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EDITED Bl TIIO.YIAS HAINES.
VOL. VI. WO. 8.
of §£nion,
BY P. L. ROBINSON, State Printer.
And Publisher (by authority) oflhe Laws of the United States.
ISSUED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING. .
(KF TERMS.—Three Doll.r. per annum. No ■ubm-ription taken for leas than a
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ages are paid.
.CHANGE OF DIRECTION.—We desire such of our subscriber! aa may at any
time wish the direction of their papers changed from one Post Office to another, to
inform us, in all cases, of the place to which they had been previously sent; as the
mere order to forward them to a different office, places it almost out of our power to
comply, because we have no means of ascertaining the office from which they are
ordered to lie changed, but by a search through our whole subscription book, con
taining several thousand names.
AID ERTISEMENTS inserted at the usual rates. Sales of LAND, by Admi
nistrators, Executors, or Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tues
day in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the after
noon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is situate. Notice of
these sales must be given in a public gazette SIXTY DAY’S previous to th. day of
sale. •
Sales of NEGROES must be at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month
between the usual hours of sale, at the place of publie sales in the county where the
letters tc-timentary,of Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first
giving SIXTY DAY’S notice thereof, in one of the public gazettesof this State,
and at th • door of the Court Hous, where such sales are to be held.
Notice tor the sale of Personal Property must b. given in like manner, FORTY
DAY'S pievious to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published FORTY
DAYS.
Notice that application will be made to th. Court of Ordinary for leave to sell
LAND, must be published for FOUR MONTHS.
Notice forleave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS
before any order absolute shall be made by the Court thereon.
Notice ot Application for Letters of Administration must be published THIRTY
DAYS.
Notice of Application for Letters of Dismission from the Administration of an Es
tate, are required to be published monthly for SIX MONTHS.
MISCELLANEOUS.
THE POLAR STAR.
e BY THE LATE MRS. MACLEAN.
This liar sinks below the horizon in certain latitudes. I watched it sink lower and
lower every night, till at last it disappeared.
A star has left the kindling sky—-
A lovely northern light—
How many planets are on high,
But that has left the night.
I miss its bright familiar face,
It was a friend to me,
Associate with my native place,
And those beyond the sea.
It rose upon our English sky,
Shone o’er our English land,
And brought back many a loving eye,
And many a gentle hand.
It seemed to answer to my thought,
It called the passed to inind,
And with its welcome presence brought
All I had left behind.
The voyage it lights no longer ends
Soon on a foreign shore.
How can I but recall the friends
Who I may see no more !
Fresh from the pain it was to part—-
How could I bear the pain f
Yet strong the omen in mv heart
That says we meet again.
Meet with a deeper, dearer love,
For absence snows the worth
Os all from which we then remove—
Friends home and native earth.
Thou lovely polar star, mine eyes
Still turned the first cn thee,
Till I have felt a sad surprise
That none looked up with me.
But thou hast sunk below the wave— .
Thy radiant place unknown;
I seem to stand beside a grave,
And stand by it alone.
Farewell!—Ah, would to me were given
A power upon their light.
What words upon our English heaven
Thy loving rays should write.
Kind messages of love and hope
Upon thy rays should be ;
Thy shining orbit would have scope
Scarcely enough for me.
Oh, fancy vain as it is fond,
And little needed too,
My friends! I need not look beyond
My heart to look for you!
EXTRAORmNARY~DUEL.
The following account of a determined single combat is
given in the “ Life of Thomae Reynolds," notorious in histo
ry as a government informer in the Irish rebellion, just pub
lished by his son:
“The Count de Rochefort called on Fitzgerald on the part
of Warren, and a meeting was arranged for eight o’clock in
the morning of Sunday, the seventeenth, on the Plain of Gre
nelle, each party to bring two friends, and the weapons to
be pistols only. Fitzgerald, with Messrs, de Puibusque and de
Germain, attended by M. du Hallay’s servant, was on the
ground about a quarter of an hour when Warren arrived ac
companied by Captain de Toqueville of the guards, the Count
de Rochefort, and an Irishman, whose name we could never
learn. Fitzgerald had a case of plain duelling pistols, made
by Wogden, of London ; Warren had a French case, rifle bar
rels, hair triggers, and detonating locks, which unquestionably
was an aim of much more certain destruction, and in every re
spect more formidable than the other, and one which would be
incomparably more dangerous than if the barrel was not rifled.
