Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

POLITIC IL, From the North Carolina Standard. Mr. Fan Buren—Henry Clay—Review of Facts. But the League between the “Whigs” and Abolition ists, although denied by the Southern “Whig” Press, is not contradicted in those sections where it is reputed to produce “ whig” triumphs. Take lite following additional proofs, and let a Southern stomach digest them as it may. Just before the New York Election of 1838, at a peri od when this unholy combination to sacrifice a “ Northern President for his Southern feelings” was to be consumma ted in the Empire State—Mr. Van Buren’s own Slate— and when there was less danger of alarming the South, whoso elections were a year off, what said the Abolition ists? Hear it, People of the South. Look at it calmly and judge justly—by whatever party name you have been heretofore known. Ina Circular issued from the Seat of Government, of tint State of New York, and promulga ted under the official signatures of the Presidents, Vice President, and Executive Committees of Anti-Slavery Societies, we read that they “ recommend their abolition friends to vote for Seward,” the “ whig” candidate for Governor, and have given their reasons: “First: Mr. Seward is the candidate of the party which on the floor of Congress nobly vindicates the right of petition, (viz : of Abolition Memorials) and ss nobly asserts the freedom of debate—of the party also that sus tains John Q. Adams, and Wm. Slade —of a party whose views aro liberal and tolerant." What party is here meant ? V. hich “ party” is it that vindicates the right of petitioning against Slavery ? W hich “ party” asserts the right of freely debating Slavery ? Which parlv sustains Adams and Slade ? IV hich “ party” is it that has been so liberal,so tolerant to those fanatics! Undeniably, it is the self styled “II hig" Party;" un questionably it is, and it must be the same party whose candidate Seward was—viz: the “ Whig" Party. “ Second. Mr. Seward is the candidate of the party which in our (New York) Legislature passed Resolutions against Patton's Gag— Resolutions in favor of the right of petition, (meaning as above,petitions against slavery) and in favor of granting a trial by Jury to persons claimed as Fugitive Slaves. Instead of the denunciations and revilings with which our (Abolition) petitions were treated in years past, instead of threaten ing us with penal enact ments, the WHIGS received and treated our petitions and remonstrance with respect, &.c.” This is as plain as the light of day—-you may run and read it. The Abolitionists have called on their Brethren to vole for the “ whig” candidate, because the "whigs" have been “ rcxprc/i/Z, w hile the Democrats “denounced •nd reviled the Abolitionists.” Aye, “ treated with re spect," are the very words of Mr. Clay’s speech before the battle was fought by the South, anti won under a leader of “ Northern birth and Southern feelings.” “ The whigs vrte with us,” say the Abolitionists, and, therefore, we will vote for their candidate.” “ They tickle oer elbow and we must scratch their head.” “ Third. Mr. Seward is the candidate of a party that opposes the re-election of a President who stands pledged toce/oany bill abolishing slavery in the District of Co lumbia.” What President is pledged to veto Abolition! Mr. ' Van Buren. He alone is a cantl date for “ reelection, and pledged to veto Abolition;” and the Abolitionists here join this unholy League to defeat him, and/or that reason. It is for this cause they oppose him. It is for this that he is to be proscribed, ft is for this the “Abolitionists generally are Whigs.” And will the South assist, at the sacrifice es their own defender! When he is battling for the South, and his enemies take to their ranks a savage foe, whose aim it is to strike the South through Mr. Van Burea, and whose, object it is to immolate the Chief, in order that they may remove an insuperable barrier to any incursion upon us, how can any of us longer keep a stand amongst his adversaries! While the “ whigs” are fighting under a banner that has Abolition on either side of it, how dare any Southern Soldier take position under its folds! But to proceed with this Manifesto bv Abolition “Whigs”—this Covenant and League. What farther reason is given for voting for Seward! “ Fourth. Because Mr. Seward is the candidate op posed io Gov. Marcy, who in his Message to the Le gislature (of New York) has manifested the bitterest “ hostility to ouit cause” (viz. the Abolition cause.) Now this Governor Marcy was the Van Buren Candi date. The “ whigs” say the Abolitionists, “ have treated us with respect”—the “ whigs” are “ liberal and tole rant” to us—but this democrat Van Buren is pledged to veto Abolition, and Governor Marcy is bitterly hostile to Abolitionists; and, therefore, we the Abolitionists will vote the Il’Aig Ticket ! We go for a “ change of rulers,” and, therefore, “ we, too, are whigs.” “ Fifth. Because the re-election of Gov. Marcy (the Van Buren Candidate) would go very far towards the re election of Martin Van Buien, whose measures and policy are so hostile to the cause of human