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EDITED BY THOMAS HAYNES.
VOL. V. 33.
'SSjlanbavb of
BY P. E. KOBBNSON, Suite Printer.
And Publisher (by authority) of the Lairs of the I'nited States
OFFICE NEAR THE CORNER OF WAYNE. AM) FRANKLIN STREETS.
ISSUED EVERY Tl ESDAY MORNING.
Uy TERMS. —Three Dollars per annum. No subscription taken for loss than a
»ear, and no paper discontinued, but at the option of the publisher, until all arrear
ages are paid.
CHANGE OF DIRECTION.—YY e desire such of our subscribers as mar nt anv
time w ish the direction o> ;‘.,eir papers chanced from one Post Office to another, to
inform us, in all cases, of the place to wliieh they had been previons'y sent; as the
mere order to forward them to a ditlerent office, places it almost out of our power to
comply, because wo have no mentis of ascertaining the office from which tbev are
ordered to bo changed, but by a search through our whole subscription book, con
taining several thousand names.
ADVERTISEMENTS inserted at the usual rates. Sales of LAND, bv Admi
nistrators, Executors, or Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tues
day in the month, Iwtween the hours of ton in the forenoon and three in the after
noon. at the Court House in the county in which the property is situate. Notice of
these sales must bo given in a public gazette SIXTY’ DAYS previous to the day of
sale. • V 1 V
Sales of NEGROES must be at piiMwaiu-tmmmi Tfi <At?k *1 ueWy of the month
between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county vv here the
letters testimentary, of Administration of Guardianship, may have been granted, first
giving SIXTY’ DAYS notice thereof, in one of tiie public gazettes of this State,
and at the door of the Court House where such sales are tube held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner, FORTY’
DAY’S previous to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published FORTY
DAYS.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell i
LAND, must be published for FOUR MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must bo published for FOUR MONTHS ;
before any order absolute shall be made by the Court thereon.
Notice of Application for Letters of Administration must be published THIRTY’
DAY'S.
Notice of Application for Letters of Dismission from the Administration of an Es
ate, are required to be published monthly for SIX MONTHS.
KFTmi STANDARD OF UNION, which came into life during the stormy pc- i
riod of 1333,has entered the sixth year of its existence, with fresh vigor and renew- I
•d energies, in support of the great cause of the CONSTITUTION and the UNION.
For the patronage which it h is received, and the estimate which has been so gene- ,
r.uslv placed upoti our feeble efforts to maintain the stability and perpetuity of our I
blessed institutions, we have no adequate language to express our gratitude; and in I
return foi these unerring evidences of the public approbation, we are armed with ad- |
ditional strength to go forward.
The principles w hich the Standard has heretofore advocated, it will continue to i
maintain, with increased energy.
It shall be, as it has been, the STANDARD OF UNION. It shall support and de- |
fend the UNION of ALL the STATES, as the only means of preserving “ the sove- i
reignty of EACH,” and to inculcate the great and wholesome truths, upon which
our fathers eo gallantly achieved the principles of liberty and independence.
YY'e shall oppose with vigilanec, any abuse or usurpation of power by the Federal
Government, by all constitutional means, and as zealously oppose all rash and reck
less movements by States, calculated to jeopardize the harmony of our beloved
Union, “ until the accumulation of oppression, shall ontweigh the evils of separation.”
YY'e cling with unwavering confidence co the great fundamental principle, that man
ra capable of self-government; and will in no wise be instrumental in arresting the
experiment now in progress, by witch alone this great problem cun be solved. YY'e
desire to see the principles of the American revolution acted out, that the world may
know, whether mankind arc worthy the blessings of liberty and independence, or
w hether, from their own wickedness and folly, they are the natural subjects of anar
chy and despotism. Fur ourselves, we have too much confidence in the wisdom and
firmness of our institu-’ions —in the intelligence and patriotism of the people—to ■
question for a singl' moment, the final and glorious triumph of REPUBLICAN j
GOVERNMENT,o'er all others.
The fierce doc*mes ot Nullification, which weeneountered at the commencement
of our career.*tter a fiery contest of four or five years, have sunk at last, under the
paramount-’i> fl lienee of public opinion; and are now only remembered as a thing that
was. Bat others have grown up of no less fatal tendency. The struggle of the
United States Bank for unlimited power, should awaken the democracy of the Union I
tome united and vigorous effort to rr-ist the inSuence of a monopolizing spirit, ■
which is seeking to subject the Government and the people to its dictatorial and des
potic sway. In this contest, the Standard of Union will be found, as it bus heretofore '
been, on the side of the people.
But there is still another projec on foot, which every man who loves his country j
must contemplate with mingled emotions of horror and indignation. The attempt of I
the northern fanatics to interfere with our domestic institutions, in open violation o>'l
the constitution, deserves the execration of every patriot, and shall not fail to receive !
our unceasaig, uncompromising, end most efficient opposition.
Upon the subject of the currency, we entertain but one opinion—that no Govern
ment should sanction the existence of any circulating medium, which is not cqttiva
ent to golland silver; and that the States alone, possessing the power of incorpo
rating and regulating Banks, should lose no time in reforming the system ns it now
exists, aid ot placing all Banking institutions upon such a foundation as will insure ;
the fulfilment of their obligations, in good faith to the public.
