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EUITi I) in 1II(»’HS I!\VM S.
I’OL V. NO. 12.
-H tanbarb o[
BY P. L. BOBIXSOX, State Printer.
And Publisher (by authority) of the Lawsof the United State,
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Xtinins several thousand names.
A!)V‘fi*lTl SKM K\’T insert'd nt th? usual rates. Sales of LAND, by Adnii
oistratnrs, Exccutm<, r Guardians, arc required by law tube held on the first Tues
<i.ny in the month, b.'tween the hours of ten in lhe forenoon and three in the aftef
v«»on. at the Court House in the county in which the property is situate. Notice of
tyjae sales must be given in a public gazette SIXTY DAYS previous to the day of
Sales of NEGROES m»i«t be nt public auction, on the fir«t Tuesday of the month
between the usual hours of sale, nt th? place of public sales in the county where the
letters testim 'utnrv, of Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first
giving SIXTY DAYS notice thereof, in one of the public gazettes of this State,
•ml nt th ’ door of the Court House where such sales are to be held.
Notice forth? sale of Personal Property must ba given in like manner, FORTY
DAYS previous to the day of svle.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published FORTY
DAI 3.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell
LAND, must be published for FOL’R MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOL’R MONTHS
befor* any order absolute shall be made by the Court thereon.
Notice of Application for Letter* of Administration must be published THIRTY I
DAYS.
Noth e of Application for Letters of Dismission from the Administration of an Es- ,
• te, are required to be published monthly for SIX MONTHS.
MISCELLANEOUS.
THE SET OF DIAMONDS.
Mr. E , a physician wdl known for his skill in mental
disorders, saw arrive at his gate one morning a lady who seem
ed forty years o’d, although still young and fresh. Madame
la Comptesse de was admitted within the gale of the cel-
ebrated physician. The countess introduced herself on the
spot, and spoke as a mother in desolation and despair, in the
following terms:
“ Sir, you see a woman a prey to the most vi dent chagrine.
I have a son; he is very deaf to me as well as to iny husband; ■
he is our only son.”
Te «rs like rain fell, such as Artemisia shed over the tomb ■
of Mausoleiis.
“An, yes!—A—os, sir! and for some time we have snffer
•ed the most horrible tears. He is now at the age when the
passions develope. Although we gratify all his wis! es, money,
liberty, &<•., he evinces many signs of dementation. The
most remarkable is, that he is always talking ab<*ut jewel- I
ry <«r of diam n Is, winch he has sold <»r given to some woman,
all unintelligible. We suppose that he his become amorous
of a woman, u > better, per taps than she should be, and that
he has involved himself in burdensome engagemen's to satisfy
liis desires. This, sir, is but a conjecture. The father and I
are lost in sounding the cau-e of this f.lly.
“ Well, madam, bring tour son here.”
“ Ah, to-morrow, sii—by all means, at noon.”
“ That .t ill d *.
The duet >r respectfully conducted the lady to her carriage,
n *t forgetting t • sc n he coat of arms and the lackeys.
The it xt mornitia the conute-s drove to a famous jeweller,
an I alter h ivi ,g a long time cheapened a set of 40,000 crowns,
she li .a ly pnr.h tsed it. Sh • negligently drew a purse from
.her reticule, so i id there ten tboasan I francs in bank notes,
■and spread them out; but immediately gathering them tip, she
said to the jeweller, “You had better semi a person with me.
My h ish in Iwi 1 piy him. Ifii II h tve not the entire sum.”
The jeweller made a sign to a young man, who proudly tie- ■
lighted to go in such an equipage, started off with the Conn- '
less M. She drove to the doctor’s floor, and whi p.-red to him, j
■“This is my son, I leave him with ton. To the voung man
she saitl—“My husband is in his study—walk in; he will pay ;
you.”
The y >ung man went in. The countcss and the carriage '
went off, at first slow, and noiseless; soon after the horses !
galloped.
“Ah, well, young man,” said the physician, you under
stand the business, [ suppose. Let ns see; how do you feel?
what is going on in this young head?”
“ What passes in my head, sir? Nothing except settling
for the set of diamonds.”
“We understand all that.” said the doctor, gentlv pushing
asi* e the bill. I know, I know.”
“ If the gentleman knows the amount, no more remains but
to pay he cash.”
“Indeed! indeed! Be caln—where did your get your
dietxtx’s? MI at las Ic« n < ol il.cn.? Say as much as
von will; 1 w ill list, n | : ti< t tly.”
“ The business is to pay n.e, sir, forty thousand crowns.”
’ “Wherefore'”
“ How, wherefore.'” said lhe young man, whose eve' be* r an
.to glisten.
“ Yes, why should I pay you .'”
“ B* cause, Madame, the countess, has just purchased the
Mian onds at our liotisc.”
“G<-O<l ! here we hate you. Who is the countess ?”
“Your wife;” and he | resented the bill.
“ But do you kn w, young man, that I have the honor to
be a physician an I widower.”