liberty”—(that is to say Abolition.) The Abolitionists are here called upon to league with the “ Whigs” to proscribe Mr. Van Buren for his hostility to Abolition. But we hear the Federal Presses at the South, in thjir effiuts to escape from the just condemnation of Whiggery, say no I They say the opposition is ground ed upon other and distinct matters—the Bank qpestion— tire Sub-Treasury-—the Currency—are the grounds on which the Whigs and Abolitionists of New York concur red, and that is what brought about an accidental concert ! Alas! this refuge of deception cannot avail them I The political manifesto, the bond of Union which their Aboli tion A Hies signed and promulgated to influence the votes *f their dear brethren in the North, concludes in these wordy : “We view the great question of a Sob-Treasury, a National Bank, or the Currency, of minor importance, compared with the great subject of (Abolition) human liberty, and believing that the election of Mr. Seward (“ Whig”) and the defeat of Governor Marcy (Van Bu ren) will best promote the great cause of Universal Eman cipation, we shall vote for him ourselves, and recommend our Abolition Friends to do the same !” If there were nothing else to prove a Coalition between the “ Whigs” and Abolitionists, here is abundant evi dence. They voted together ; they triumphed together; •nd even their brethren in the South shouted “ Glorious, glorious, glorious Victory !” But what sort of Victory was it! Most fortunately for the country, our Union, and the South, it will be but a temporary victory—yet so far as it went, and so long as it lasts, it is ■ triumph over Southern Rights and our blessed Constitution. A victory won by an union of political mal ice and ambition, with a fanatical and dangerous Faction —by a League or Coalition of “ and Abolition ists ! People of the South! Be careful how you give it countenance. The Teague, is proved by the very Arti cles of Association, executed cotempotaneously with the acts by which they were carried out and performed. In credulity itself is challenged to overcome the conviction which such proof forces upon the mind. From ths Georgia Argus. There is no feeling more common to our nature than the disposition to attribute our misfortunes to any thing else than our own imprudence «r want of judgment: hence it is that so few profit by the experience either of thouiselvcs or others ; instead of searching out the errors in our own course, and setting ourselves about to correct them, we shut our eyes to them, attribute all the evils which have befallen us to somebo dy or something else, and go ou in the same course and again bring about the same result. In nothing is the truth of these remarks more fully exem plified than in the clamor that is raised about tho necessity of a National Batik. All the evils that have befallen the country for the last few years are attributed to the want of it. nnd all the blessings that a country can enjoy arc promised by its le-establishmeut. To bear tho story of its advocates, oue might suppose that during its existence no men haut bad ever failed in business—that money had never been scarce— that property had never been low—that pressure in the mo- Jmy Hiarket bad never been foil—that exchanges had always been nt par—that no banks had evei failed—that there had been no money in the country but such as was good, and that every body had always had plenty ol it; in short, that during its existence, tho United States Bank had been the dispenser of every blessing, the panacea of “nil the ills that flesh is heir to.” Butho who will take the trohlde to look back upon tho his tory of the pecuniary affairs of the country from tho time of the establishment of n United States Bank in 1816 to tho pre sent time, will find in the past but little evidence of the good it has done, and no security that tho hopes of its future useful ness entertained by its advocates will ever be realized. Who that has arrived at middle ago does not remember with what destructive and desolating energy, ruin mid bankruptcy swept over the whole face of our country in eighteen hundred and twenty, visiting in their march not the merchant nnd tho speculator nlone, but every class of the community ? when distress and dismay parvaded every portton of the country? when scarcely any body had money, nnd every description of propertv fell almost to nothing ? And yet we had at that time a National Batik. And at n yet later period, in 1825, before the country had recovered from tho shock, tho same thing again happened, nnd yet on neither of these •ccasions did a National Bank save us from their calamities, or relieve us of their weight. From 1816 to 1820 we had prosperity; from that lints to 1835 it was tho reverse; trow if it is fair to attribute to the bank the four years of prosperity, it is also fair to charge to it the fifteen years of adversity ; and our people aro clamoring for the establishment of an institution which produces one year of prosperity tn four of adversity. If we take tins supposition as the true one, it proves that a National Bank has four times the power to do evil that it has