Fitzgerald, however, declared himself satisfied that each should
use his own weapon, but the seconds would not permit it, their
own honor being at stake in allowing such a disparity of wea
pons; they therefore arranged that the combatants should toss
up for choice of weapons, and that both partirs should use
the same case. Warren won the toss, and chose his own pis
tols one of which was given to Fitzgerald, who had never be
fore handled or seen one of the kind. Forty paces were mea
sured, and, in thg centre of this distance, an inner space of
ten paces was measured, at each end of which a hat was pla
ced. The parties were to be placed at the two extremities of
the greater distance, and, on the word ‘ advance being given,
they were at liberty to advance as they pleased, or to remain
at the extremity, but in no case to pass the hats, so that each
had fifteen paces on his side; but the combatants could never
retreat a foot, each might fire when, where, or how he pleased ;
whoever fired first should remain on the spot from which he
fired, and there receive the fire of his adversary, who might
still continue to advance up to the hat on his own side. Being
placed, Warren ran forward up to the hat on his own side, pre
sented at Fitzuerald, and remained in that altitude. Fitzger
ald deliberately walked forward, and having advanced to with
in five paces of his hat, he, for the first time, raised his pistol
So take aim, as it wax evident Warren kept him covered in or
der to fire the moment Fitzgerald should arrive at his hat, and
jbeforehe cou.M have had time to raise bis arm; but, unacquaint
ed with she nicety of Ihe Fitzgerald by some
sneans touched it, and his pisi.?! wC” I whi,e l,e was raising
st. Thus disarmed, at only fifteen pace* before his most invet
eratewneniy, a noted and practised shot, he stood, )’ke a mark,
while Warren several times corrected his aim during a spa<T
of time greatly exceeding a minute, as marked by the watch of
M. du Hallay’s man, until at length M. de Fuibusq'ie called
out to him, ‘Fire, .Mr. Warren: act honorably.’ Warren di
rectly lowered his aim, took off his hat, and replied-— ‘ Sir, 1
am at liberty to aim and fire w hen and how 1 please, and 1 will
exercise my right.’ He then put on bis hat, and gradually
raised his arm until he had adjusted his aim to his satisfaction :
he fired, and missed. He looked for a few moments, as if in
expectation of seeing the effect of his ball, and when convin
ced that he had failed, he stamped, raged, swore, flung bis arms
about, cursed bis pistol and acted, in fine, like a madman.”
The following is genuine, no fabrication. At a crowded
lecture, the other evening, a young lady standing at the door
of the church was addressed by an honest Hibernian, who was
jn attendance on the occasion, with “ Imlade Miss 1 should be
glad to give you a sate, but the empty ones are full.
Never trust a married man with a secret who loves his wife
for he will tell her, and she will tell her sister—and her sister
■will tell any body and every body.
of
*
Krom the Upton (Eng.) Journal.
. VILLAINY END RETRIBUTION.
In the spring of 1833, two young ladies, sisters, named Lou
isa and Ellen Price, of Llangenoch Park, were placet! by their
widowed mother at the boarding school of the celebrated Mrs.
Sherwood, between Powick and Worcester, three miles from
the latter place. Louisa was then about sixteen, and Ellen
fourteen years of age. It appears that Mrs. S. was in the habit
of assembling her pupils and friends of both sexes every o'ther
week, for the purpose of performing concerts of sacred music.
To these parties there came, among others, two young mer
chants from Worcester, named Harris and Benson.
We pass over the occurrences of three years, during which
time these young creatures, naturally interesting, and gifted
with superior abilities, were singled out by Harris and Benson
for their marked and undivided attentions; these becoming ob
vious, were communicated by Mrs. S. to the mother, between
whom and the young men an explanation took place, and they
were ultimately received at her house as the future husbands of
her daughters. A brother of Mrs. Price dying in 1835, left
them, it seems, a sum of money, on condition of their not mar
rying until they attained, respectively, the age of twenty-five ;
and as the mother refused her sanction to the marriage of her
daughters until the arrival of that time, the circumstance was
made a pretext by their professed lovers to induce them to con
sent to an elopement and private marriage; and in an evil hour
these two innocent girls, with all the fond affection of young
and confiding hearts, embarked their future worldly hopes and
happiness in one frail bark—the honor of their admirers—and
eloped with them before daybreak from Mrs. Sherwood’s
house. . They proceeded to a neighboring church, (Hallow,)
a few miles off, the keys of which they had obtained by bribing
the sexton, who asserts that he was totally ignorant of their in
tentions.—Here a mock ceremony of marriage was performed
by an accomplice, who was dressed in the habiliments of a
clergyman. They resided for some months after this in a cot
tage ornee in the suburbs of Worcester, and here, in April,
1837, Louisa, the eldest, gave birth to a daughter, the child of
Mr. Benson, to whom she thought herself married. In June,
ol the same year, Harris proceeded to Lisbon on business con
nected with the firm, where, as it subsequently turned out, he
married a daughter ofMr. Kent, a wine merchant, of the firm
of Kent and Brothers. He returned to England in February,
bringing his real wife with him, and purchased a house at
Kenipsey, on the banks ot the Severn. Soon after Harris’ re
turn, Benson left Louisa, then the mother of two children, with
whom and her sister he had been constantly living up to that
lime, and took up his residence in Harris’ house, from whence
he sent the unfortunate victims a letter, stating the facts in re
lation to the villainy practised upon them, and offering, in the
name of himself and partner, to make a settlement upon them
them byway of reparation.
