange will fall in proportion to the expense of transporting the precious metals ; and thus the whole maltei will be regulated without the aid of a National Bank. Let the States commence a system of reformation in the local institu tiitions—let them search out the existing defects and apply the remedy, place them upon such a footing, that they dare not violate their faith to the public, and they will be valuable to the country. But as long as the present system prevails, of expansions, contractions, and suspen sions, tho currency mid exchanges must be necessarily deranged. Give us specie paying Banks, and we will ensure you exchange at a fair and reasonable rate. The Government has been accused of making war upon the Banks, hut the story has already grown stale and threadbare, and while on this j subject, it is duo to tho Banks generally, to state, that the charge did ' not originate with them. It was a device of Federalism, Whigism, and j National Bankism, to alarm the State institutions, and draw them into the support of the federal party; but the Banks understand it. and wil| think and act for themselves. Tho course ol the Administration towards the deposite Banks, stamps the seal of falsehood upon it. In May 1837, those Banks having the custody of the public revenue, found themselves, iu coinmou with all others, unable to meet their engagements, and the President was com pelled, on that account, to call an extra session of Congress, for the pur pose of devising the ways and means to meet the liabilities of the Go vernment, and the course which he advised in regard to the Banksliold iug deposites, was of a chaiacter so mild and forbearing, as to entitle him to their gratitude and respect. That policy has been since, steadily pursued, and no deposite Bank has been harrassed or embarrassed by the General Government. Neither the President orchis friends desire to war upon the local in stitutions of the country, because they believe them to be, under proper regulations, a public benefit; but they profess the doctrines of State Rights, and act upon them. They maintain that the incorpoiation of n Bank by Congress, would be a palpable infraction of the Federal Con .’itutiou, and aii open violation of the reserved rights of the States; and bei.'eving therefore, that the States have wisely reserved to themselves, the en tire jurisdiction over the subject of Banking corporations, they would le'Rve it entirely to their management and control, askin ' only a total divoiT.e and separation from an impolitic and uiiconstitutioual con nexion. What more Joes the Government ask? Nothin*—she only claims the humble privilege of managing her own affairs, leaving the Banks to do likewise, and to this ;t will sooner or later come. The public mind is awake to the subject, and troth and reason must prevail. The Administration and its friends desire to see tho State Banks pros oer, and they confidently believe that with the necessary reformation of the latticing system-—such reformation as will make tlieir paper circula- j tion the t.' ue representative of gold and silver, our widely extended couu- I try will contain R> 3 soundest currency a.nd the cheapest exchanges, of any j other upon tho Globe’. PARSON OF CHEROKEE CONVICTS. The Governor has pa. doncd aii the Cherokee Indians, (twelve) con fined in the Penitentiary, witi. a vietV to their emigration to the west. They left this place a few days Since, SllKtcr the charge of one of their • countrymen, employed, we presume, by the conimi?uding General, to conduct them to tho rendezvous at Ross' landing. “STAND BY, AND LET OLD CHATHAM SPEAK."' First and foremost, the Banks of Savannah have resolved to resutMe specie-payments on the first day of October next. May their example be followed by every Banking institution in the State, and then we shall have no more lamentations over the currency and exchanges. The spirit which now animates her people is distilled in a short time, to give a new impetus to enterprize aud wealth. The vigor with which the great Central Rail Road is pushed forward into the interior, gives promise of a new era in her affairs, and must in a few years, elevate her to a high rank amoug the commercial cities of the Uuiom WHAT DOES THIS MEAN? Office of the Darien Telegraph, August 4, 1838. It is with mortified feelings that we have to announce to our readers that we willdiscoutinue the publication of the Darien d'elegraph. for the present. Our friends may be assured that it is no slight cause that leads its to this course. When we say, that if we do not do so, our house will be burned—our helpless, innocent children and beloved wife, murdered—and the few gallant friends toe have, sacrificed— and that property would be destroyed iu the city, that fifty years would not replace—we say the truth. But enough, at present. Those who are indebted to us will please make immediate payment to the persecuted editor. C. MACARDELL. (E?