to do good. But if it be claimed for it, and admitted that it pre tittccd ell tint prosperity, and he denied that it produced any of the evil, why it only iollowa.that it has but little power l« do good, nnd no power to prevent evdfc How often do we hear it roundly asserted, that if the Bank hail been io existence we should not have aoen the present state of distress. Does the experience of tho past justify such assertions? Did it prevent the pressure of 1820, and save our citizens from ruin ? Did it prevent distress from coming upon them, or relieve them from it after it had come? Let tboee who«e property was brought under the sheriff's hammer in those days, answer the question. The people of Georgia did not then think that the United States Bunk aided ia relieving them; on the contrary, so fully were they convinced that it added to the weight of their calamities, that in 1820 the Legislature was driven to unjust legislation, in order, as they supposed, to shield the people from in oppressions. But we are prone to forget evils that are past and gone, as wo aro to magnify those of the present and future- The chil dren of Israel when they began to encounter the temporary hardships and pt n ations' which were necessary to secure their liberty, forgot the severity of their task masters, and longed again fur the flash pots of Egypt. “Would to said they, “we had died by the k- ; "! of the Lord in the land of Egypt, “'hen we sat by the flesh pots, and when we did eat bread to the full; for ye have brought us forth into this wil derness ts> kill this whole assembly with hunger.” As it was with the children of Israel, so it is with many of the people of this day. They seek only for present relief, be the ultimate evils that may follow w hat they may. _ _ . . But let us see hew this rslief would be afforded, nod here we will examine a little more closely some of the anticipated blessings of a National Bank. How would the relief be afforded! The Bank could not give us the money, because if it should, it would seon be broke, ft could n< t lend it to us because we have nothing to pay it back with, and it would have to redeem its bilie, which it could not do with oor notes- But the trw h is, we have all this time b id a Bank w it h all the credit and more than the ca pital of the old United States Bank; and why is it that we have not been relieved ? The present United States Bank has as much credit as the nld oue, its bills pass at par every where, and yet it was not able to prevent the calamities iiom coming, or to relieve us from it after it bad come. From the South Carolinian. SUB-TREASURY SCHEME. “What is the effect of the Sub-Treasury scheme, but to multiply beyond computation, the number of dependent Ex ecutive officers!” It wnu'd, if in operation, have “the effect” of preventing public defalcation, by preventing the first step towards it— use of the public funds. It would, if in operation, chain the legs of what the whigs call leg treasurers, and chain them too in prison, if they broke tho law. It would close the door to the W hig scheme of resorting to their pet batik system of depesitei—an “ effect” that would drive the Whigs to desperation. It would, if it had been in operation, have prevented the Whig Conservative Swartwou’, pocketing above a million of the people's moi ey, and cooped him up securely within the dark walls of a prison, instead of giving him the range of the Eastern w orld. It would, if it bad been in operation, have prevented the less to the people, by banks entrusted with the public funds, of .* 12 in General Jackson's administration ; of 8270,000, in Mr. J. Q. Adams’ administration; of SBOO,OOO in Mr. Monroe's administration; and of $5,000,000 previous to that ad ministration. It would have pt everted the loss by collectors, marshals, attorneys, parmasters, purchasers, Ac . of $4 753,000. If it had been in operation, it would have had the ‘effect' to preclude the ruinous credit system, in relation to bunds for duties, by which the people have lost, of tbeir national reve nue, not less than $6,/00,000. Here, then, is the loss of twenty and a half million-, that would have been saved if the government had adhered to the independent treasury and cash system, on which the framers of the constitution intended it should operate, and on which it would, probably, have operated. had not the first Secretary of the Treasury. Alexander Hamilton, without regard to law and constitution, run the federal car off the course, on a tract of his construction. From the North Carolina Standard. AN ENGLISH MIND. Tho Federal “whig” New York Express, among other compliments to Mr. Webster says he has an “English Mind.” The editor is very correct. Mr- Webster most admirably displayed his “English Mind” in the year 1814, as the following statement of the votes of this Lion of Fed eral Whiggery, In congress, at different times during that period, will show: On the 7th of January, 1814, Mr. Webster in the House of Representatives, voted against an appropriation to de fray the expenses of the navy! On the lOihof the same month he voted against a pro position to detect and punish