As gold and silver form the only currency known to the Constitution, it is our i
deliberate opinion, that nothing else should be received by the Government, in the I
collection of its dues; mid as it regards the separation of the Government from all j
Banks, the measure proposed by President Van Buren, generally known as theJ.Sub- |
Treasury System, meets our most cordial and decided approbation.
YVe approve the measures of the present administration, as we did those of its
illustrious predecessor, believing them to be founded upon the pure principles of I
de-nocraey, and shall give them our best support.
Thus have we briefly adverted to the course of the Standard in times past, and the |
path it will pursue in future, cheered on as it is, by the confidence and support of
the Union Party. YVith a circulation equalled by very few Journals in the Southern
States, we shall double our diligence to make it every way worthy of the support
which it has received from an enlightened community.
Intending as we do, to make it a source of increased information upon general
subjects, and to render it an instrument of additional usefulness to the cause which
it advocates, and the principles it maintains, we confidently appeal to the UNION
PARTY, for an increase of its circulation.
Nor need it be supposed from the foregoing, that our columns will be lacking in in
terest to the general reader. Containing as they do, more space than is embraced in
those of any other journal in this or our neighboring States, and printed in a neat
and compact form, we shall have ample room to give place to the choicest gems that
appear in the numerous and valuable periodicals of our country, and keep the search
er after news advised of the many and remarkable events that transpire in our ex
tended territory; and we do hope, that occasionally, at least, we shall have the plea- '
sure of laying before our readers, productions from the pens of some of the gifted
eons of our own Georgia.
In the approaching campaign, we shall lie found at our posts, manfully sustaining
the nominations of our Party, nothing doubting that we shall gain a signal triumph,
on the first Monday in October next.
MILLEDGEVILLE COURSE, GEORGIA.
1
and fifty forfeit—3 or more to
make a race; to close the first of October, and name at the stand.
Iverson & Bonner, j
2d day—Mile heals, for a fine Silver Pitcher and Cup, worth S2OO,
•for colts and fillies, 2or 3years old, §25 dollars entrance—3 or more to
make a race.
3rd day—Two mile heht, free for all, Parse, § 300.
4th day—Three “ *Purse, 500.
,sth day—Four " “ •* “ Purse, 1000.
Otb day—One mile heats, best 3in 5. Purse, 400.
11. F. YOUNG, & CO. Proprietors.
Milledgeville July 31st, 1838. 28—wilt.
Al X Bins VIVAWS.
BOOKER &. YOUNG have this day dissolved copartnership, by
mutual consent. All persons who are indebted,to the subscribers,
■either by note or account, are requested to make immediate payment to
*’ii i ’ "ho is authorized to settle all demands. No indulgence
"ill be granted longer than the first of September.
July2s, 1838. BOOKER & YOUNG.
Ihe establishment will hereafter lie cartied on under theimme
' late direction ol the sitbscrilter, who would say to his friends and the
I'rr i'ir s * le " I,eil^s km-pitig on hand a general assortment of CON-
I' M,l IONA RY, &c. Ilia BAR, also, will be surpassed bv none, as
r «4a r <is neatness, order, and the most CHOICE LIQUORS; and he
• « ore hopes ho may meet, with a share of public patronage.
. L. A. YOUNG,
her ii< 10 clt y papers will publish the above until the first of Septern
"29—st.
Fl B. W. FORCE & CO.
WHOLESALE SHOE DEALERS,
feix Augusta,
evcrvarticlc i>. tl.i Thousand Packager Boots mid Shoes, comprising
nnmu Ui.iv whi “ ■'* 7"‘ M ’ l ‘ l ,l “ ! " w in N " rtl -’ r " -i'“l) ar-
Leather. ” * 1 ,na, * u l ac turea direct. A full assortment of nil kinds of
Jugnsta, March SO, B. W. FORCE & CO.
CJ F !,iIV,: l,ec " in ,ho h!,bit of
tbe nroririeim- it. a ,i H0,,1C •‘trie past, are informed by
ebould their offences belaud, of ,b ” la f w ’
THE Annual Jockey Club
Fall meeting xvill commence
on Monday, the 12th of No
vember next, and continue
nixdajs. The following pur
ses will be given.
Ist. day.— A Post. Stake
four mile heats, entrance five
hundred dollars, two hundred
tl zl (*F «7 « rfz.i F ....... . .
ggimtiwo 01 Wmoiu
MISCELLANEOUS.
From the Ckai lesion Courier.
POLITE GENTLEMAN.
.Joseph Price, of Bread-street hill, merchant, and one of the
directors ot the South Sea Company—the same to whom Ed
wards, the Shakspeare commentator, has addressed a line sou
,H‘l—was the only pattern of consistent gallantry I have met
with. He took me under his shelter at an early age, and be
stowed some pains upon me. 1 owe to his precepts and ex
ample whatever there is of man of businesss (and that is not
much) in my composition. It was not his fault that 1 did not
prolit more. Though bred as a Presbyterian, and brought
up a merchant, he was the finest gentleman of his time. He
had not one system of attention to females in the drawing
room, and another in the shop or at the stall. Ido not mean
that he made no distinction. But he never lost sight of sex,
or overloked it in the casualties of a disadvantageous situation.