Words would fail describing the shock produced by thecom
munication of this totally unexpected blow, which robbed them
of all that rendered life, in their estimation, worth preserving.
Ellen died a fortnight after in the lunatic asylum, nearDroit
wich, in the arms of her sister, whose mind it seems was sus
tained by her determination to execute a fearful vengeance on
the guilty causers of their bitter sufferings, which she too faith
fully performed.
Learning that her pretended husband was to be married on
the 19th of March, and that he was loreturn from Worcester to
Kempsey on the preceding evening in a gig with Harris, to
the latter, she planned and put in operation the following fright
ful mode of retribution :
After strangling her two infants, and leaving a letter on the
table, slating that she would not let them live to hear of their
mothor’s disgrace, she dressed in men’s clothe*. .rmcJ herself
with ttbrnree of pistols, and knowing the probable time of their
approach, took her station in a small shrubbery up a steep as
cent, where the road overhangs the river. On the approach of
the gig, it appears she discharged both the pistols, one of which
took effect in the brain ofMr. Benson, who was driving, and
who fell from his seat: the horse taking fright, started off, and
before Mr. Harris could seize the reins to arrest him, plunged
over the cliff into the river, where both horse and rider were
drowned. The poor girl was found dead, weltering in her
blood (having stabbed herself,) across the lifeless body of Ben
son. The horse and gig floated on to Gloucester bridge,
where they were taken out of the water. Harris’ body was
picked up near Tewksbury ; his young widow, we regret to
say, is likely soon to become a mother. Mrs. Price fortunate
ly died within a month after the elopement. Thus have the
earthly hopes of five families been blasted prematurely, and
two innocent and lovely women, who under bright auspices
might have been the ornament and delight of society, gone
down to the grave in sorrow.
THE BEST NATURED MAN IN THE WORLD.
The following amusing soliloquy of Mr. Lentner Salix, is
from that inimitable work, “ Charcoal Sketches,” by Joseph
C. Neal :
The last time Salix W’as seen in the busy haunts of men, he
looked the very incarnation of gloom and despair. His very
coat bad gone to retrieve his necessities, and lie wandered slow
ly and abjectly about, relieving the workings of his perturbed
spirit by kicking whatever fell in his way.
“ I’in done,” soliloquized he ; “partnership between good
nature and me is this day dissolved, and all persons indebted
w ill please settle with the undersigned, whois alone authorised.
Yes, there’s a good many indebted, and it’s high time to dis
solve, when your partner has all the goods, and spent all the
money. Once I had a little shop ;ah ! wasn’t it nice!—Plen
ty of goods and plenty of business. But then comes one troop
of fellows, and they wanted ticK—l’m so good natured ; then
comes another set of chaps, who didn’t let bashfuhiess stand in
their way a minute ; they sailed a good deal nearer the wind,
and wanted to borrow money ; I’m so good natured ; and more
asked me to go their security. These fellows were always ve
ry particular friends of mine, and got what they asked for; —
but I was a very particular friend of theirs, and couldn’t get it
back. Il was one of the good rules that wont work both ways;
and I some how or other was at the wrong end of it—it wouldn’t
work my way at all. There’s few rules that will, barring sub
traction and division, andalligation : ourfolksalligated against
me that I wouldn’t come to no good. All the cypherin’ I ever
could do, made more come to little, and little come to less:—
and yet as 1 said afore, had a good many assistants too.
“ Business kept pretty fair ; but I wasn’t cured. Because I
was good natured 1 bad to go with ’em frolicking, tea partying,
excursioning, and for the same reason, I was always appointed
treasurer to make the distribution, when there w asn’t a cent of
surplus revenue in the treasury, but my own, it was my job to
pay all the bills. Yes, it was always ‘ Salix, you know me’—
* Salix, pony up at the bar, and lend us a levy;’ ‘ Salix always
shells out like a gentleman.’ Oh ! to he sure, and why not?
now I’m shelled out myself: first out of my shop by old vendi
tioni exponas, at the State House—old fierifash'us to me di
rected. But they didn’t direct him soon enough, for he only
got the fixtures. The goods had gone out on a burst long be
fore I bursted. Next, I was shelled out of my boarding house;
and now,” (with a lugubrious glance at bis shirt and panta
loons) “ J’m nearly shelled out of my clothes. It’s a good
thing they can’t easy she!! tneoiit of my skin, or they would,
and let me catch my death of cold, I’m a mere shell fish—an
oyster with the kivers off.