traitors and spies ! On the 14ili, against making provision to fill the ranks of the army ! On the 22d, against raising troops for five years! On the 28th against a non-imporiatiun law ! On the Bth of Febuary against raising five regiments of riflemen ! On the 2!)ih of March, against a bill to execute the laws and repel invasion ! On the 2d of December, against a bill to raise a revenue for Government, and maintain the public credit! On the 10th, against the same bill: also •against a bill for an appropriation to rebuild the Capitol, after it had been burnt by lite enemy. As a Senator from Massachusetts, during the recent difficulties with France, this same Mr Websthr declared that he "would not vote for an appropriation for National defence if the. enemy were battering down the walls of the Capitol." John Q. Adams then stated in the House that Webster could takehut one tory step more, and that was to "join the enemy." Mr. Webster had also an “English Mind” when be made bis Speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston, against lending money to carry on the war with Great Britain ; at which time his brother Federalists all had “English Minds,” as expressed by their moanings at the victories obtained by the American arms over the British foe. And now the Aristocratic English minded Federal “Whigs,” have sent Mr. Webster to England, where he will find “gentlemen who know each oilier by instinct” —gentlemen whose noses arc instinctively tweaked when they scent the vulgar American Democracy. And when Mr. Webster returns the Federalists will have an “English Mind,, to make him President. If they do not, it will be because he is not so available, as Henry Clay. Vice President they are determined he shall be. Then we shall have capi tal times. A President in association with Abolitionists, and a Vice President, who besides that Federal virtue, en joys the stupendous advantage of an “English Mind ! !” And then will the Southern “Whig” Presses shout “Glo rious Victory!” From the New York Evening Post. rhe discourse late ly delivered by John Quincy Adams, oili the fiftieth university of the inauguration of President Washington is an attempt to revive the extinct doctrines of ancient fedetalism. He maintains, with some degree of plausibility, that the people of the United States are one people, subsisting as a great and independent nation, under a government of the consolidated form. The ac cordancy of the principles of the constitution with those of the declaration of independence is the ground upon which he relies. It is urged that tho articles of confeder ation were a departure from the spirit and terms of that great instrumentwhich absolved the colonies from allegi ance to the parent state. They assumed without warrant the sovereignty and independence of the colonies, and thus proceeded upon grounds that were false throughout. Here is the. substance of his reasoning upon these points. “ The signers of the declaration, though qualifying them selves as the Representatives of the United States of America in general Congress assembled, yet issued the declaration in the name and by the authority of the good people, of the colonies. And they declare net each of the separate colonies, but the united colonies free and inde pendent. 3he whole people declared the colonies, in their united condition, of Right free and independent States,.” “ The independence of each separate State had never been declared of right, it bad never existed in fact." In reply we assert that al no time have the States com prised in the confederacy of the United States existed as any thing else in relation to each otfler than free and in dependent States. Great as were the effects pi educed by the solemn act which severed them from the government abroad, it accomplished no change among themselves. At the most it only confirmed a union which had been formed some time befor» by mutual agreement and for common purposes. It neither altered the nature, the terms, or the consequences of the association. It conferred no new power upon the genet al congress, it abstracted no author ity from the local legislatures, it created no before uukaown and untried relations among the colonies. They contin ued to be such as had been in all that relates to local sove reignty. I lie people were not called upon to relinquish the existence of their distinct and independent communi ties, to stricke down the barriers of local custom ai d law, to consolidate by a transcendent act of popular will into one vast and undivided nation. The declaration of inde pendence was a concerted movement designed more ef fortuallv to Secure the freedom of the enslaved provinces ,ne British crown. Beyond this it did not advance or even pretend to advance, in the attainment of this it ac complished its whole design ; it ceased to act ; leaving whatever other relations the colonies might see fit to insti tute among themselves to subsequent legislation and agree ment. Accordingly articles of confederation were shortly afterwards prepared, the very first of which ordained that “each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and