II w the yrnngmtn became transported, and the Doctor
called his d nnestics, an I bode them seiir* him by the hands and
feet, which raised his transport to fury, lie cried “thief! mur
der!” but at the end of a quarter of an hour he calmed d*«wn,
explained every thing soberly, and terrible light began to dawn
upon the doctor.
Notwithstanding all the search that could be made, this
singular theft, so wi'ty, so original from the scene of the phy
si-ian and of the young man, was never discovered. The in
grate hid taken care to conceal every trace of herself. The
drivers an I lack ys were all accomplices. The carriage was
tiifed, and this lnstoiy remains a monument in the memoir of
Jewellers.
Casimir Perrier, on being called an “aristocrat,” and one of
ilie privil ged cla-ses, replied ;—“My only aristocracy is the
Superiority which industry, frugality, perseverence and intelli
gence will always assure to every loan in a free state of society.
I belong only tn those privileged classes to which ion may all
belong in your tarn. 'I hey are not privileges created for us,
but created by ns. Our wealth is our own; we have gained it
by the sweat <d onr brows, or by the labor of onr minds. Onr
position in society is not conferred upon os, but purchased by
<mr»elves with onr own intellect, application, zeal, patience
and industry. Il you rent tin inferior to ns, it is because you
tavi noi i| lt . intellect or the indu-try, the zeal or the sobriety,
I t p <ti> n< eocth - appli ation, m'cr.«irvt > vonr advancement.
1 tils Knot our fault lint your own. You wish to become rich,
as smite mndi to bee ewise; but thtreis no nival road to
wealth any mure th m there is to knowledge. You *i . h for the
rase and repose o| wealth, but re it n willing m do th u
wlm hts necessiry to procure them. Tile Imsha.idm m who
will not till his ground s 'i dl reap n ithing but thistles ami bri
*r\ . . I ‘‘ commodities i.i human society are use less
and misdirected, ifyou d . n -t become wealthy and powerful Ik
lite ch Hlges; but v-h H rig <l h eve you to expect—you idler* and
Sion, sin the hive you shell always be fed on the honey and
sw. ets cd life ? What right h eve you, who do nothing for vour
*! vp '» your lamdie’s, your communes, your arrondissements,
rparluieiils, your country or your kind, to imagine that you
Standard of Union.
will he selected by them for their favor, their confidence, their
rewards ?
“ I am not an aristocrat in that sense of the term in which it
may be applied in ali-olute governments or under imperial rule ;.
but if, by an aristocrat, you mean a man who has earned hi
promotion by his labor, his honors bv his toils, and bis wealth
by his industry—oh, then I on an aristocrat; and please God.
1 may al wavs remain so. Toe distinctions in society displease
you, because you have not the talent or the industry to >imeml
your own p isition. You are too idle to labor, ami too proud
t<» beg ; but I will endeavor to take care diat von shall not rob
me. 1 throw back, then, with indignation ami resentment, the
charge which is m ide. I b-lo ig to die middling classes of so
ciety. I ha»e been selected by mv fellow citizens, and by my
king, as one *»f their representatives ; and, by lhe blessing of
God, I will represent them.”
It being agreed by a parly of twelve, that a disputed question
should he settled by the opinion of lhe majority, the six ladies
expressed iheinseli es i.yiposed tn the six gentlemen ; ami claimed
the victory. A genii mini objected io this, as the jyi'nlier <>•
votes wasiqtial. say inn, “liny are half an-' half.” “Title,”
replied a witty one, “ but we arc the !>• tier halves.”
When the Duke de Clmisenil, a remarkable meayre man.
came to London Io neyo'iate a peace, C.rirles Townsend h<-
itiir asked whether the French Govefnment had sent the prelim
in-tries of a treaty, answered :—“ I <l<> not known ; but they
have sent the outline of an ambassador."
A poor, di iiin nice Frenchman beiny ordered by Sanyrado
to drink a quart ofp'tsan daily, replieil, with a heavy siyh :
“ Alas ! doctor, that is impo'sible, since I only hold a pint.”
A remarkable case of leanness is mentioned by Sorry, of a
prie»t. who became so thin and dry in all his articulations, that
at last he was tint able to y<» throuyh the celebration of mass,
as his joints ami spine would crack in so loud and strange a
manner at every getiidbixioii that the faithful yvere terrified,
and the faithless l itiuhed.
Lost wealth may he reyained, l.y a course of industry; the
yvreck of health repaired by tempernice—foryolten knowledge
restored by stu ly ilienaied friendshin soothed into foryive
ness:—even forfeited reputation yvon ba< k by penitntce and
virtue. But who ever again looked upon his vanish* <1 hours?
—recalled his 'liyliteil years and stamped them with w isdom—
or effaced from Heaven’s record, the fearful blot of a wasted
life?— Mrs. Sigourney.
THE GRAVE OF JEFFERSON.