“ But it’s always so—when I was a little boy they coaxed all
of my little pennies out of me; coaxed me to take all the jaw
ing*, and all the bidings, and to go into all sorts of scrapes,
and precious scrapes they used to be. I wonder if there isn’t
two kindsof people—one kind that’s made to chaw up t’other
kind, and t’other kind that’s made to be chawed up by one
kind ?—cat kind of people and mouse kind of people ? I guess
there is—l’m very much mouse myself.
“ What I want to know is, what’s to become of me—l’ve
spent all I had in getting my eddication. Learnin’ they say,
ir better than houses and lands. 1 wonder if any body would
swap some houses and lands w ith me for mine ? I’d go it even,
and ask no boot. They should have it nt prime cost; but
they won’t; and I begin to be afraid I’ll have to get martied,
or list in the mariners. That’s what most of people do when
they have nothing else to do.”
MILLKDOEVnXK, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 19, 1839.
Our Cott science-—Ottr Country,..Our Party.
Affecting Incident. —The consciousness of being belo
ved softens our character, and enables the greatest part of
mankind to support the miseries of existence ; the affections
most be exercised upon something, for not to love is to be mis
erable. ‘ Were lin a desert,’ said Sterne, ‘I would find out
wherewith to call forth my affections. If I could not do better,
I would fix them on some sweet myrtle, or seek some melan
choly cypress, to connect myself to. I would court their shade
and cherish them kindly for their protection. I would cut my
name on them, and swear they were the loveliest trees through
out the desert. If their leaves withered I would teach them to
mourn, and when they rejoiced I would rejoice with them.”—
A fact connected with the misery of out door relief under the
poor law amendment bill, will illustrate this reasoning better
than the most beautiful reflections. A respectable, but decay
ed tradesman, after, having long contributed his mite to the
revenue in the way of taxation, was at length compelled to live
in an obscure part of the metropolis, the victim of severe and
unforeseen misfortunes. He was so indigent, that he subsisted
only on an allowance from the parish every week; and con
trary to tbe written instructions, a quantity of bread was sent
to him by the guardians, sufficient as they thought for his sup
port, but one day last week he humbly demanded more. On
this the chairman of the board of guardians, sent for him. He
went. ‘Do you live alone?’ said one of the board. ‘With
whom, sir,’ answered the unfortunate man, ‘is it possible I should
live? lam wretched, you see that I am, since I am reduced
to the painful necessity of thus soliciting charity. I have no
relations alive, and I am, God help me, abandoned by all the
world.’ ‘ But Mr. M.’ continued the gentleman who made the
interrogatory, “ If you live alone, why do you ask for more
bread than is sufficient for yourself?’ The mendicant was dis
concerted, the colour forsook his cheek, and at last with great
reluctence, he confessed that he had a dog. The chairman of
the board here took up the subject, and with great warmth
contended that the guardians were only the distributers of the
bread that belonged to the poor, and that if he ever expected
to receive relief again at their hands he must dispose of his
dog. ‘Ah! gentlemen,’ exclaimed the poor fellow, weeping,
‘ and if I dispose of my dog, who is there alive on earth that
will love me?’ The person who addressed him in the first in
stance, here rose, took out his purse and giving him a sovereign,
said ‘M. take this. This is mine, and the commissioners have
no power to prevent my bestowing that upon your dog, while
you are at perfect liberty to carry away the bread for yourself.’
This incident is true, and occurred in a board room, not far
from Saint Clement Danes, last week.— Foreign paper.
Tea. — A correspondent of the New York Transcript dep
recates the excessive use of tea, as calculated to prove greatly
injurious to the nervous system. He slates that he is a dentist,
and that in the course of his practice, he has invariably found
that tea-drinkers have the weakest, most irritable and sensitive
nerves. He says:
“ In many cases, I have been obliged to discontinue my op
erations, owing to the extreme delicacy and irritability of the
nervous system. This led me to make some experiments, the
result of which I now present to the public:
I took a pound of young hyson tea, and after steeping it in
soft water, boiled it down to half a pint; this I applied to such
nerves in the teeth as required to be destroyed, in order to pre
vent sensibility in that part, and thus enable me to operate on
the tooth without pain to the patient.
The experiment was completely successful, proving clearly
to my mind the poisonous qualities of tea; as heretofore many
dentists have been in the practice of using arsenic for the same
purpose, which determined me to try its effects on animal life.
I then procured a rabbit, of about three months old, and kept
it without food a sufficient length of time to leave"lhe"sT6mach
empty, then gave it ten drops of the decoction, holding its bead
in a position to cause the fluid to enter the stomach. The ani
mal appeared to be somewhat exhilerated for the space of three
or four minutes, then laid down on its side and began moaning
as if in great distress, and in about ten minutes from the time of
my administering the dose its struggles ended in death, the
limbs being distorted and very stiff.