in dependence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the U. States in Congress assembled.” “ But whence,” asks Mr. Adams, “ did each State get the sovereignty, freedom and independence which the ar ticles of confederation declare it retains ? not from the whole people of the whole union ; not from the declara tion of independence; not ftom the people of the State itself. It was assumed by agreement between the legisla tures of the several Slates nnd their delegates in Congress without authority from, or consultation of the people at all.” The answer to this is plain ; the independence of the States was derived from the declaration certainly. It is true there was no formal assertion of independence on the part of each separate colony ; for it was not required.— When the colonies as an union asserted their freedom, the efficiency of the act extended to each of the component parts. It was both joint and several in its operation. The greater is said to include the less, and in this ease we con tend the declaration of all the colonies was in effect a declara tion of each one separately and for itself. The union was merely transcient and incidental, in no way connected with the validity of the declaration and establishing noth ing as to the internal relations of the parties. It was an agreement which had been previously formed for a speci fic and definite oltject. beyond which object it did not affect in the remotest degree the domestic policy, economy, institutions or legislation of tho confederates. Had any one of the colonies chosen to withdraw from the union the day' after the declaration was made, it would have become a free and independent State. Had Maryland, the last to give, in her adherence, altogether refused to accede, would she have reverted to the dominion of the British crown or or would she have formed a distinct and self governed community! Most unquestionably the latter, and by vir tue too of the declaration, solemnly made by her repre sentatives, and sanctioned constructively at least, if not directly by her people. The declaration was made “ in the name nnd by the au thority of the people, but they were the people of the co lonies, not of one community, of one body politic, acknowl edging but one and the same head, and distributed into Slates for administrative purposes barely, but of several separate and independent communties united, for the time, for mutual protection and assistance. LOSS OF STEAMER MACFARLAND. We have already given an account of the loss of this steamboat. The following interesting statement of the particulars of the accident, is extracted from the Vicks burg Whig of 20th inst. Terricle. Disaster and Toss of Life. — The steamboat Danube bound down, came in contact with the steamer S. McFarland on her upward passage, on Monday morning last, about 60 miles below Memphis. The McFarland was so much injured by the concussion, that she went down in 3 minutes. The accident occurred about 1 o’clock in the morning, and the scene that ensued is represented to its by»passengcrs as heart-lending in the extreme. Capt. Carroll of the Mediator, who was a a passenger on the Danube, says lie has never witnessed a parallel to it. The The McFarland was crowded with passengers, among •vhom were a large number of women and children, and the shrieks and cries of the affrighted sufferers, as they started from their beds to gaze upon the wide extent of waters yawning to receive them, were truly appalling.— Among the passengers on board the ill-fated boat, was the lady and children of our townsman, Richard Christmas, Esq. and and we are rejoiced to know that they were so fortunate as to escape. The number of lives lost is repor ted at live, all of whom were deck passengers. 'I he Mc- Farland was literally torn to pieces, the hull having separ ated in a few moments from the cabin—the former sinking while the latter floated off. We are indebted to J. O. Har rison, Esqr. for the following extract of a letter from one of the passengers, giving the annexed particulars: “ Our boat struck her aft the boilers—she went down to the cabin in five minutes or less, when it separated from the hull and filled to some three feet in depth. There were some 200 persons on board, and many from your place and State. A gentleman swam to our boat with Mrs. Christ mas,’♦vo children and a negro! No lives were lost from the cabin. The deck suffered most in lives and property —some five persons lost. The Danube was so badly in jured by the separation of her stem piece, that she had to be run on shore to save her also from sinking. She was repaired by daylight so as to enable her to follow the .wreck at a slow pace, w hich we overtook at the mouth of the St. Francis river, and towed it to Helena. The baggage was thus recovered, though in a soaked condition. Loafers were busy. It is hard to say who, or how much either party are to blame. It is a deep bend at this place, with a broad bar from the Island, it would seem that the Mc- Farland came up the bend, when the pilot on seeing tho Danube, made for the bar. The pilot of the Danube see- : ing the other boat in the bend, had also made for the bar. > —it being dark and both at speed, they approximated fas- j ter than they were aware of—became alarmed and resul- i ted in the doctrine of “ hardest fend off.”