“ Our exchange papers will please not to discontinue their corres pondence. THE CHEROKEES. We have just seen a letter from Calhoun, Tenn., stating the fact, i that Gen. Scott, had contracted with John Ross for the removal of the i Cherokees. He (Gen. Scott) stands pledged to Ross iu the amount of three hundred thousand dollars, to enable him to employ wagons and pay other necessary expenses. We further learn that this arrangement has created considerable excitement at the Agency, especially among the Cherokees, a great number of whom, having declared a decided prefer ence to be removed by the Government, and are altogether averse to trusting their destiny in the hands of Ross; perhaps but too well ac quainted with bis penurious nature, to anticipate a plentiful supply for themselves and families, while on the road to Arkansas IF. Georgian- “ We would take this opportunity to request our friends to examine their own opinions in regard to the sub-Treasury scheme. That scheme as we understand it, is one thing, as Mr. Van Buren seems to understand it. another. We do not believe we can be brought to see it with the ‘‘lights” of Mr. Van Buren, nor do we believe that the Sub-Treasury, as the State Rights party would mould it. will ever be put to a fair trial by the present Administration. They *rce too deeply wedded to then own corrupt views, to abide the direction of an honest party. If it were established to-morrow, according to a plan on which our whole party would not differ, we doubt if the Government would adhere to its prin ciples.” We extract the above from the last Georgia Journal; and we beg the reader to examine it attentively; for if he does, he cannot fail to disco ver a decided indication of shuffling in the ranks of our opponents on this great question. The same disposition to mystify—to he sub-treasu ry men. aud yet not be sub-treasury men exactly—to advocate a divorce —and yet object t.r every plan proposed to effect it—was manifest among the Journal’s friends at the recent commencement; and we doubt not that this is the course to be adopted in order to retain both divisions of the nullification party, and make them act together. But we ca.ll upon them to come fonvard with a plan which they will support. We call upon the Journal to let us know how he would “ mould” a sub-treasury project; and we can then tell him whether Mr. Van Buren’s friends will agree to it or not. The plan of the Administration is before the world —let the nuliifiers of Georgia agree upon theirs aud present it, and show wherein lies the difference. Let the people see your true position, gen tlemen ; if your views are honestly entertained, you need not fear that they should be known— Southern Banner. From the Washington Globe. The “ Spirit of Ike West," an energetic Republican paper of Illinois, presents some most happy illustrations of the “ dis tress" of the present times for want of a National Bank, com pared with the “ prosperity" of former times, when the country was blessed with a National Bank, and also with a Federal Administration. From 1819 to 1826, which included seven years of United States Bank rule, and two years of Messrs. Adam’s and Clay’s administration, it gives quotations of the price of produce, and shows that the prices are about two, or three, or four times higher in this season of distress than they were in that season of prosperity. How desirable it is that the Republican editors generally would look into their old files, and give such quotations as are given by the Spirit of tbe West in the following articles: GLORIOUS TIMES OF THE UNITED STATES BANK. Cyrus Edwards, the candidate for Governor who “glories in Federalism,” tells the people of Illinois, and puts his elec tion upon it, that he wants to see “ revived the glorious times of the Bank of the United States.” What say you, farmers of Illinois? Do you want to see those times revived? What pri ces did you get for your wheat, corn, and pork, in 1821, when the Bank of the United States was in full career? An old resident, and one of the most respectable of our citizens, in- j formed us yesterday, that in 1821 our produce in this State sold j as follows: WHEAT- —three hits a bushel. COHN—one bit a bushel. COWS—-four dollars a head. PO UK—one cent a pound, payable in old Stale Bank paper which was fifty per cent. BELOIV PAR!!! All this was during the “ glorious times," of the United Slates Bank, as Cyrus Edwards calls them, and which he avss he wants to see restored ! Compare these times with the present, which Cyrus Ed- i wards invites you to put down ! Wheat is a dollar a bushel! Corn, fifty cents! Cows, fifteen to twenty dollars a head ! Pork, three to five cents a pound ! These are the times present, which you yourselves, people of Illinois, contributed to bring about by sustaining the Demo-| cratic policy of ANDREW JACKSON and MARTIN VAN ; BUREN! Yet Cyrus Edwards bewails this policy, by which j you receive three times as much for your produce as vou got in 1821. He says that it is “ a policy tbe desolating effects of which are passing with a hurricane violence over the land !! ” J’ RACT IC A L 1L LUST RAT IONS. ’time past vs. time present. “ Glorious times of the United. States Bank."—Cyrus Ed wards. Extract from the Vincennes Price Current, April, 1824. “ Flour $2 per barrel. Bacon 3 cts. per pound. Bank U. S. Stock, 118 dollars for 100 cost.” high—Hour ami bacon low. “ / want to see these times retired."—Cyrus Eduards. “ Desolating effects of a policy which is passing with a hur ricane violence over the land."