I have seen him stand bareheaded—smile if you please —to a
poor servant girl while she has been inquiring of him the w ay
to some street, in such a posture of unforced civility, as neither
to embarrass her in the acceptance, nor himself in the oiler of
it. He was nd dangler, in the common acceptation of the
word, after women, but he reverenced ami upheld, in every
form in w hich it came before him, womanhood. 1 have seen
him—nay, smile not—tenderly escorting a market mofyan
whom he encountered in a shower, exalting his umbrella over
her poor basket ol fruit, that it might receive no damage, with
as much carefulness as it she had been a countess. To the
reVerend form of an old female he w ould yield the w all (though
it were to an ancient beggar w oman) with more ceremony than
we can afford to show our grandams. He was the Prettx
Chevalier ot the age ; the Sir Calidore, or Sir Tristan to those
who have no C alidores or Tristan to defend them. The roses
that had long faded thence, still bloomed for him in those
withered and yellow cheeks.
He was never married, but in his youth paid his addresses
to the beautiful Susan Winstanley, old Winstanley’s daughter,
of Clapton, who, dying in the early days of their courtship,
confirmed in him the resolution of perpetual bachelorship. It
was during their short courtship, he told me be had been one
day treating his mistress with a Profusion of civil speeches
the common gallantries, te which kind of thing she had hither
to manifested no repugnance—but in this instance with no
effect. He could not obtain from her a decent acknowledg
ment in return. She rather seemed to resent his compliments.
He could not set it down as caprice, for the lady had always
shown herself above that littleness. When he ventured on tiie
following day, finding her a little better humored, to expostu
late with her on her coldness of yesterday, she confessed with her
usual frankness, that she had no sort of dislike to his attention ;
that she could even endure some high flown compliments; that
a young woman placed in her situation had a right to expect
all ■sorts of civil things said to her ; that she hoped she could
digest a dose of adulation, sort of insincerity, with as little
injury to her humility as most young women • but that a little,
before he had commenced his compliments, she had overheard
him by accident, in rather rough language, rat'ng a young
woman who had not brought home his cravats quite to the ap
pointed time, and she thought to herself, “As I am Miss Susan
Winstanly, and a young lady, and a reputed beauty, known to
be a fortune, I can have my choice of the finest speeches from
the mouth of the very fine gentleman who is now courting me ;
but if I had been poor Mary such-a-one (naming the milliner)
and had failed of bringing home the cravats to the appointed
hour, though, perhaps, I had set up half the night, to forward
them, what sort of compliments should I have received then?
And my woman’s pride came to mv assistance, and 1 thought if
it were noly to do me honor, a female like myself might have
received handsomer usage ; and I was determined not to ac
cept any fine speeches to the compromise of that sex, the be
longing to which was, after all, my strongest claim and title
to them.”
I think the lad ; discovered both generosity and a just wav
of thinking in this rebuke which she gave'her lover; and I
have sometimes imagined, that the uncommon strain of cour- i
tesy, which through life regulated the actions and behavior of
myfiiend towards all ol woman kind indiscriminately,owed its
happy origin to this seasonable lesson from the lips of his la
mented mistress.
I wish the whole female world would entertain the same no
tion of these things that Miss Winstanley showed. Then we
should see something of the spirit of consistent gallantry, and
no longer witness the anomaly of the same man-—a pattern of
true politeness to a wife, of cold contempt or rudeness to a sis
ter, the idolator of his female mistress ; the disparager or
despiser of his no less female aunt, or unfortunate, still female’
maiden cousin. Just so much respect as a woman derogates
from her own sex, in whatever condition placed, her handmaid
or dependent, she deserves to have diminished from herself
on that |>fore, and probably will feel the diminution, when
youth and beauty, and advantages, riot inseperable from sex,
shall lose of their attraction. What a woman should demand
of a man in courtship or after it, is, first, respect for her as
she is a woman, and next to that, to be respected by him above
all other women. But let her stand upon her female charac
ter as upon a foundation, and let the attentions incident to in
dividual preference, be so many pretty additaments and orna
ments, as many and as fanciful as yon please, to that main
structure. Let her (j|st lesson be, with sweet Susan Winstanly,
to reverence her sex. J
Extract of a letter from the White Sidpher, Aug 7.