— Louisianian. It is estimated that upwards of one hundred thou sand piano-fortes are manufactured annually in the United States. ' REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE NEW YORK COMMITTEE. Gentlemen:— l am deeply and gratefully effected by this cotdial reception on the part of my democratic fellow citizens of the city and county of New York. Long, very long, the recipient of their favor and thoroughly im pressed with a conviction of their unvarying patriotism, I can never he insensible to theirgood opinion. It is, there fore, with the liveliest satisfaction that I learn from you that my official conduct as President of the United States has met the approbation of those in whose behalf you have addressed me. 1 estimate that approval the more highly from a belief that they have not overrated either the difficulties of my position, or the importance of the subjects upon which it has been tny duly to act. Your observations upon an important question in re gard to our domestic policy—that of an independent treasury, shew a very mature and just consideration of the subject in all its bearings; tested by the principle which has been opposed to it— that of giving a temporary use of the public money, and a consequent control over it, to private corporations irresponsible to the people—it may well be regarded us a question involving the nature, and to some extent, the existence of republican institutions, as well as a consideration of the main purposes for which our government was established ; whether for the safety of the many or the aggrandizement of the few—whether or not to secure the greatest good to the greatest number, in our view the only legitimate object of the institution of government among men. It is, to my mind, certain that under a system like ours, and in communities like those which conqrose the population of these States, the solution of a question embracing such considerations cannot re main long in doubt. Private interest and individual ef forts under mistaken impressions as to its tendency, may indeed obstruct and delay, but they cannot contiol its final adjustment. On the contrary, we cannot be deceived in believing that the period is rapidly approaching when those efforts will be discontinued—when personal conside rations will unavoidably be merged in the general current of public sentiment, and when the common interest in this respect will be placed on its only true and solid founda tion, by the adoption of the measures referred to with the approbation of the people. The views which you have taken of particular points in our foreign relations, which recently presented a very unfavorable aspect, are conceived in the same just and enlightened spirit. The long contested question between Great Britain and ourselves in relation to the North-east ern boundary, there is reason to hope, is in a fairway for a speedy and amicable settlement, and the troubles on the Ca nadiau border, have, 1 am persuaded, passed their most dangerous crisis. To cultivate a spirit of liberal concession in our public relations, and at the same time, to maintain with every power our national honor unimpaired, are properly re garded by you as Busts of the highest nature. Experi ence has shown that these can be best discharged by inva riably demanding justice ourselves, and as invariably pur suing the same line of conduct towards others. A mo mentary forgetfulness of the latter and great duty by a small number of our citizens on the Northern frontier, had well nigh broken up the peaceful relations of two great nations, and exposed to irreparable injury the dearest in terests of millions of people, impelled to the most amica ble intercourse by the strong ties of reciprocal interests, a common origin and a common language. The injurious consequences of a war between them, not only to the particular interests of each, but to those also of mankind, could not well be exaggerated. Jt may indeed be safely affirmed, that there are not two other nations in the world, at war between whom would sever so many ties, or who are capable of inflicting upon each other such complicated and diversified evils. Although these considerations have weight, and would probably receive from neither more than a passing regret in respect to the prosecution of war rendered indispensable by a due regard to the national character, they could not be contemplated without the deepest sorrow as the result of a contest brought upon the two countries without necessity. That the steps which were taken to preserve the public faith, and to suppress disorder in that quarter, produced in the tbeu state of public feeling on the frontier, dissatis faction even with persons entertaining in other respects the most correct views,did not disappoint me. Trusting, however, to the good sense and ultimate just feeling of my countrymen, I was persuaded that those unfavorable im pressions would be of short duration, and if I had even