At the recent Harvest Home celebration in Delaware conn- I
ly, Mr. George Leipcr stated that he lately yi'ittd the grave of
Mr. Jefferson, and found it in a forlorn condition. It is on the
estate at Mniitii ello, which, we believe, is owned bv Lieuten- I
ant Levy, now in Europe. M. Leiper says—“ The neglected
and dilapidated home of the patriot and philosopher showed ;
the ray ages of time, and the whistling wind <>f«a cold December
morning piercing every crevice ot this celebrated mansion!
yave a solemnity to the occasion, and a scope to reflection not
easily t<i lie foryolten. The only person I met there was a po
lite old Iridt lady, who, for a small fee, ({ratified lhe curiosity
ol the strauyer and traieller by throwing open the empty and
cheerless r<>- ms lor their inspection. How chanced every
thiny was fro n wl it it hid been. Patriotism, ph losoohy,
family fysliimis, friend-hip, all ha I fled an I vanished with the
master spirit who directed ihetii. Alone i visited his grave.—
The yate ol the yardeii was open, -and on the right side, a short:
distance from lhe entrance, a f w bricks laid on the II it side,
tli-iingiii-lu (I the grave of Jtfleisun from the others within lhe
enclosure.
In our opinion, the spot which contains the remains of that '
disliitgui-hed pbil.isopi er, and pliilanihrnpist, patriot statesman ;
and Deino< rat. slu iild be precious in the sight of lhe Am* ricati
people, parti* tilarlv the Useful classes, whose special frientl Jet- I
f’erson was.
POLITICAL.
From the Sauth Carolinian,
ECONOMY AND RETRENCHMENT.
The A hninislration—Congress—Hie South—and the Tariff.
Ou- .dec lions being miw over, ami the animal sesion of Con
gress fa t approaching.it l>e< nines u>, of tlie Smith, ami espec
ially ot Somli Carolina, (upon win.in all eyes are anxioiish
turned,) io c uisi ler well die position we occupy, ami our proper
course lor die lutuie. That course is clear,but it requires pru
dem e, judgment, re flection, and energy’, lo pursue it. The
first, ami gre.il p..im, is, to stand fa»t on our principles—im
movable from tiii., by ’friend or foe. They must be sacrificed
to no consideration ot expediency—no motive ol personal ot
party feeling, interest or policy, love or hale. Looking al
ways Io them, we must del. rmimitely support till who support
them, ami oppose all who oppose them, no matter who.
Tims guided ami directed, it is due to the present Federal
Admi d-tra imi, tin.l its party, that we give them an honest and
hearty support, so long as they are true to the great qnesti >n ai
issue, and the important, inipi rishable Republican principles
generally, set loiih in the admirable Republican Address ol
th ir membt is ol Congress, :>t the close of the 1 isl session. So
long a» they are tme in those principles, we wili be true to
limn.—tunmgli good report, ami thro gb ill report—prosper
ity or adver.iiy—and -u long, only. In this we have utichoice
—n.• sal. or Imm.iable allei native. R, these principles, we of
the Smt' b, mist “ stau lor la 11, sink or swim, ‘tirv ive or peri«h.”
We have no either hope ol safely, honor, II .ppiness or prosper
ity—no otiier refuge from di-h ui >r and 1.-gr ol >ti m,oppression,
poverty, extermination. Toother the majority—the Con-
stitution, which involves these principles, is as n .thing, except
as in imptdiinent to their will and power—to try every tiling
ven existence! And the Voice ol the South tnu>t be, from
the Poiotua*' to the Sabine, Up with the banner 01. these prin
ciples, eve ry where—in Congress, or our Legislatures—on our
mountains, ami in our vallies—.tour public meetings, ami our
fire-sides :—nail them to the mast, to swiva or sink with them
“And he wlio falters is no son of mine.”
But, it is also due to ourselves, that we guardedly and de
termiuately retain our separate and distinct character, name
and existence—free, always, to act for ourselves, ineverv emer
gency, on every measure. Th. re must be no amalgamation—
no breaking of ranks—tin confusion. All must be order ami
regularity, watchfulness, and preparation—every knapsack cm,
every musket inorder, every sentinel ami guide al Ids p'o-l —
all ready to wheel or deploy into line of battle, on the instant
—fare to the front or rear, right or left, whenever danget may
present itself, or an enemy, of any kind, show his front. We
must not forget the lesson learned in our late separation from
our old allies the “Whigs”-—the difliculiies in drawing off
from them, at a moment of sudden danger—the men, arms,
and munitions left among them, for want of order and prepara
lion—the temptations offered to the timid, se.fi.h, and slothful,
to take advantage of such amalgamation and disorder, to con
sult their individual ease, comfort, aggrandizement, and fear cd'
danger. This must be guarded against, for the future. Om
party lines ami distances must be- preserved, distinct am) legi
ble ; and they who cross them, except on duty , ami linger
aimmg or temper with any others, must be looked upon with
doubt ami suspicion, and narrowly watched at every moment
of danger or alarm.