I also tried the effects of this poison on a young cat, of the
same age, after making another decoction similar to the first, but
rather more powerful, ns I boiled it down to a gill, which re
sulted in the same way, but in a shorter time, as the animal
ceased to breathe in less than three minutes, although the dose
was not as large as I gave the rabbit, being but eight drops.
“ Liberty w ill not descend to a people, a people must raise
themselves to liberty; it is a blessing that must be earned before
it can be enjoyed. That nation cannot be free where reform
is a common hack, that is dismissed with a kick the moment it
has brought the rider te his place. The nation cannot be free,
w here parlies are but different roads, leading to one common
destination, plunder. That nation cannot be free, where the
riders will not feel for the people, until they are obliged to feel
with the people, and then it is too late. That nation cannot
be free, that is bought by its own consent ; and sold against
it; where the rogue that is in rags is kept in countenance by
the rogue that is in ruffles, and where, fiom high to low, from
the lord to the lackey, there is nothing radical but corruption,
and nothing contemptible but poverty ; where both patriot and
placeman, perceiving that money-can do every thing, are pre
pared to do every thing for money. That nation cannot be
free, where the leprosy of selfishness sticks to it as close as the
curse of Elisha to his servant Gehazi; where rulers ask not
what recommends a man, but who ; and where those who want
a rogue, have no occasion to make, but to choose. 1 hope
there is no nation like this under heaven; but if there were,
these are the things that however great she might be, would
keep such a nation from liberty, and liberty from her. These
are the things that would force upon such a nation—first, a
government of expedients; secondly, of difficulties; and lastly,
of danger. Such a nation could begin to feel only by fearing
all that she deserved, and finish by suffering all that she fear
ed.”
The poor pittance of seventy years is not worth being a
villain for. What matter is it if your nei hbor lies in a splen
did tomb? Sleep you with innocence. Look behind you
through the track of time! a vast desert lies open in retrosppet;
through this desert have your fathers journeyed; wearied with
tears and sorrows they sink from the walks of man. You
must leave them where they fall; and you are to go a little fur
ther, where you find eternal rest. Whatever you may have to
encounter between the cradle and the grave, every moment is
big with innumerable events which come not in succession, but
bursting forcibly from a revolving and unknown cause, fly
over the orb with diversified influence.—[Blair.
A Mistake Corrected.—An orator holding forth in fa
vor of “woman, dear, divine woman,” concluded thus :—“Oh
my dear hearers, depend upon it nothing beats a good wife.”—
“1 beg your pardon,” replied one of the auditors, “a bad
husband does.”
Imaginary Evils.—ls we except the blessings of strength,
health, and the testimony of a good conscience, all the other
conveniences and pleasures of life depend on opinion. Except
pain of body and remorse of conscience, all our evils are imag
inary.
A pert young lady was walking one morning on the Steyne,
at Brighton, when she encountered the celebrated Wilkes.—
“You see,” observed the lady, “I have come out for a little
sun and air." “ You had belter, madam, get a little husband
first.”
There is but one way of fortifying the soul against all gloomy
presages and terrors of mind; and that is, by securing to our
selves the friendship and protection of that Being who dispo
ses of events, and governs futurity.
Good Doctrine.—Oo the last Sabbath of the year in 183—,
an eloquent Boston clergyman told his hearers to pay up their
bilk for the year just closing— particularly their newspaper bills'.
The rarest men in the world are rich printers; and ihe brav
est those who are not afraid of a dun.
_ . POLITIC AL.
SPEECH OF MR. ROANE, — Of Virginia.
IN SENATE.
Friday, February 15, 1839.
On the bill to prevent the interference of certain Federal
officers with elections, Mr. Roane rose and said:
I desire Mr. President, to address the Senate this evening.
I have purposely left my own seat, come round to this side of
the chamber and occupied the vacant chair of tlie Senator from
Mississippi, [Mr. Walker.] now absent, in order to be near my
friend from Michigan, [Mr. Norvell,] whom I wished to per
suade to yield to me his just title to the floor. He had, on one
or two previous occasions, yielded it to others; and but for pe
culiar circumstances, I would not have now appealed to his lib
eralily. I most sincerely thank him for generously yielding
to the peculiar considerations I hate presented to him. lam
aware, sir, that at this late hour of the evening— [Here pro
positions were made to adjourn, if Mr. Roane desired it.] He
said no ; be hoped that the Senate would not adjourn, but would
permit him to proceed this evening. Yes, sir, this 15/Z* day of
February, of all the days in the year, is that on which I desire
to be heard. This day emancipates me from those considera
tions of delicacy which, for some time past, have restrained me
from saying what 1 now consider myself free to say, however
painful it may be to say it.