thought otherwise, I could not I humbly hope, have been deterred from the performance of an obvious duty by per sonal considerations. All well disposed persons now see the matter in its true light—all feel that the obligations which public law imposes on civilized nations, and of which republican governments should be most rigidly ob servant, were for a moment lost sight of, and that to an extent which, if persisted in, would have rendered war inevitable. It affotds me much pleasure to learn that the course ta ken was, in your opinion, the best th.it could under the circumstances of the moment, have been pursued, and that the country has been saved from a great calamity by its adoption. The danger of a hostile collision arising from this source having as I hope, passed away, the asperities of the moment in a great degree having been allayed, and an opportunity for cool reflection afforded, we may, 1 am sure, count with confidence upon a vigilant support by our citizens, of those great principles of international justice, the maintenance of which is alike indispensable to the i preservation of social order and the peace of the world. I In doing so it does not follow that we are, either to sur ' render the right of opinion, to suppress a solicitude for the spread of free government, or to withhold our best wishes for the success of all who arc in good faith labor ing fortheir establishment. Allow me, gentlemen, once more to thank you for the highly gratifying manner in which you have been pleased to welcome my return to my native State, after an ab sence of unusual duration, and to assute you that your kindness will be long remembered. [From the Boston Courier.] TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS. It is known that my name has been presented to the public, by a meeting of the members of the Legislature of the State, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, at the ensuing election. As it has been expected that a Convention would be holden in the autumn of this year, composed of delegates from the several States, I have hitherto thought proper not to anticipate, in any way, the results of the Convention. But lam now out of the country, not to return, probably, much earlier than the perioe fixed for the meeting of the Convention, and do not know what events may occur in the meantime which, if 1 were at home, might demand immediate at tention fiom me. 1 desire, moreover, toad no part which may tend to prevent a cordial and effective union among those whose object, 1 trust, is to maintain, unimpared, the Constitution of the country, and to uphold all its great in terests by a wise, prudent, and patriotic administration oftho Government. These considerationshave induced me to withdraw my name as a candidate for the office of President at the next election. DANIEL WEBSTER. London, June 12, 1839, Beau Ideal of a Bells.—ln her person she is well developed, clean limbed, full of health and life, and sprightly as the morning lark. lleY heart is as tender as a young squash ; and warm as the light of the evening sun. Her mind unshackled by prejudice, and unwarped by early fooleries is the tablet of truth ; her soul is the temple of righteous •flection, and her tongue the oracle of wisdom. She early selects a partner for life, and they glide along the current of time with the mean velocity of a raft; and pitch over the falls together, as quietly as the wary turtle drops from his log.— Cineinati News. TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 16, 1839. The Superior Court, for this county, is now in session Judge’Jdill, presiding. JOURNAL OF THE CONVENTION. Pursuant to a resolution of the Reduction Convention we have completed the printing of three thousand copies of the Journal of its proceedings, several weeks since; but in consequence of the severe and protracted illness of the Governor, they have not been delivered at the Executive Department, his Secretaries not feeling themselves author-- ised to receive them in the absence of his Excellency. The same resolution contains a request, that the Gover nor will cause them to in like manner as the Laws and Journals of the Legislature are, in the several counties of the State. As his health is daily improving, we hope to be able in a few days, to place them under his control. o! DON’T TELL IT. How unfeeling it is in the Union Democratic papers to be talking about Judge Dougherty’s defeat in 1835 ! It is too much to be reviving such unpleasant recollec tions, when there is so much else to talk about. But after all, as it is only a little scrap of history, we should think the whig papers might bear it with a better grace. As it seems however to operate so palpably upon their sensativa organs, we shall “ endeever for to strive for to try,” to say as little on the subject as the nature of the case may require, and shall probably not bring up this unwelcome reminescence, more than once a month. After all, he was not beaten more than three thou sand, and we have seen a tarnal sight worse case than that, iu our time; and if he can hold his own, in this race, and come out as near to his competitor, as