Yet, aimmg those who lost their places in that sudden call to
arms, ami have since consequently become more or less estrang
ed from us, were many who erred unintentionally—hesitated
nt die mi Ist of the confusion; unprepared and wanting time for
ivfl.'i lion; ami now hang back, from fear of tin* reception that
may be given to diem by their old associates. To such the look
should I ver kind ami enc ouraging-, die hand ever open, the
heart ever warm, geiierou-am) welcoming. They may have
betn as true in faith and feeling, dimigh not so fortunate Iv
ready ; and such men are not the less firm and determined in
their course, because they do not always decide on it so icadily
MILLEDGI VII.LE. GFOKCwIA, THURSDAY MORAIAG, OCTOBER 8, iMJB.
Our Comtrie>trr—-Itiir Cnn»t'erh/.
instantly. Their great caution and prudence are as <| sirable
and valuable, at some times, to n strain the fiery zeal and im
patience tin y are designed to check and balance in society,
. as over taidv nnd embarra-sing at others. Results, only. d«-
termine when they are r ghi or wrong.
As to oui course in lhe next C ingress: On the great ques
tion of a constitutional Treasury, we and our allies, combined,
are in a minority. We have taken our stai d upon it. mid our
principles and objects are well known. We must adhere to
them, firmly ami <h'ci<ledlv ; but our true policy is to mak
no leiding move on them. Tne opposition ha»e a fiy**d ma
jority in the present Cougres-, and upon them dev*d»**s th
responsibility <*f prop isi ig a remedy* for existing <1 (liciiltu -.
Let them do so, and show their hand, or take the consequen
ces of rejecti Ig the remedies of oilut-, for a'leged dnmrd* r
and eml»ar* assni* ins, and utterly refusing to afford or prn| ose
any one of their own. On any positive, substantive measure
of their ow n, they are divided and weak—their strength living
j obvious only in oppo-itiou. Let them propose a Federal
I B ink—he F t Bank -vs em—i r the Special Dep >gite system
■j —ami at once they are in a weak and impotent minority
sh* wi i*_>, that they are a combination or coalition of different
sm ill factions, powerful only for mischief, and utterly impotent
for any positive good—united, only in the selfish objects of
personal a nbition, power, ami office—the hope of victory, an
of sharing the common spoils. Rn, |,*t them attempt any
measure nt principle, of a public character, and at once they
war against one another, as hitierly as now agajnst u<, and
their tigie characu r is exposed to the country—their reckh ss,
factious, and unprincipled c'tMiZt/imi, to obtai-i the governnieii',
power, offices, and honors ol the country, am! share the ‘spoils.’
I hey have combined to reject our remedy—now, let tlieni
propose one theniselvi s, or acknowledge tlirir im-apacitv, im
becility, and nst-les-ness to the country —their utter imp ‘teucy
for any thing but evil! If they cannot now mana e efficient
ly and usefully one department of G >vernment, combining the
creative, active, guiding, directing, and propelling powers,
what could they do witu all I* —what can be hoped of good..
Irom their probable maiiageiiiei,t of all 2 Let them now pr»ve
themselves “ faiihlid over a lew things.” if they hope to be
made “lords over many .”
The pressing danger of the Administration, and the S mth,
at this time, is to be f.mn i in the fi.cal action of the Govern
ment. The revenue is decreising, under the operations of
the Conipromi-e Act, and rapidly coming down to the cnnsii
tuti >nal and necessary wants of the Government ; while no
corresponding efforts have been ma le by the Administration,
to reduce the expenditures; and the opposition, apparently
foreseeing its weak point, has labored to the utmost to bring
the ni <tter to a crisis by voting large appropriations, and at
the same time struggling to withhold lhe means of meeting
them. It- principles and policy, too, are in fivorofa protec
tive Tariff. Mr. Webster, and several of the leading Whig
presses, h ive indicated a determination to violate the Cmn
promi-e Act. and advocate a renewal of the protection duties;
and, by pressing expenditures, and wiiliholding -implies, they
hope m emliarrass, disgrace, and break down the A Imini-tra
tiou, mid at the same time create a necessity for higher duties,
or a Federal debt. Tiie continually increasing dispari'v be- 1
tween the receipts ami disbursements, wei jhs greatly in their i
favor. A shock mii-t ensue, unle-s iminedi ite and efficient i
measures of retrenchment and economy are taken to prevent !
it—if indeed even that course be not 100 late. It is surpris- !
iug that the Admini'iraii.m does u >t see its danger on this |
point, and guard again-t it; fir this assuredly, is its weak
point—the point of greatest danger. They vvho have read i
lhe Spt ecli* s ol Mr. Calhoun, cannot fail to remember, that he
It as repeatedly, within the last two yeffrs, given warning to the
Administration, and the country of the impending danger, in
titis matter, but apparently till in va n. It car be neglect-
ed much longer. If the expenditures be not reduced nearly j
one halt - , a new public debt must be created, or the Tariff du
ties mils* be renewed—cither of - which results, would inevitably
' lit* lai.-il m those in power.