“On Saturday evening, the approach of the President was an
nounced, and about 15 or 20 personal friends, without anv previous
concert or arrangement, went out in carriages to meet him about
five miles from the Springs, just at the foot of the Alleghany, (among
these, were Messrs. Thomas, of Maryland, Downing of Florida,
Gen. Hernandez, &c.) Ihe President breakfasts, dines and sups at
the public table, and acts in all respects as if he held no station; ,
visiting the ladies and gentlemen, and joining in all the amusements
of the place, like any othor private gentleman. The consequence
lias been, that he has made a most favorable impression even on
prejudiced minds. The Whigs have paid him as much attention
as his own friends; and it is universally acknowledged, that his
address is easy, unaffected, unpretending, graceful, and just as it
should be. Indeed, it is a subject of frequent remark, that it is one
of the highest compliments to the beauty of our Institutions, to see
our Chief Magistrate throwing aside the trappings of office, and
associating with all classes of his fellow citizens on terms of the most
perfect equality. This remark 1 heard from and from other
W bigs, who acknowledge they can find nothing to blame in the
President’s private character and conduct. The number of visitors
now here is very large. I should think at least 500, and numbers
are daily and hourly turned off. Mr. and Mrs. Poinsett arrived on
Sunday; and we have many other distinguished personages from al
most every State and Territory; and a great display of wealth,
beauty and inteligence—Mr. Roane—Mr. Rives and lad', with tlieir
guest, Mr. Legarc, arc daily expected—and Messrs. King from Al
abama, Nicholas from Louisiana, Ar. Mr. King of Georgia is already
here—and (our correspondent states) is a warm friend of the Pre
sident. Some Conservatives are here, and they show an cxcelent
disposition to harmonize.”
Carl hing s Present to Qpeen Victoiia.— Our readers will re
member the account given of the splendid bonnet made, and inten
ded as a present to Queen Victoria, by Carl King, of New York.
I he New York Herald, in reference toil, says: “the return of
the Great Western has brought us news of the beautiful bonnet sent
by the celebrated Carl King, of New York, to the Queen of En
gland. As soon as the Western reached England, Captain llosken
opened a correspondence with Lord John Russell, Secretary of
State for the home department, relative to the Bonnet. His Lord
ship notified Iler Majesty—she wrote a beautiful complimentary let
ter—the bonnet was sent on to the Queen, and no less than three
dozen ladies of the English nobility forwarded back orders and
complimentary letters to the celebrated Carl King and his lovely
lady, for bonnets of the same style. Carl is a lucky dog! 'Phis
Kinghas given the Queen a bonnet. The Queen lias given the
King a smile of approval, and the ladies and the Queen will make
this King’s fortune.”— llaltiinore, Suu.
Hydrophobia.—-\)o wot \\o.a\ any wound from the bile of a dog,
mad or not; keep it open for three months, it is the healing of the
wound that concentrates and confines the poison.—-A. F. Star.
G.EO.IIGIA, TUESDAY ITIOKAING, SEPTJEiVIBItft 4* BS3S.
Our (oust Hit re—Our Country— Our forty.
FROM FLORIDA.
From a passenger on board the steamer PoiNSET, Captain
Peck, arrived at this port from Jacksonville, on Tuesday after
noon, we learn that an express arrived half an hour previous
to his leaving, bringing the intelligence that a train of four wa
gons loaded with provisions had been attacked by a party of
Indians, between camp Pinckney and the Okefenokee swamp
—the wagons burnt, mules shot, and two men killed.
Since the receipt of the above intelligence, we have received
a letter from an esteemed friend, giving further particulars,
which we spread before our readers.
Extract of a letter, dated
“ St. Marys, August 19, 1838.
“ A Union meeting had been notified, and would have taken
place yesterday atJeflerson—but for recent attack made by a
body of Indians on a baggage train, on its way from Kettle
creek, Ware county, to Trader’s Hill, (the depot of provisions.)
The facts, as (ar as they have reached us, appear to be these:
“ The train had left Kettle creek, the encampment of the
Dragoon’s for Trader’s Hill—4 wagons with a guard of 16—
and had advanced within 13 miles of Centreville ami probably
not more from Trader’s Hill ; at Carter’s, a place immediate
ly on the road, Indians to the number of 60 to 70 had taken
possession of the cabin and other houses, and were engaged
digging potatoes and plundering other articles. When the ad
vance wagon got in front or near the dwelling—the Indians
rose from their ambush and commenced a general fire—the
corporal of the guard was shot down—and two wagoners
desperately wounded, who succeeded in making their escape,
and are now lying dangerously ill within a few miles of Cen
tueville. The wagon in the rear succeeded in wheeling about
and returning to Kettle creek. Loss sustained—one corporal
killed, two privates supposed mortally wounded, three bag
gage wagons left on the road, and 5 mules killed. The wagon
master, it is said, behaved most gallantly, and saved from ine
vitable death one of the teamsters, who having his team crip
pled, attempted his escape, and but for the bravery of Mr.
Branch, the wagon master, who was on horseback, and seeing
the perilous situation of the wagoner, whilst pursued by six
Indians—charged and fired upon them—this brought them to
a momentary halt—he then fyllowed after, and by dint of dar
ing bravery, succeeded, in the face of the enemy, to take him
up behind and make his escape. He represents that there
could not have been less than from 50 to 70 Indians.
“ Major Dearbourn, with a detachment of horse, departed
from “ Trader’s Hill” the next morning for the spot. He has
since returned, and reported as I have above stated—and bu
ried the corporal.
“ I( is to be hoped that prompt and instant measures will be
taken to relieve the frontier settlers, or else the country will
become a desolate waste.”
From the Columbus Sentinel and HeraVl.
THE GREAT POLITICAL QUESTION.
STATE OF THE GAME.
Diamonds are trumps. Ihe Federalists hold Henry, the ace of
spades, the ragged King Biddle, the Queen Abolitionism, and Daniel
Jack, with the whole balance of smaller fry of the same shape and
color, clown to tray and deuce. The King Bell and Jack Wise of
clubs, with one or two small trumps, which they would reserve, if
possible, for the last of the game. These they call their conserva
tive trumps, and design, with them, to break into the run of the de
mocratic liearts.
Ine Republicans hold the ace of trumps, the Constitution, the
Golden King, the Queen of Democracy, the Southern Jack, the
lour, five, six, seven, eight, nine and ten, Sub-Treasury trumps, to
gether with the ace, King, Queen and Jack of the honest and true
hearts of the people. Counters, gold drops vs. shin plasters. Wa
gers, Liberty and the Constitution vs. Slavery and the Despotism of
Aristocracy.
The Federalists have the play, and their shouts are ringing in all
quarters, for the success of the game ; but let them show their hands,
and the Republicans are ready to meet them. This game has to be
played, so come ahead, my good fellows. Ila! what have you
poked out there? Queen of spades, by gosh; old Johnny Q. in
petticoats; well partner, I’ll jist face him with this little Southern
heart, while you get out a small club, and he may take the trick for
what it is worth, and Daniel Jack into the bargain. It will only count
one against ns at best. Exit Massachusetts in a fright. Go ahead,
Fed, your lead—cards well stocked, 1 see, all of a color—just dis
missed one black gentleman; the play is from mv right; here he
comes—King Bell of clubs, by jocks ! I can’t shine; but byway
of making a show, I’ll just lay this little democratic heart upon him ;
my left neighbor here looks a little blue ; I think. Jack Wise is on
the strain ; can’t finesse ; wide awake; come ahead, sir; down
comes the \\ ise Jack of clubs with a vengeance ; now you’ve got
’em, partner ; both King Bell and Jack Wise of clubs against you;
look sharp; I think you hold the ace; jist ‘ Duncanize’ them with
that ace of clubs, if you please ; stop friend, don’t burn your fin
gers ; 1 think that t’ick is ours; you need n’t look so grewltsh about
it neither. Your lead, partner, jist touch’em tip with a little of the
polish. That Diamond King, gentlemen, there he is, can't you face
him; ‘solitary and alone’ he stands ; just poke out your conserva
tive there, your little tray ; that’s it; now, partner, here I come ;
I think there’s no soap on my left; I’ll just putout this little diamond
Queen of Democracy ; I think she’ll draw out that ragged King of
spades on my right; now don’t she look lovely? neighbor can’t you
cover her ; Old Nick is a sly chap ; make a showing ; now he comes ;
but I think he missed the figure; partner, just haul in that trick, will
you; go it again, partner; that’s it; I see you are in a sub-treasury
mood, a state which is kind o’ constitutional with you; that little
sub-diamond looks very bright; 1 think my neighbor on the right
has one sorter of that cast, only a little strayed oil' in a sorter con
servative fit; let it come, friend ; it sha’nt be hurt; a nice little
deuce, isn’t he; partner, I’ll jist lay this democratic heart on him;
the trick is ours any how; my neighbor on the left here will not risk
more than a small spade, no how; that’s a fact, so haul ’em in part
ner. Go it again, partner ; they hate no soap now; rather dry I
guess ; one big spade only on my rigtit; I think I’ll cotch him if he
don’t look sharp ; what have you go'there ? Southern Jack, eh! a
pretty sharp diamond ; no small trurrp, eh ! well, that’s good ; it will
entice the black, ragged rascal out; be easy, here he comes—a
pretty considerable of a show—don’t he figure— Henry ace of
spades. Now I’ll cool him, partner ; did you ever see a duck jump
upon a June-bug; you see this are of trumps, don’t you; don’t
you think he’ll shine ; I'll just lay him here with this feller ; you
ragged devil here on my left, poke out your little spades; they are
all you’ve got, I guess ; partner, tale this trick over, will you.
flow stands the gtime? Whathave you got, partner, let me
see? five, six, seven, eight, nine and ten of diamonds, raal sub
trumps ; go it snipes ; let me see; here is the ace, King, Queen and
Jack of raal hearts ; boys, you can't shine: here, partner, just raise
them gold drops there, will you, and them shin plaster counters there;
no use to ns; these boys here Canlake ’em along—do for stakes' von
know—good as going on tick, any how ; here, boys, you can
raise another game onthese if v>u like, but take care you don’t
catch a " LOCOFOCO.
The London Court Journal sa's that Mr. Sally’s portrait of the
Queen has bren exhibited to a lumerous and distinguished body of
visiters. The Journal is in tlr main good authority in the Fine
Arts, and therefore the folio win/splendid compliment to Mr. Stilly’s
abilities, comes with positive firce. “As a likeness it is esteemed
lite most admirable as yet pained ; as a work of art, it reminds us
in its execution more of Sir Thomas Lawrence than any of our
modern painters.
Cold Water for Children.—Wc copy and invite attention to the
following from the New Yorl Commercial Advertiser. It is said
to be from a physician of sanding. What say our Philadelphia
medical gentlemen upon the Subject? The information, if correct
and well founded, is, indeed,rateable; for tin apprehension has long
existed in the minds of maiy parents, that cold water during the
summer weather, should be liven with great caution:
During the prevalence o this hot weather there is nothing so
grateful to infants as cold wrfer; these little creatures suffer equally
with adults from thirst espctially at night, yet strange to say, the
mothei either neglects oriels to offer cold water. In mv practice,
in several instances I havt been called to see children laboring
under fever, from the effecs of thirst, and upon giving cold water
have had the pleasure ofseing the child tecover in a very short
lime, a free perspiration allowing the use of this natural remedy.