he did in 1835, he should be as well satisfied as the Indian who a bushel of seed Rye, from a white mnn, which he sowed, reaped and thrashed, and when asked afterwards by the white man how his Rye turned out, the Indian re plied, “plime—l git um agin that is tosay, if he gets as many votes as he did before, he’ll do "plime," but it ar’nt “our John,” that he can exactly do that thing. JUDGE DOUGHERTY AND THE JOURNALS As the public have been referred to the Journals of the Legislature to prove. Judge Dougherty’s adherance to the doctrine of State Rights, we will first ask a question, and then make a reference. Was it a State Rights measure to pass an act in 1830, to survey and distribute the Cherokee country ? A ma jority of the people thought so then, and almost every one thinks so now. Upon the passage of that Bill, Judge McDonald voted for it—Judge Dougherty, against it.—This is the way the Journals tell it. This is another item from the Journal, to prove how Judge Dougherty maintained the rights of the State, " in those fearful times,” when he voted that the State should not exercise jurisdiction and ownership over her own soil, until it should please the President, to inform the Gover nor, that he would not oppose it with the military force of the United States. MONROE RAIL ROAD. We learn that there are a number of miles now under contract, above Forsyth, and that the company are exert ing all their energies to reach the main trunk, or Western and Atlantic Rail Road in as short a time as practicable. AV e also understand tKat they have adopted what we consider the most politic arrangement for securing the speedy accomplishment of so great a woik, by engaging those who take stock, to work out three fourths of their subscriplions, in labor upon the road, and receiving one fourth in cash. If the citizens upon, and near the route, should go heartily into this measure, which we cannot doubt, the road will soon be finished, with the expenditure of a com paratively small sum of money. This plan of working out stock, must give a new im petus to the work of internal improvement, and we hope to see it speedily and generally adopted. It is one which claims, in a peculiar manner, the public consideration, and which if reduced to practice, will obviate the difficulty of raising large sums of money, and place it in the power of the people to develope the resources of the State, by the application of their own industry. We are gratified to learn, that Mr. Benjamin Brantly, of Monroe county, has worked out, with twelve hands, in two months, two thousand dollars worth of stock in the Monroe Rail Road. This-is better business than planting cotton, and we hope t« see his example followed by many others. O WHIGGERY ! WHIGGERY ! THOU ART IMACULATE. If the people could believe the one tenth of what they read in tho whig papers about disinterested patriotism and exclu sive love of country ; of their utter abborauce of office, office holders, and office-seekers, they might well be alarmed for the existence of their government; for just as sure as these same whigs obtain the ascendancy, there is not a man among them who would Soil his hands with the emoluments of office. No, no, they are too pure and holy to pollute themselves by torching a cent of the public money. Now’ if they should elect Mr. Clay, he will be placed in rather an odd position. Ilis political friends will refuse to serve the country, from the conviction that office and corrup tion are synonomous terms, and he will bo loft to carry on the- Government single handed and alone, unless necessity should compel him to call iu aid, from the democratic ranks, or the "swinish multitude," to use the mote chaste and classical cog nomen of the federalists. Mr. Clay will indeed be in a sad predicament if elected with all the patronage of the government in his hands, and no one upon whom to bestow it. lie will Have no Secretaries, no Postmaster General, no Attorney General, no receivers of monies, from the sale of the public lands. In short, no body to assist him in carrying ou the Government. This would be a sad state of things. The Government would come to a dead stand still, and the consequences would be awful indeed ; and as a midling good sort of a Government is bet'er than none at all, and as we make a shift to get along with Mr. Van Buren and his co adjutors, passably well, it might be b«t». ter to retain him, who can command the necessary agents, for keeping the ship of State in motion, than to risk a change which would inevitably bring the Executive Government of the Union to an untimely death. 1 he indomitable repugnance of the whigs to the patronage of office, is very strongly expressed iu the following extract from the New York Courier and Enquirer. Speaking of Mr. Van Buren, tho Courier says, “His present position enables him to play tho game at advantage. The influence and pat ronage of office; the annual disbursement of $40,000,000 a year, with the various appointments of honor or profit by which he is enabled to subsidize averice and ambition collect abotf* him, of necessity, a cohort of champions and defenders.”