Mr. President a stern sense of that duty which I owe to mv*
self, to those who sent me here, and to those with whom I am
here associated in political feelings and principles so congenial
to my own, will not permit me longer to maintain that silence
which, at all times, I so anxiously desire to observe in this au
gust assembly. My situation here has been, for a long time
past, one of pain and delicacy'; of pain, because on the great
momentous questions of national policy which have been agi
tated in this chamber from the first moment I took my seat in it,
I have been constrained, by every dictate of my judgment, every
feeling of my heart, &, every consideration of patriotism to differ
totally from my colleague, with whom I had so fondly and san
guinely. and I think, justly expected to co-operate on all nation
al, political party questions. Finding, to my pain and sorrow,
that such co-operation has not existed, I have heretofore, for rea
sons which will be obvious to the Senate, to the country, &tomy
colleague, contented myself with giving a silentvote. Those rea
sons no longer exist. That delicacy, growing out of the pe
culiar relation which my colleague has for some time past borne
towards our mutual constituents, has been this day removed by
the action of the General Assembly of Virginia; and I feel
that malignity itself cannot now charge me with an effort to in
termeddle in that relation. Besides, sir, my colleague has but
very recently fully ‘defined his position.’ The course which
he has recently hastened to take, the time which he has selected,
and the zeal, to say nothing of tbe temper, which he has mani
fested in defining his position, would render a Iqpger silence
on my part, obnoxious to the suspicion that I assented to his
views, or was incompetent or afraid to utter a dissent. Sir, I
differ from him as wide ns the poles; and, in expressing that
dissent, I take leave, in his own strong language, to say that 1
Zoo am an “unterrified Senator of the unterrified Common
wealth of Virginia,” and mean this evening with the blessing
of God, to ‘ define my position’ in characters which ‘ he that
runs may read.’ There shall be no doubt about it; no equivo
cation, no mental reservation, no non-committalism, shall with
my consent, obscure it. I define it, sir, not because I believe
that a human being who knows me well can doubt it, but be
cause those who never knew me, and those who are to come
after me, when adverting to this memorable chapter in our na
tional history, in which it_ha§_beep my.destiny 10 hear a part.
might, ppraHv»nturp, draw improper inferences from my total
silence? Ido not object, sir, to the time my colleague has
selected to define his position. The General Assembly of Vir
ginia, my immediate constituents, and whose servant I am, are
now in session, and watching with a scrutinizing eye our deli
berations in this chamber. To that Legislature—to a Whig
Legislature, as it has been reputed to be—l boldly define my
position. In these days, when novelty and change are all the
rage, I can have no hope that the definition /shall give can
carry with it the pleasure which that given by mv colleague
will convey to those for whom it was intended. Os this lam
certain, that it will lack one of the best ingredients of every
pleasure—surprise! I dare say that my position will be found
to be the same plain, old fashioned, and I would fain believe,
straightforward one which I have held from the first moment
that I entered into the service of the people, /have no high
land fling to throw off, no ground and lofty tumbling with
which to amuse, and no brilliant somerset with which todelight
and astonish any person. Mr. President, if I should speak
less of the bill which is the immediate subject of deliberation
for the Senate, than of other matters, 1 find my apology and
excuse in the many examples which have been set me in this
chamber, and in the comity invariably extended by the Senate
to its members. With this introduction, and with a view that
I should not seem to have been inattentive to the important,
the vital bill now on your table, I beg leave to make a few re
marks in regard to it.
Sir, I agree with my colleague in regard to that bill, only so
far as he represents it to be one of great and of pervading im
portance. None could be more s<». I might well leave the
report of the Committee on the Judiciary, w hich has, in a mas
terly manner, exposed the dangers of this bill, to the luminous
speech of its author, the honorable Senator from New Jersey,
(Mr. Wall,) in defence of its positions; and the bill itself, and
the arguments in its favor, to the masterly, and, in my opinion,
unanswerable speech of the honorable Senator from Pennsyl
vania, (Mr. Buchanan.) Ant' thing from me now, would be
but a vain attempt to ‘add a perfume to the violet.’ But, sir,
1 differ so totally and entirely from my colleague on this ques
tion. that I cannot, and w ill not, forbear to notice some of his
points. And, sir, first and foremost, I beg leave to say, that I
utterly differ from him in the doctrine he urges in defence of
this bill, and has often pressed on other occasions—of the ‘du
ty of the Government to take care of the people.’ Sir, I re
pudiate and utterly deny any such doctrine. It is at war with
the genius of our institutions—it is at war with the spirit of the
Constitution—it is at war with all my observation and under
standing of the practical operation of our Government, from
the year 1789, to the present moment. It was the intention of
those who framed it, to make this, as nearly as possible, a Gov
ernment of the people, identified with them, and finding its on
ly support in their virtue, affections, intelligence, and wisdom.