Ilea] thirst cannot he alltyed by any thing as well as by water;
when a child is feverish a night, it will, in a majority of cases, be
cured by freely sponging its face and limbs with tepid water, and
allowing it to drink roll water. Let parents who have sickly
children (ol any age) fry tiis plan ; if it does no good it will produce
no evil: but I am certain it will arrest much suffering by a very
simple and grateful mmtttV.”
We are told tint it is so hot in New Orleans, that standing at any
corner, you can see whole suits of clothes walking along, the occu
pants having infflcd entirely away.— N. J’. Spirit of the Times.
__ POLITICAL.
From the Marion (Ala.) Herald,of Anyustll.
GEN. McDUFFIE’S OPINIONS ON THE BANK
AND SUB-TREASURY.
Marton, Perry Co. Ala., )
July 18th, IS3B. j
Dear Sir: I learn by a private letter that you propose set
ting out shortly for Europe, and, as much speculation prevails
in relation to your opinions concerning the Sub-Treasury, as
it is commonly called, may I ask it of yonr kindness, before
your departure, to enable me to inform llie public correctly
what are your views on that subject? With all she deference
for your better judgment, should you think otherwise, it would
seem to me that you owe it Io your friends and the public also
having so Jong been in the service of both —to speak out.
The disordered state of the currency and the universal desire
for the adoption of some stable and wise plan for the collection
and disbursement of the public revenue has converted almost
every individual in the Government into a speculating financier,
and as the most of us have only light enough to make “dark
ness visible,” and know what we believe mor? a matter of
faith than of knowledge, you cannot be suprised learn that
I hear your name frequently used as authority both to de
nounce and sustain the Sub-Treasury scheme. My friends
knowing me to have once been one of your constituents,
and uniformly, in my humble- way, your political friend and
supporter, fequently refer the moot question to my dicisjon
and I-feel regret that I cannot solve tlieir doubts. Should it
comport with your conception of duty to yourself to enable
me to do so, you will, sir, doubtless, much oblige the public, as,
also, the writer who has thetipnor to subscribe himself, most
respectfully, your obedient servant.
SAM’L. A. TOWNES.
Gen. Geo. M’Duffie.
Cherry-Hill, July 25th, 1838.
Lui Dear Sir : I have received your friendly letter expres
sing a desire to know my opinion upon the questions which
now agitate the country, relative to the custody of the public
money ol the U. States,-and the regulation of the general cur
rency and exchanges. As 1 never had a political opinion which
wasjinwiJing to disclose, I have no hesitation in answering
your inquiries. 1 have regretted to perceive, whatyou state, that
contradictory versions of my opinions have prevailed in different
quarters, owing, I presume, to the fact, that I do not concur en
tirely with either of the political parties, recently organized
upon the basis of these questions. It is deeply to be regret
ted, indeed, that these questions have been made the founda
tion of a political organization of the great political parties
contending for the Presidency, though 1 admit that this result
could scarcely be avoided. Such an organization is exceed
ingly unpropitious to the cause of truth, and almost entirely
precludes the possibility of a discriminating judgment. You
must take the whole or reject the whole by the practical cannons
of party discipline. A most unfortunate change has been the
consequence on the whole subject of Banking, and of the
connexion of the Government with the Banks. You are no
doubt aware, that during all the struggles of the late Bank of
the United States, against the warfare urged against it by the
I’ederal Executive, I steadily sustained that institution on the
grounds both of its extensive usefulness and its constitutionali
ty; and I wdl add, that there is no part of my public life to
which I look back with more satisfaction than to this. I still be
lieve a bank of the United States to be constitutional, and am
as confident as reason and experience can make me on any si
milar question, that it is the best practicable means of maintain
ing a uniform currency, and a low and uniform rate of exchan
, ges over the whole United States, so long as paper constitutes
! the let!gei portion of their actual currency.
But I am constrained to say that in the extraordinary dis
junction and conjunction of political parties which have re
cently taken place, I am left almost as “solitary and alone”
on the subject of a Bank of the United States, as Mr. Benton
i was when lie put his celebrated ball in motion. I always sup
-1 ported such an institution as an antagonist power to the State
j al, d asa means of restraining theirextravagant issues. Its
1 utility consists almost entirely, in myopinion, in the exercise of
this salutary control over such State Banks as were inclined to
run into excesses. Such were then the opinions of those with
whom I acted. But now the state of opinions is entirely chan
ged, as well as the relations of the Banks. The present advo
cates of a Bank of the United States maintain practically, if not
in terms, that as bank credit is the most potent of all the agents
tor producing wealth, the more we have of it the better ; and
they seem to regard him as an old-fahsioned political economist
who should doubt that the issue of every addition hundred
millions ot Bank paper, added just that much wealth to the
country. In tact the party now urging the establishment of a
Bank of the United States, are the open apologistsand advo
cates of the pet bank system, which they concurred with me
in denouncing, as a most fearful and stupendous system of cor
ruption and of despotic power in the hands of the Federal Ex
ecutive. I was perfectly sincere when I said, that it would be
easier to resist a President at the head of 50,000 regular
troops, than one who wielded such a confederacy of Banks.
Yet after this system has utterly failed, those who denounced it
when ii was a mere experiment, have now adopted it as a step
ping stone to a Bank of the United States, with a capital of
50,000,000, to be located In the city of New-York ! 1 confess
that with my opinions w holly unchanged on the general sub
ject, I should regard a bank established under such auspices,
thus located, and with such a capital, as an institution emi
nently dangerous to the liberties of the country. I will not
disguise my opinion that a Bank of the United States, estab
lished under the most favorable circumstances, however perfect
as a regulator of the currency, is liable to become a very dan
gerous institution in the hands of the Federal Executive. The
old Bank of the United States scrupulously abstained from
politics until forced in self-defence, to abandon, in some degree,
its neutral position. 1 regard this as one of its great merits.
But what would necessarily be the character of a bank of 50
millions established in New-York, under the present circum
stances of the country ? Bank or no Bank is clearly and dis
tinctly the issue which is to decide the next Presidential election
and be decided by it. Such a Bank would be unavoidably a
mere engine in the handsol the ascendant party, a tremendous
instrument of power and mischief thus created and thus wield
ed. lou may recollect that in my last speech on the deposite
question, I stated as a reason for supporting the existing bank,
that its overthrow would produce precisely such a state of an
archy as we now have in the currency and exchanges; that to
extricate themselves from such a condition, the people would
fly into the arms even of a Government Bank, upon the princi
ple tiiat men will seek refuge from anarchy even in the worst
form of despotism. I fear my prediction has been very nearly
fulfilled. For the chances are that any bank established under
the prevailing auspices, would be in fact a Government Bank,
whatever it might be in form. And here lam reminded of the
extraordinary speech of Air. Clay in which he maintains that
the proposed organization of the Treasury, making it indepen
dent of Banks, is, in/fact, a Government Bank. Whatever
other objections may be urged against this Treasury Scheme it
is certainly free from this. It has not one of the attributes of
a bank. It would neither discount notes nor issue bills. Il
would have no favors to confer upon any body, unless the pay
ment of a just debt may be so regarded. If the fact of draw
ing upon its own funds to pay its debts, will make the Treasury
a Bank, everyman is a banker.
? But to return to the subject of a Bank of the United Slates.
When I found the late Bank of the United Slates abandoned
to its fate by all parties, I came to the conclusion that the wisest
course that could be pursued on the subject would be to let eve
ry other expedient be fully and fairly tried before any attempt
should be made to incorporate another. Unless the public
mind can be.brought, as in England, to regard such a bank
as a national institution, supported by all parties alike, it will
always be a party engine. A party contest for the renewal of
the charter at the end of every JO or 20 years, would be almost
equa> to a disputed succession in a monarchy. The most pain-
P. L. ROBINSON, PROPRIETOR.
fol of all processes is the reform of the currency, by the agen
cy of a National Bank, after several years of unrestrained
and excessived bank issues. Such was the case in 1819—’20,
and such would be more decidedly the case now. Such dread
ful remediss are not to be used every day. And J can scarce
ly see with patience many ol those who co-operated with Gene
ral Jackson, in destroying the late Bank when it was unpopu
lar, now contending for the establishment of another, when dis
tress has turned the public opinion in favor of a National Bank,
under the vain and delusive expectation that it will relieve
them from their pecuniary embarrassments. Nothing could
prove more conclusively that distress is a bad reasoner, than
that people who are involved in debt should expect to be re
lieved by such an institution. Its very first office would be to
correct a redundant currency. Let us see how this would be
performed. A bank of fifty millions would probably issue at
least thirty millions of its own bills. This would increase the
existing redundancy, and of course render it necessary for the
State banks to curtail their issues so much the more. In fact,
if a National Bank performed its duty, its entire operation at
first, would be to increase the pressure upon the State Banks
and through these the distresses of the people.
Nothing has surprised me more than that the Slate Banks
should, in some quarters of the Union, look to a NatiomX
Bank as a means of relieving them. On the conti-rv, so far
as they are concerned, the National Bank would be worse
than an Independent Treasury, with the? specie feature as it is
called. The public monies would be, of course, deposited in
the National Bank. Now we know that although the late
Bank of the United States, was very liberal in its dealings with
the State Banks, they were constantly complaining that when
their bills were deposited by the Treasurer in that Bank, it ha
bitually demanded the specie for them or drafts upon distant
points that were equivalent to specie. This grew out of the
common nsages of Banks, and the obligation of the Bank to
place the funds of the Government where they might be wan
ted. For example the Government collects a half a million
of revenue in Charleston, in the local bills, and deposites them
in the Branch of the U. S. Bank. These funds are wanted at
Norfolk, and as S. C. bills will not answer there, the branch
demands specie or a draft on Norfolk which is, perhaps, as cost
ly to the local Banks.
Upon the whole then, though I believe a well regulated and
well conducted Bank of the United States, the best means of
securing a sound and uniform bank paper currency, I should
regard the establishment of a National Bank, under the exist
ing auspices, as highly dangerous, and calculated, to increase
instead of diminishing the pecuniary embarrassments of the
country.
As to the Independent Treasury system, so far as it propo
ses to withhold the public deposites from the Banks I entirely
approve of it. Thus far it is simply an abandonment of the
pet Bank system, which all parties have condemned and our
fatal experience has confirmed the sentence. The objection
that it increases the patronage and influence of the Govern
ment, is wholly without foundation. I believe on the contra
ry that the power of the Executive to select favored Banks at
discretion, to receive the Government funds on general depo
site, would give it, speaking within bounds, one hundred
times as much patronage and influence as the appointment of
any probable number of official depositories would confer.
As to the requirement that all dues to the Government shall
be paid in specie exclusively, I have been opposed to it from
the beginning, believing that it would increase the pressure of
the timesand renderit more difficult for the banks to resume
specie payments. As far as it goes it would tend to diminish
both their means and their motives to resume, though I believe
its effects both for good and for evil have been excessively
over-estimated. Air. Calhoun contends that the bills of the
banks derive their principal credit from their being received
by the Government, which he regards as an endorsement by
|hc Government, and Air. Webster and others, seizing upon this
idea drew the inference that if the Government withdraws this
i endorsement, bank credit will be entirely annihilated ! 1 Now
I think both the premises of Mr. Calhoun and the conclusion
|of his opponents extravagant. A practical view of the ope
’ rations of the Treasury will make this plain. Though the an
nual revenue should be thirty millions (and it ought not to be
more than half that sum) there would not be at any one time,
in the Treasury or in the hands of collecting and disbtiring
officers more than five or six millions of dollars. Os course
fixe or six millions of money, whether of metal or paper, would
perform the fiscal operations of the Treasury. Suppose first,
that the Government receive this sum in bank notes, can it be
conceived that the Government, by receiving six millions of
the paper of the banks located where the Government revenue
is collected, can operate as an indorsement, giving credit to
the one hundred and fifty millions of bank paper of the vari
ous banks throughout the United States ; or, on the other baud,
that the withdrawal of this endorsement by refusing to receive
the six millions of bank paper will destroy the credit of one
hundred and fifty millions of that paper, which, under no cir
cumstances, would ever reach the Treasury? Undoubtedly
the banks, located where the revenue is collected, are greatly
benefited by the receipt of their bills by the Government.
The exaction of specie in payment of this revenue would with
draw this benefit, but I cannot perceive that a corresponding
benefit would accrue to any body else. To the objection that
the receipt of bank bills violates that clause of the Constitution
which implies that the revenue shall be collected in a uniform
currency, I will only say that if specie is a uniform currency,
so are bills that can be at any moment converted into specie.
To be sure it is not as safe, but the Government may den and
specie at any moment, when it has cause to apprehend danger.
But though I am opposed to exacting specie exclusively, I
have been very anxious to see Treasury bills or certificates,
bearing no interest, substituted entirely in the place of both spe
cie and bank bills. To accomplish this result, it would be ne
cessary to provide that nothing shall be received in payment of
dues to the Government, but this Treasury paper or specie.
The result would evidently be, that very little in fact would be
paid but Treasury paper. This would be a very great im
provement in the first operations of the Government, and I re
gret that Air. Calhoun did notmake it a part of his plan, instead
of merely suggesting it. It would have entirely removed eve
ry rational objection to the specie feature of his scheme. It
has been wholly misapprehended by Mr. Webster and his as
sociates. As I believe I was the first person in the United States
to suggest it, I will now briefly explain my view of it. It is
not designed to furnish a general currency, but merely a cur
rency for the fiscal operations of the Government. This is its
essential character, and it results from it that no more of this
paper ought ever to be issued than will perform this function.
As I have heretofore said, the present revenue of the United
States would not probably require more than six millions of
currency to perform all the offices connected with it, from the
moment of its collection to that of its disbursement, Congress
should, therefore, authorize the issue of this sum and no more,
and it should be made re-issuable indefinitely. The value of
this paper would be derived, not from its redeemability, as bank
paper notes, but from its receivability by the Treasury, ami
from the amount being limited to what will be actually absor
bed in receipts and payments of the Government. Nothing
can be more simple and safe and economical. In the first place,
it would be equivalent to the creation of six millions of specie,
which would cost the country nothing, and yet answer the pur
poses of its Treasury, I think better than specie, and much
better than bank paper. 11 the Government were to use spe
cie, besides costing the country just six millions instead of no
thing, it would create a pressure on the banks, and would be
a medium much more affected in the uniformity ofits value, by
the state of the foreign exchanges, than this Treasury paper.
The rise and fall of foreign exchanges would not effect this
paper at all, as it can circulate in this country only.—. This
would be a great merit, giving it in this respect a decided pre
ference over specie or bank bills. If the Government were to
use bank bills, besides being precisely as costly a medium as
specie, it would expose the Government and People to the ha
zards of bank insolvency or bank suspension. Aloreover, the
transmission of funds from one point to another, which is very
embarrassing to the banks and disturbing to the exchanges,
WIIOUE WO. 241.