! Ihe leading measure, then, of the next session, must be a ■
| provision (or a rigid and efficient system ol retrenchment, ecou- !
omy, anti accountability; and all who oppose it must be set ;
down as decidedly opposed to us, our prim iples, interests, and
views. On this measure, the sincerity of lhe Administration
| will be tested, o.i the one h ind, and that of our State Rights !
i and “\V big ’ opponents of th** South, on the other. To tin*
latter, it will lie one ot the greatest p ditical trials of their lit e«;
for, woe, woe be upon him o| the South, whose temporizing
party policy may bring upon bis con-titiients another oppres
-ive Tariff, or large public debt. “ A hosoever shall stumble
npmi ttiis stone, -hall asstiri'diy lie broken: but upon whomso
ever this stone shall fall, it shall grin-1 him to powder.”
Without such a sy stem, based on the gieat fundamental prin
ciple, th *1 no more mom y onghi to bi* taken from P< ople, than
is dis dutely necessary lor the just and eemiimiical w arn- of the
Government, it is in vain to think of pre-erv iug our free insti
tution', or breaking the oppressive and debasing polilical ami
couimeirial yoke which has so long been on the neck of the
S-'tith. Its adopiion would at once open lhe road fairly and
clearly for the in radii* ti**n of a Constitutional Tieasmy, at
die next succeeding session, and render iis operation plain ami
simple, she and east; and without it, the ddfi*iiliies of that
“great measure of deliverance ami liberty woiibl often b<* eiea*.
iitn *t almost insurmountable. Indeed, the measure itself wil.
have little chance ot success, if thi. natural pioneer of"it be de
feated, for its final ami irretrievable ileteat, would ensure the
dow us dl of the /\ ilmini-trai ion.
O' this measure, then, there must be no temporizing-—no
aciili. c-s <d principles io expediency. To ns, cd'the South, it
s .me of life or ch ail ; lor, if the Tariff duties sh mid lie renew
ed, or a public deb ere tied—(acid iml ed, in case of the I .tier,
tne I rm-r would fdfow of course, as bef>r. ) —“farewell, a .
long farewell to all our greatness”—dl our hopes, efforts, and |
generous, patriotic imaginings of future deliverance, liberty, I
and peace. “Thev who are not for ns,” then, “are agaiu-t :
“S the end of heir warfare is rai l, degred ation, annihilation; '
and w ith all such, we have no hope but in uiicomproming Ims- ;
tility.
I liese remarks are not the results of the moment, but of long '
am) deep reflection, resulting in the strongest convictiou; and)
we earnestly trust that tluy will be considered, as thev are
penned in a candid and impartial spirit, controlled by no ;•» r
sonal or party feeling, and guided by a dec p sen-e of public I
duty, and regard forth" well ue cd' the country. Os the con-)
currence c I our political fund-, we cannot doubt. So far as I
we have been able to consult th ‘in, they d cid'dlv agree with
us; ami we trust our new allie-, and especiallv our opponents
at th • S mth, will pon |er long a id well o i them, ere they ini
happily commit themselves against them. In God’s name let
not the Smith be firever divided, especially on a matter like
this, so apparently clear and unquestionable—so vital and ini- :
portanl—involving every thing dear to us as a free people.
From the H tithing ton Chronicle.
PRIESTCRAFT AND BANKCRAFT.
The warnings of our revolutionary fathers to avoid the evils
of priestcraft were praiseworthy, and we revere them lor doing
so. I c.ey had worn theyokeof priestly delusion and domina
tion, and they knew by painful experience that it was truly op
pressive ami galling. After much struggling they succeeded
in shaking it of). They rejoiced at their deliverance. Good
reason had they to rejoice, for the yoke was not easy or the
oiirdeii light.
I he religious dogmas of the clerical minions of George the
Third, who preached non-resistance and passive obedience to
the liigh-h inded impositions and oppressions <d that Kingly ty
rant, in re abhorrent to onr pious ancestors. They knew such
stufl was an impious perversion of the Christian religion ip the
most unhallowed purposes, and hence, they were not at all in
clined to lie taxed lor its support. The unholy union of Church
ami State they abominated; and so they did tithes. Thev re
solved nut to give a portion of their hard earnings to support
and perpetuate a system ofcraft and imijustice in the name of
religion. 1 het loved vital piety too well to be humbugged by
clerical tyrants and hypocrites. Hence they resisted boldly
and successfully their high-handed frauds and oppressions, and
we are enjoy ing the benefits of their devoteduess to the holy
cause ol leligious liberty.
The noble daring of those illustrious reformers, their hatred
to every species of tyranny over the mind- or bodies of iheii
I* How im n, should be held in grateful ier.ieiiiliram e bv the
American people, for numerous and onerous were lhe burden
fastened upon them, am] feaile-sly and t ffectuallv did they
throw them <>f). But oppressive as were those burdens, and
'haiiieful as were the frauds of priestcraft, we bi lieve they were
'ess oppressive than lhe frauds of bank* raft. The priestcraft
ol ilio'F l»v gone lim-s was more < iri umscribed in its malign iu
ll'iences, than the bank* raft of the present day. That system
ol ft and only robbed those who had property. In most instan
ces it robbed lhe robbers, and lhe poor were beyond its reach.