The doctrine, sir, that it is the duty of the Government to take
care of the people, is a doctrine much better suited to that coun
try which has a 'king that can do no wrong,' and a legislature
that is ‘ omnipotent,' thjn to this country, where all the power
of the Government is granted by the people; and that power not
specifically granted, is specially reserved to them. Sir, England
has been glorified in this chamber, and held up as the fountain of
our liberty, and the proper model for our imitation. I will, by
and by, touch upon that view taken by my colleague, for the pre
sent 1 will only remark on this one great essential difference be
tween the liberty of the people of England and this country. It
is this: That all the liberty w hich the people of England enjoy,
is by grants forced and extorted from their Government, whilst
all the power possessed by the of America, has been
cautiously and sparingly granted by the people, who retain to
themselves all that is not plainly and clearly granted’. Sir, I ac
knowledge not this doctrine of the Government to take care of
the people. There is no knowing the dangers and excesses
to which it might not lead. I adopt as my creed, precisely
the reverse of such a doctrine, and say that it is the duty of
the people to take care of their Government. The Govern
ment belongs to them, and not they to the Government. So
much, sir, hastily for this point.
Sir, what is the bill on your table? It proposes to make it
highly penal for certain persons holding offices under the Gen
eral Government to give their opinion, except by a vote at the
polls, about any public election whatever, whether for the Gen
eral or State Governments!! And this bill is ndvocated by
my colleague ! Sir, Ido most cordially agree with tny honor*
Able friend from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buchanan) when he calls
it a gag law, and pronounces' it to be worse than the “sedition
law.” That law went to abridge the freedom of the press,
P. L. KO R INSON, PROPRIETOR.
and permitted the truth to be given in evidence, and this goes
directly and openly “to abridge the freedom and liberty of
speech, which is so sacredly guarded by the Constitution.—
“ None of these enumerated office holders,” says the bill,
“ shall persuade or dissuade any elector to give, or not to
give, a vote I” Persuade, sir, means to advise, and advice
is most frequently the mere expression of opinion. And, sir, we
are told that one hundred thousand freeman of America are
to be put tinder the ban of this odious law, and subji cted to
the surveillance of the million of base informers who, in t’Z.are
to be rewaydeed with money for eavesdropping, and distorting
and reporting the generous impulses of the freemen of your
States, to whom alo l e is left the power to legislate on the great
right of suffrage. There is not a State in this Union that has
not legislated on it; that has not passed laws to protect its free
dom, and to punish its abgs'.
But, sir, why is it that this bill has not embraced all the offi
cers of the General Government? Why has it omitted the
highest, who, from their station, their talent, and frequently
their wealth, might be supposed to have infiuence on their coun
trymen? It has availed those who, its advocates say, owe
their bread to the Government. Yes, sir, we have heard agreat
deal about custom-house officers, about weighers and gusrgera
and tidewaiters, as if their “persuasion” or “dissuasion” was
to control the destinies of elections. Sir, when we see men fil
ling the second most elevated station in vfee world interfering
in elections nay, sir, in endeavoring promote their own,
to the ' ery highest station, it is mockery indeed to pass a law
to muzzle, to gag and silence weighers, guagers, tidewaiters,
and quilldrivers! ! And at last, sir, what is. or has ever been,
the power and influence of these “ legions,’* these “ Pretorian
bands,” as my colleague calls them ? In the rilies, where
Government officers are most numerous, the Administration
has been defeated. Look at New York, Boston, PhiladeU
phia, Baltimore, and Richmond. Indeed, sir, look through
out every village even, where “two ar three are gathered to
gether” in commerce, and you will see how impotent are allyour
public officers against the all-corrupting power and influence
of money; and yet, sir, we cannot prevail upon those gentle
men who are willing to abridge the freedom of speech of these
poor impotent public officers, to aid us in any efiSvrt to rescue
the Government and the people of this country from the foul
and cjtuel dominion of associated wealth—of monopolies, of
banks. But what does the experience of by-gone times say
about the dangerous and omnipotent influence of these public
officers—these trainbands, these cohorts, and strehj names,
with which they are designated ? Surely no one will say that
it was by their mighty influence that Washington, Jefferson,
Madison, and Monroe were kept in office for eight years ! And
how was it, sir, that the elder and the junior Adams each went
by the board, and were merged, and drowned, and sunk forev
er in the ocean of popular indignation? Their legions of
public officers were impotent to save them. AH their patron
age was of no avail.
But why, sir, should Ibe assailing this bill these drtaih,
when it is to its principles I object ? Why should I attack it
on the facts I have stated, when, if they were all untrue and un
founded, 1 should be opposed to it. 1 am opposed to it, sir,
because it is un> onstitutional. lam opposed to it because the
Congress of the United States have no right to pass anv law
“ abridging the freedom of speech.” Nay, Igo further, and
say they have no right to pass any law abridging the freedom
of election, which great subject is left with the States ; and it
is ot the very essence ofthat freedom, tbe “right of freely ex
amining public characters and measures, aud of free tmaatunica
tion among thepeople thereon.” But, sir, this truth is gotten
. DYCr nn, ihe.prgsem Off cion by M view —wtriTT>7~;is Tar as my
I memory serves me, was not presented bv anv of the sagacious
and bold defenders of the “ sedition law.” That view is taken
■ by my colleague. It is, that the office holders are no portion
. of the people, embraced by the provisions of the Constitution,
or whose rights are defended by the celebrated report of Mr.
Madison! He informs the Senator from New Jersey [Mr.
Wall] that he does not understand that great work ; that he
has read it to but little advantage if he does not see that public
officers are no portion of the people, contemplated in that une
qualled defence of constiiutional right! I, sir, like my Ifriul
from New Jersey, have also read this glorious document, (hold
ing Madison’s report in his hand,) —this little hook, which I
once heard John Randolph call bis political Bible—to but
little purpose, if one hundred thousand free citizens, (the num
ber mentioned by my colleague,) who have rendered them
selves respectable enough in their various callings of life, to •
become public officers, are at that moment ent off from the great
constitutional rights secured, without exception, to all the peo
ple! Officers of the Government not a portion of the people!—
The proposition is startling ; it is, to me, monstrous ! I haid
ly know how to refute it. But, sir, I turn to this sacred pa| er,
the Constitution. You will there find that the word people is
mentioned six limes, and six times only. I will be as little te
dious as possible; but let us look into it. The first time the
word occurs, is in the preample: “ We, the people,” &c. “to
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity," &rc.
Now, sir, it is evident that no office holders of the Government
could be members of the convention that created it; yet, sir,
if my colleague’s doctrine is correct, that the ojfice holders are’
not a portion of the people, it would inevitably follow that those
men w ho now hold offices under the General Government, who
are the “POSTERITY” of the then people of the United States,
are not entitled to the “blessings of liberty," w hich that charter
intended to secure to “ themselves and posterity." The se
cond occurrence of the word is in the 2d section of the Ist arti
cle: “ Members, &c. shall be chosen every second year, by
the people of the several States, and the electors in each
State,” etc. Now, sir, in this place the people are mentioned
without restriction ; and such of them as are electors, by the
State laws, are secured in all the qualifications granted by the
laws of the Stale; and there is no law in any State, that I know
of—certainly not in Virginia—that deprives Federal officers
of any of the rights of other electors. The third‘instance oc
curs in the first amendment to the Constitution: “Congress
shall make no law abridging the right of the people peaceably
to assemble,” etc. Now, sir, if the officers ofthe Federal Gov
ernment are not a portion of the people, they lose this inestima
ble privilege. The fourth occurrence of this word people, in
our charter, is in the second amendment: “A well regulated
militia, etc. The right of the people to bear arms shall not be
questioned.” Who does not perceive that, under this extraor
dinary doctrine advanced by my colleague, no public officer
embraced in this bill can keep a firelock 7 The fifth time this
word people is written in the Constitution, is found in the fourth
amendment: “ The right of the people to be secure in their
persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable
searches and seizures, shall not be questioned.” What security
have the poor public officers against search and seizure, if this
monstrous doctrine, that they form no portion of the people, is
to prevail ? The sixth and last time in which the word people
is to be found in the Constitution, is in the tenth amendment
“The powers not delegated to the United States, etc. are reserv--
ed to the Svates respectively, or to the people." I am sorry,.
Mr. President, to have been thus tedious. Who, sir, does note .
see from this plain, simple reading ofthe Constitution, that an
officer ofthis Government, who ought to feel at least that he is.
a freeman, is cut off from every right which this Constitution,
meant to secure to freemen, if this new and astounding doctrine
rbe true ? But, Mr. President, 1 must pass to other points, as L
s have much to say on other matters, besides this bill.
My colleague says “he does not look upon the re
-1" port against this bill as the work of an individual,
- but as a concerted system to sustain the Executive by
» THE PARTY!” Strange language this from that source.
May I ask him what he means by “the party?” What
l party, sir, does my colleague speak of? It is too early for lihr»
- to be talking with emphasis about “the party.” Such lan
; gttage may evince his feeling towards the “Executive” he is
- so distressed to see teceiving support, but I must be permitted
i to say that it can have no further effect. It is “ad captan
• dum," and can only be intended to aid in breaking down this
s Administration.' My colleague asks the Senator from New
t Jersey, [Mr. Wall,] with a flourish, if “we are to understand
, that Democracy will bear an infusion of Federalism ?” J, sir,
WIIOEE NO. 268.