—Cyrus Edwards. I Extract from the St. Louis Price Current. June, 1838. j “ Flour S 3 per barrel. Bacon 8 a 10 cts. Bank U.S., (Stock, no sales.” (t?*Stock low—flour and bacon high. Cyrus Edward’s Bank of the United Stales policy-—Keep flour and bacon down, and lite people poor, and Jet the stock dealers gat rich. Mr. Van B uren’s policy—Keep down the times of the Bank of the United States', when the farmers got; but hall price—and keep up the price of Gacori and flour,.that our far mers may thrive. THE TABI.ES TURNED. Mr. Biddle once had the grace to speak of the men in pow er us “ fugitives liorn the penitentiary,” and of the people who placed them there as a “ rabble rout,” destined to be “scourg ed back to their dens,” in his own good time. The same Mr. Biddle is now classed, not among the fugitives from, but tJie inmates of, the penitentiary, and by the recorded vote of a de cisive majority in both branches of the National Legidature. Ihe House ol Representatives on Saturday, among other things, passed Mr. Grunby’s bill making it a felony, punishable fide and imprisonment, to reissue the redeemed notes of the defunct United States Bank—a practice which Mr. BidtJle has continued for mouths and months to pursue, in utter disregard ol all moral, if not legal obligations. The bill, having before passed the Senate, has now become a igw—and that too, with the assent, tacit or open, ol some of his more scrupulous abet tors ! Such was the general reprobation of Mr. Biddle’s course in this matter, that oi all his retainers and sattellites on th? floor ol Congress, none, save such men as the braggart Wise, S. S. 1 rentiss, (the new member from Mississippi,) and Jenifer, had the effrontery to attempt a justification. On tiie contrary the Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce states that “many W higs did- not think itexpedient to oppose the bill.” Indeed, almost the entire burthen of de fending Jlr. Biddle and his “ resurrection notes,” fell upon Air. Wise, who is reported to have threatened speaking through the whole of the remnant of the session, at the hazard of de feating all the bills behind, unless this verdict against swindling and imposition should be suspended or laid aside! z \nd in this spirit he resisted the bill to the last—voting in the affirma tive on its final passage for the purpose of moving a reconside ration, which he did, but without success, being voted down in all stages of the bill, after having been repeatedly choked oil’ by the liberal use of. the previous question. So Air. Biddle stands recorded on the journals of the Na tional Legislature, and by the confession of some of his own partisans, cis guilty of acts deserving of the penitentiary, in the reissue of his “resurrection notes.”— Albany Argus. Question. —Why did the Federal party in Pennsylvania shout for sliin-pbsters in 1837, and wbv do they shout for specie payments in AiJswer. —They desired to make money by cheating an honest people it? 1837, and they wish to secure an honest people’s votes to elect a Federal Governor in 1838. "Taking the Lend,"-—Mr. Biddle has taken, the last day cr grace allowed him by the' Governor’s Proclamation, mid induced tho smaller banks to postpone tiiS resumption from the first to the thir teenth of August next! Huzza ibi'the “ Regulator!” A New Method of Making Bools and Shoes.— A man in New- York has invented a new way of manufacluring boots and shoes, which is thus partially described: Ist. The whole lower portion, or sole and insole, of the boot or shoe, is made with but one seam, in stead of two, as at present; thus increasing the facility and durability of the manufacture. 2d. The boots and shoes are much more beau- ■ tiful in appearance during their whole wearing, in consequence of the upper leather being turned from under the foot, and inserted in a peculiar channel cut in the insole, which prevents the upper lea-. (her both from cracking and wrinkling, and thus increasing the value-., without enhancing the cost of the. article. 3d. By dispensing with the inseam, the boot or shoe is rendered far more easy to the foot, thus preventing corns and bunnions; and there being no welt requiring scraps to fill up the hollow space between the sole and the insole, which is now occasioned by the welt, the part on which the foot rests does not become irregular and uneven, nor is the sole so soon thrown, out of place, and unequally worn away. TRUE DEFINITION OF LOCOFOCOISM. The advocates of equal rights contending against the schemes of those who, too proud or too lazy to work, arc eternally contriving plans how to make other people do it for them—such as with banks, ostensibly created to relieve the people, but truly to promote the in terest of the stockholders and directors. Such as with railroadswith banking privileges, demanding of the Legislature a law to compel the State to issue bonds, and borrow money to build the road for the stockholders, and let them have all the profits. Opposition to these schemes of trickery Js called locofocoism. Four Funny Fellwos—Theodore Cibber in company witlr three others, made an excursion. Theodore had a false set of teeth—a se cond a glass eye—a third a cork leg—-but the fourth had nothing in. particular except a funny way of shaking his head. They travelled in a post coach, and while on the first stage, after each had made merry with his neighbor’s infirmity, they agreed at every baiting place, to effect the same singularity. When they came to breakfast they were all to squint—and language cannot ex press how admirably they all squinted—for they went a degree be yond the snrperlative. At dinner they all appeared to have a cork leg, and their stumping about made more diversion than they had done at breakfast. At tea they were all deaf, but at supper, which was at the ‘Ship’at Dover, each man resumed his character, the better to play his part in the farce they had concerted among them. When they were ready to go to bed, Cibber cried out to the waiter, ‘ Here, you fellow ! take out my teeth. ‘ Teeth sir ?’ said the man. ,Ay, teeth sir. Unscrew that wire, and they’ll come out together. ’ After some hesitation, the man did as he was ordered. This was no sooner done than a second called out-—‘Here you! take out my eye.’ ‘Sir,’ said the waiter, ‘your eye?’ ‘Yea my eye. Come here you stupid dog, pull up that eyelid, and it will come out as easily as possible.’ This done, the third cried out —‘Here you ras cal ! take off my’ leg.’ This he did with less reluctance, being be fore apprised that it was cork, and also conceiving that it was his last job. He was however mistaken: the fourth watched his oppor tunity, and whilst the frightened waiter was survey ing with rueful countenance, the eye, teeth, and leg, lying on the table, cried in a frightful hollow voice—‘Come here, sir—takeoff my head.’ Turn ing round and seeing the man’s head shaking like that of a manda rin upon a chimney-piece, he darted out of the room, and after tumbling downstairs, lie ran madly about the house as if terrified out of his senses.— -Flower of Anecdotes. * MARRIED, On Tuesday morning last, in the Methodist Church, by the Rev. Mr. Moseley, Mr. Charles Eaton Ryan, to Miss Mary Ann Buffington, all of this city. At Rockingham, in the State of Vermont, on the morning of the 22d July, by the Rev. J.B. p ratt, Col. John Bozeman, of Haynesville, Ga. to Miss Sarah B. daughter of Doctor Noah Pratt, of the former place. A CARD.—The Union party of DeKalb county are requested to jljL meet in Decatur on Tuesday, the 4th of Spetetnber, tor the pur-, pose of nominating candidates to represent them in the Senate and House of Representatives of the State Legislature. MANY CITIZENS. THE MEMBERS OF THE UNION PARTY of Meriwethercoun-. ty are requested to meet in Greenville, on Friday, 21th hist. for the pur-, pose of nominating candidates for the next Legislature. A general at tendance is solicited. MANY VOTERS. . NOTICE. —To Jesse Loyall, Charles W. C. Wright, Wm. White, Henry George. William Goolsby, Graves S. Wilson. John R.j Dicken. I'homas B. Rivers, Henry Miller—Also, Edward Y. Hill and. Joshua Hill, as individuals, and as Attorneys at Law for Peter Cobler and others, Frederick Ragland and Gilbreth Simonton, aud William V.’ Burney, Merchants end Partners trading under the firm and stylo of Simonton &. Bmney. all of the county of Jasper and State of Georgia : Greeting—You, arid each of you, are hereby notified, that Lhave ap-. • plied to Greene I). Brantly and 11. L. McGregor. Esquires, two of the I Justices of the Peace in and for the county of Chambers and State of i Alabama, for the benefit, of the Insolvent laws of said Slate of Alabama, and that they have appointed the 13th day of September, A. D. 1838, for me to appear before them, at the Court-House of said county of Chambers, between the hours of 1(1 o’clock A. M. and 5 o'clock P. M. of that day, then and there to file a schedule of try property and ef fects. and to take the oath of Insolvency : when and where you can ap j pear if vou think proper. Yours &c. I August 11 30—3 t. THOMAS J. DUNOM. ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.—WiII be sold on the first Tuesday in November next, at Fayetteville, Fayette county, agreeable to ’ an order of the Honorable the Inferio' - Court of Jasper county, when | sitting for ordinary purposes, the west half of LOT No. 155, in the I sth district formerly Henry county, belonging th the estate of George I W. Wright, late of Jasper county deceased. j Augustll 30—ids. JOHN PRICE, Adin’r. HP HE Subscriber offers himself to the citizens'of Hancock county" I JG as a candidate for the Representative branch of the Legislature. August I I 30—te JAMES R. WHALEY. I GEO 11(11 t. Carroll County. ]' " OOK AT THIS THlS’—Personally came before me. John Hcl- J, dihrtind an acting Justice of the Pence for said county, Marga ' ret Welch, and, after being duly sworn, deposeth mid sayeth, that acer- I tain promissory note given to her, assigned by John M. P. Clinton, of the amount of ninety-three dollars and fifty cents, duo the 20th of De cember, 1837, given some time in the slimmer, sairie year, and that is all the promissoiy note that ever was made, between them, andthatsaid note is cither lost or mislaid, so that the deponent cannot come at the same. Sworn to, and subscribed this 27th of May, 1838. MARGARET WELCH JOHN HELDIBRAND, J. P. * j nl y 3-24