But baukcraft robs the poor for the aggr-andiz* incut of lite
rich. Pii> stcraft was an instri.nu ni tt.a <j l>y kingly tyrants to
accomplish certa n purposes, and was, at all times, subject to
their control. It was only a passive machine of the govern
ment that used it. But biiikcrafi di-dains the notion of inferi
ority. It boldly proclaims its superiority to the Government,
ami at this Htoment audaciously contends for the mastery.
Priestcraft could only take one-teiitti of die products ol the soil.
Its oth* r perquisites were exceedingly limit, d. For these
exactions it promised the injured party inexhansiible riches, per
fect Miss, in another and better world But baukcraft takes at
least one-half, if not two-thirds, of the products of" industry,
and promises nothing but cold comfort, hard work, and sbin
pl isfers to pay for if.
if our excellent progenitors had good reasons for opp,ising
manfully and snccessfnlly lhe oppression, imposition and rub
bery ot prie tcralt, much better reasons have their successor'
f<»r opposing the far greater robbery and tyranny of baukcraft.
From the South Carolininn,
“THE RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION.”
We recognize in this nothing more than the means of in
forming the representative, or making up an issue with him
ht fore the people—one morally and equitably binding, ac
cording to ciiciim-tan< es, but not legally, positively or irresist
ibly. We claim in it the utmost freedom, in expression of
opinion, by the people, or the h gislatme, as to the public arts,
opinions or principles of the representative ; ami that he is
bound by it, morally' ami eq litablv, according 'o circumstan
ces—the emergen* y, or importance ol the matt* r in question;
the legitimacy of th' ol j. cis aimed at; the fairness, justice,
truth and general propriety of the proceedings, and die public
rather than persona! or party considerations and influences in
volved. Tlioimh. be they w hat th* y may, he may still legally
resist, and make up an issue befoie die people. But, when
their will is fully, fairly, ami clearly ascertained, without rea
sonable hope ol early charge, by an appeal to the tn, or any
design to make such appeal, he is nmpieslionably hound, if
not legally, (which even here we dispute) still more bv every
principle of lairness, equity and justice, to obey or resign; no
man in bis senses, we presume, w ill further undertake to refuse
eitler; and, it he should, his til imate fall is inevitable, and
like that of Lucifer, never to rise again. No people will ever
again trust a man who resists them at a point like this, and
none will do so under iiistitutimis like ours, and thus strike at
the very root of all popular influence, right or authority.
There needs not. then, any legal right; and a loose or cor
rupt partisan exercise ol it, in any point of view, could not
tail t** greatly weaken its moral and equitable influence. The
best of all safeguards is the election of able, honest, fearless,
independent, high-minded, and just men, as closely allied to
us *is possible, in interest and principle, and as free as may he
from the suspicion of unhallowed ambition. Such men will
resist only for the good of others; and never pertinaciously,
beyond the necessary choice and duty < f the moment, ext ept j
with the very strongest convictions of right, and the power
to develope it, and vindicate their course. Evt rv f eling of
pride and honor would scorn a protracted conflict, tending to
strengthen at every step the galling suspicion that their primi
ples were held subservient t > their personal interest, ant! that
their professed patriotism was a mere cover for sinister designs.
And no rational sense of public dutycordd require of thmt
such a sacrifice. With such men the bonds of natural justice,
reason, eq dty and right, are far more powerful than those of
arbitrary I iw ; ami to deprive them of freedom of conscience, j
and a reasonable imlependence of jmlgm *nt and action, would
either drive th-*m fr ill the ptl die service, or tender them on- j
yvorthy of pnldii■ confidence—mere special agents content with
the po**r externals and formalities of offie , and ready to skulk !
from it? elevated ami honorable responsibilities, and capaciti* s
**f individual id >rt for the public good, behind a paper cata
logue o! prescribed dtiti s, restrictions, authorities, etc. More
over, it opens the door to p irdsan intrigue ami corruption ;
and we have seen an instance in which representatives were
forced by adroit legislation into a choice between t’he letter
ami spirit ot their in-trnctions, and di-carded by their consti
tuents, lor attempting to shield the nselves from responsibility,
by a slave-like obedience to the I" rmer.
Our remaiks refer, of course, to the right of instrm tint),
generally, with mt any special application, so far; and our
readers wid understand them as prompted by our dissent, in
anoth* r article, from a single suggestion of our correspendet.t
a Ninefy-Eight to preventonr views on the subject from
being mi-conceived. In his general and very able view of
th** position of C**l. Preston, we fully concur—believing that
position an extraordinary me, which cannot be adhered to,
except i i direct conflict with popular influence and authoritx,
and of course lhe general spirit of our free institutions.
From the Washington Chronicle.
SMALL BILLS.
The Federalists cling to small bills like drowning men to
straws. It is not at all surprising that they do so. Small bills
constitute the sheet nut bor of their system. Without these lit
tle evidences of indebtedness it would soon go ashore. Hence
their desire to keep them in circulation as long as possible.
The w hole secret of Federal anxiety relative to small bills,
can be told in a few words. The leaders of that partv, wdtose
G xl is gain, and whose object is to subject legislation to their
control, understand something about money matters. They
know full well that real and spurious money cannot circulate to
gether. That genuine money will be hoarded, and the spttrjr
<ms will taki its place. If' the circulation of small bills was
prevented, specie w ould supply the vacuum produced by their
withdrawal. I Itis i» what alarms the paper money makers.—
Toe more paper they put in circulation, the more real wealth
<lo tl-ev g> t into their po-session in exchange for it; ami as
-mall bills constitute a large proportion of their bank issues, to
prohibit their cir< ttlalitin w ould great I v diminish the profits of
those institutions. It is for this reas m that the bank men raise
such a clamor against the friends of a sound currency, be attse
they prefer real money to fictitious monev for ordinary purpo
ses, gold and silver to bills of credit : am' tire anxious that the
people should no longer be deprived of the benefits of the for
mer, merely to gratify lite cupidity of those who profit by the
latter.
MODERN FEDERAL MAXIMS.
‘•One warning, we hope, the Pennsylvania Convention will
take from the experiet re of New York—NOT UNDULY
TO ENLARGE THE RIGHT OF VOTING. By mak
ing that right universal in this State, the consequence, as a
gener.'d rule, has been the throwing of the whole political power
ol the St ite into the hands of those who have neither sink® in
the community, nor knowledge to distinguish between the
claims and characters of opposing candidates.”—_V. I’. Amer
ican, a Whig paper.
“As well might a BLACKSMITH attempt to mend a
watch, ns aFARM ER to legislate. What mischiefs are s ire
to be enacted, when a man, born to nothing but the plough tail.
takes to legislating.” lioston Courier, a Whig paper.
“It is in vain that men attempt to disguise the truth; the fact
beyond all doubt is, that till the disorders in our political afftirs
are the general and natural consequences of defects in the Con-
P. L. Ito Wsoiw, pWsXrietok*
solution and of the false ami visionary Ji f
lerson ami his disciples have been forty
years.”— N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, a
“Bad as was the character of Aaron Burr in
preference to Mr. Jefferson would have been a blessing to the
country.”— N. Y. Com. Adv.
“I here are defects in our form of Government, and errors
in popular opinions, which no a*lmiuistralioti can rectify.”—
NOAH WEBSTER, a Whig leader.
I here are errors of opinion on the sn! ject of Republican
Goveriimriit, so long cherished, and so "interwoven with lhe
habits of thought among our cuiz* sis, that reasoning will not
remove or correct them.”—NOAH WEBSTER, a Whi<r
leader. °
“The GREAT M ASS OF THE PEOPLE are, and al
ways must he, very incompetent judges of the qualifications
imce-sery for lhe Chief Magistrate of a great nation.”—Ns
W E BSTER, a Whig leader.
“Let theG ivermnent t dtecare of the rich and the RICH will
take care of the POOR.”—DANIEL WEBSTER.
‘‘Daniel \\ ehster is a liv ng evidence that God made man
after his own image.”— A toast by the WHIGS of Columbus.
“We think we know enough of the Canadian people, jo
know that independence of the mother country would not bring
any blessings with it. Our good feelings is* quite as cordial
lor England as it is for her American provinces.”—-2V. York
Whig.
“The rabble of I.udianna—May they he brought to pay
their taxes with submission ami reverence to their sitperio's
—Toast of the WHIG GOVERNOR of Indi anna.
“Men who have an interest in the soil only are allowed to
vote in Rhode Island. Oar elective franchise is so free, so
unchecked, so heedlessly ruinous, that Americans are not rul
ers of their ow n land. Rhode Island his shown it. the value of
clucks and restraints on this right of voting.”— N. Y. Star, 0
Whig paper.
“The Representative should not be pakied by the will o<
his constituents.”—JOHN Q. ADAMS.
‘*o ir system (* f Gov* rumen ) either through defect of form
or execution, aflords no means of prevention against lawless
outrages.”— N. Y. American.
“Neither prevention nor punishment is within our means—
the self governing people are not to be restrained by their own
right impulses, and our sy sit nt affords no substitute,”— N. Yt
American.
‘ We venture to suggest that a country cannot be wi II gov
erned without some more efficient agency ot prevention than
exists in ours.”— N. Y. American.
“It is the dictate of benevolence and hitm'inily to sell a poor
man, at SlierifFs sale, into i ivohtntary servitude, until he earns
enough t*> pay the fine imposed bv the cornu.”—ELISHA
WHI i'TLESEY, Whig Congressman from Trumbull, Ohio.
‘•file truth is, the banks are always t e strongest when they
hold the least specie, and the country alwats lhe rb liest wiien
it has the least gold ami silver.”— Baltimore Chronicle, a
Whig paper.
“Free suffrage is a curse to any people.”— Providence Jour
nal. a Whig paper.
“It is useless to talk of the intelligence of lhe people, for the
history of nations cannot present an exampl • of such total want
of intelligence as our country now affords.”—“SlDNEY,” tn
N. Y. Com. Adv , Whig.
“The time for reasoning li-s gone by, and it is not bv AR
GUMENT but by SUFFERINGS that conviction must he
forced upon the minds of the people.”— Nut. Gaz., Biddle's
paper.
“It is a fundamental mi'tak'* that the people mav'he govern*
ed, or will gov. rn th.mselves l y REASON.”— A leading
Federalist in N. Y. Com. Adv.
‘ Il die appeals that may be m ule to the virfm*, moralfiv,
and iutelligem e of the people cannot prevail, MONEY CAN
BE USED, and th it will obtain votes and favor where all oth
er arts and appliances are found abortive.”— Bicknell's Re
porter, a Whig paper.
“The present times are profitable to heavy capitalist, and
they* have a deep interest in their continuance.”— Biston Atlas,
a Whig paper.
“From its nature, the influence of a bank will be allied to
the Aristocracy of wealth, and not to the D. mocracy of num
bers; ami this is more especially the case with great chartered
banks, having great power. Th * late Bank of the United
States was one of this description.”— London Bankers' Cir
cular.
“We believe a National Bank is expedient and constitution
al.”— The universal ''Federal" Whig party.
“Upon this election depends the fate of the most INFLUEN
TIAL ami w EALTBY part of the community. It w ill probably
decile whether those who have a tangible interest in thestaiiili
ty of Government—in whose hands the WHOLE CAPITA!, of
the country is concentrated—shall be REDUCED TO THE LEV
EL of those who are possessed of nothing —or whether
those possessed of nothing shall continue to control the desti
nies of this great nation.”— Circular of the N. Y. Whigs.
“The f* ar of.want will best overcome these (the poor man’s)
long standing and ignorant prejudices, which have resulted in
the present deranged state of those institutions (the bank-) up
on which are based th*- commercial interests of lhe country.”—
Circular of the N. Y. Whigs.
‘•Our wants require a circulation capable ofexpansion to-day
and contraction to-morrow.”—GOV. VANCE.
1
From the H ashiuglou Chronicle,
MR. INGERSOLL AT HOME.
His speech at the Democratic County Meeting at the For, Chase
Tavern, near the Rising Sun, on Monday, 24/Ji September.
Fellow Citizens ; —Measures, not men, is the Republican
motto; yet as wtthoiit man worship we must have regard to the
men by whom great measures are devised tin I executed, I think
proper to bespeak attention to-day t<> the personal character of
Mr. Van B iren, the President of the U die.! Sites, w dch is a
ctrett nst nice in.) >rl mt to Ilia D -m >cr ide ascend mev involved
with his A I idnistration. It is rig it to form a proper estiimt*
of lha t dents, disposition ail q taliii -a io.i; of at ittdivilit.il
with wli ise cli t rar ter, as Chief tl i gtstr t e, that ol' th • coiritry
altogether ami the fate of R-p tblicmi institutions is intim nely
connected. General Jackson title Is > large a spice in univer
sal mention by hisitn nensepopnl irity, founded on inilitiry res
unwn, civic disline'i ni an 1 heroic temper, e temtr iging him tn
tin It rtake and enabling him to achieve great exploits, that it
wmi Id lie try ing to any man to follow such a predecessor. Mr.
Van Buren aiiimiiiiced Ins resolution to carry <> >l the measures
d the J ii kson Administration, cuiu erniiig all of which he was
no d mbtconfidently advis’d with whe t sttgges'e I, and mniv
o( which, it is supposed, lie suggesie Ihi ns-lf, Bit in his ins
uigiiral address he gave it to be inid rstood diat wav's of pleas
witness and p iths ol'peace are those h - prefers. He in ide no
promise to try to (h inge his nature; but with that iimissmnmg
good scuse which is one of his principal characteristics, ac
knowledged the difference between Gem ral Jackson and him
self ; and accordingly has never iitt«mip’ed to imitate the tn tn,
while ell'ei tn iting Itis measures. Willi similar prim ipl s, their
tianner of enforcing them has been entirely ddrenmt. It re
mains to be seen whether Mr. Van Baren's mild, forbearing,
qtt’ef, an I deferential, but tenacious mode of doing things, will
not prove a surer way titan the more consp'ctious < nrrgy of his
illustrious forertnnter in the rm eof th niociaiir rcfoims. *1 ho
b“attiy an I strength of' Mr. Van Bun u’s position is bis unques
tionable sincerity . We all feel that lie isttol attempting meas
ures low Inch lie has been converted but pursuing a system to
vhich he wis uniformly attached. Brought up in the midst of
what It is Ii en cade I the Albany Regencv , he has always been
perfectly pure of all lucrative de-igus, with which party rancor
mis never taxed him, and seems to he admirably fitted for con
tending with a great money power by his independence of it as
a map of competent fortune honorably acquired, never a money
uyokg: