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CELEBRATION OF THE 4TH OF JULY AT HAWKINS
VILLE.
According to previous notice, a very large number of the
citizens of Pulaski county assembled at Hawkinsville, for the
purpose of joining in tho celebration of the 63d anniversary of
American Independence.
At eleven o'clock the procession was formed in front of the
Hawkinsville Hotel, and proceeded, under the guidance of
Maj. James M. Bracewell, Marshal of jheday, to tho Metho
dist Church.
The services were opened by an appropriate prayer from
the Rev. Wiley Holder. The Declaration of Independence,
prefaced by a few very appropriate and patriotic remarks,
was then read in a very distinct and impressive manner by B.
W. Bracewell, Esq.; aftbr which. Col. William S. Whitfield
delivered in a happy style, an Oration, replete with sound
doctrine and patriotic sentiment, strongly evincing soundness
•f head aud purity of heart.
The Company then repaired to a sumptuous repast, provi
ded by our liberal fellow townsman. Mr. William Bacon.—
When, (the cloth being removed,) the following Regular
Toasts were offered and drank.
REGULAR TOASTS.
I. 7’Ar day we celebrate— The brightest epoch in American hi-tory.
8. Gkorgk Washinotok—A iiihii that will be hailed by unborn gen
erations, as the founder of a great and glorious Republic, while the iinuies
of Kings and Emperors of other nations will be lost in the vortex of rev
olutions.
3. The eages and heroes of the Rerolution— Unsurpassed in strength
of iota!leet, invincible in courage, yetetdy ambitious of their country's
greatness.
4. The Army and Nary— The means that were employed to bring
the quarrels of the mother country aud her colonies to a happy conclu
sion.
5. The Flag of our Country — Respected by all nations, the dread
of tyrants and the beacon light that conducts the oppressed foreigner to
a “ laud of the free, and the homo of the brave."
6. J asher Attn Nttwres—The philanthropy and greatness of soul
that distinguished these true born sons of American liberty was mani
fested bv them nt the Spa.
7. 7'he Patriots that fell in our Revolutionary struggle—A never
fading monument is raised to their memory in die besoms of theircoun-
Irymen.
' 8. 7’he Constitution of the L’niled Slates— Framed by wise heads
■nd purr hearts, a protection to the weak, and a landmark for the strong
—our rights are only safe in a just construction of its spirit.
9. LaFavsttk—The Haro whose firmness and patriotism is with
out example in unalerii history, who eacritiied nil the comforts of social
and domestic life in support of the rights of man, and the welfare of our
country.
10. Count Pulaski—The gallant Pole who lost his life at Savannah
in its defence ; his name will always bedear to the citizens of this county.
11. Gfakoia —Being rich in soil and possessing all the advantages of
climate and location is destined at no distant period to rival her sister
States in wealth and Internal Improvement.
12, The promotion of Education— The surest means of avoiding error,
the great road that leads to peace, liberty, and safety.
13. The American Fair— Virtuous, noble, and intellectu-l; by them
we are first taught to lisp the names of the patriot and sage:— to emulate
their virtues should be our constant duty.
After which a number of Volunteer Toasts were offered,
breathing a spirit of patriotism and social feeling, so deeply
and purely flowing in the breasts of American citizens.
ORATION
SKLIVXREV BV W. S. WHITFIELD, AT HAWKINSVILLE, 4th JULY, 1839.
Fellow Citizens:
We are met to commemorate the laying
•f the corner stone of the Temple of Democratic Freedom.
Conscious that the ground which lies before me as your Or
ator, has been trod " a thousand times o’er," by those ou whom
genius has conferred her brighter rays, and eloquence its sub
limer powers, I shall deem myself fortunate if 1 succeed in
imparting to the majestic theme, the interest you may expect
even at the hands of youth and iuexperiunce.
Th-ee score years and three have now elapsed, since our
forefathers, prompted by oppression, and urged by the voice of
reason aud justice, pronounced the fat of freedom which has
just been read in your hearing. As the lightning shoots aloug
the dark bosom of the summer cloud, so did the novel intel
ligence wiug its way to the remotest ends of the earth, and the
voice of patriotism, with loud acclamation, re-echoed the firm,
the heaven inspired decree. Tho world beheld with aston
ishment, a people ns yet in national embryo, boldly dnre to
divest themselves of the shackle* of tyrunuy, aud hurl defi
ance in tbe teeth of their oppressors.
This, fellow citizens, being the anniversary of that epoch
which proclaimed to tyranny the death-dirge of its sway, aud
which opened to millions the fountains of constitutional free
dom, every American should greet with glowing, patriotic ar
der it* reiurn.
On this august day, the few veteran survivor* of the great
•iruggle for democratic liberty, who have a place among the
living, have one more opportunity of meeting around that al
tar at which the sacrifice* of the patriotic and good have been
offered, since the declaration of American Independence—one
more opportunity of refreshing their remembrance of th*
scenes, the exploits, and the triumphs, which have rendered
tbe laud of their hope* aud their affections, the political polar
■tar of nations—a nursery of liberty, of literature aud religion.
Few of these now tread the soil for which they fought, or
breathe the air which unfurls the pioud folds of tbe "star
spangled banner"—the flag of the free. One ouly of these
war-worn and tiine-houored Heroes, graces the vast assem
blage now before me. The seventieth anniversary of this
proud day, may not find even one of these sages upon tho the
atre of their earthly glory—all, nil will have gone. But in
fancy's eye, I behold them take their stations upon the mount
of remembrance.
Every column of smoke which ascends frem the peaceful
fireside, and commingles with the air breathed by freemen ;
the heaveu piercing spires which rise from the bnsom of our
cities and villages, to de-ignate tho places where God is nor
■topped according to the dictates of tho unfettered conscience;
the majestic ship, as she plow* the trackless waste of "old
ocean’s" eve-tasting waters, bearing “ aloft and free” Colum
bia'* honored flag— all are so many monuments to their
achievements, their patriotism, and their foresight.
Upon each succeeding return of this hallowed day in " all
time to come,” the votaries of liberty will celebrate the dec
laration of tho principle which assert* the political equality of
man They will celebrate with sentiment and song, ihe man
ly, patriotic struggles of each hard fought field ; aud only re
gret, that those who fell upon the fields of their fame, did not
survive to behold their country'* greatness, and a nation’s
gratitude.
Renowned Patriots! The benedictions of the world will
rest upon your honored head*, for the rich legacy bequeathed
by you to posterity, iu that glorious charter of civil and reli
gious liberty, which proclaims the natural equality of man
—which founds all hi* rights and privileges, all hi* obligations
■nd duties, upon the simple, self-evident principles of reason
•nd justice.
Let us, fellow citizens of the land of Jefferson and his com
peers, rejoice in the simplicity of our system of government.
The will of an American citizen is restrained so far only as
i* necessary to the protection of life, liberty, aud property,
■nd the maintenance of social order. Freedom of opinion in
the choice of education, the adoption of religious tenets, and
in the selection of those with whom the administration of the
law* is entrusted, is the unfettered privilege of the most hum
ble citizen.
Here the most humble is not below the people, the most fa
vored not above the people. The brighest laurels, aud most
exalted honors known to democracy, are within the reach
■ like of him w ho is cradled in poverty anil obscurity, and him
whose brow is blooming with the factitiousgailand of wealth
The Constitution, which is the foundation of this system,
though framed more than half a centtity ago. and in the infan
cy of our republic, has proved adeq ate to the protection and
promotion of the various interests of her increased population.
The wisdom of Jefferson devised it. tbe scrutiny of Franklin
approved it, and time has stamped upon it the signet of sauc
tity and perfection.
The distinguished peculiarity of our system consist* in this,
that none other has ever entrusted with the popular will, such
practical, unlimited, absolute control. This argues much for
the stability of our political fabric—for, a* the popular will is
the keystone, and grand arch of the structure, so must it have
talleii to the ground, had the prop of popular approbation
been withdrawn. But this prop has not, and while we are
■true to our best interests, it will not be withdrawn Every
lesson of experience enlarges it* base, and braces it more
firmly in support of those institutions, which are the sources
-of so much individual happiness mid prosperity, so much na
tional glory.
But, fellow citizens, while we glide upon tho placid tide of
peace, and reap the rich harvest of prosperity, let u* not lie
unmindful, that to our country, and to posterity we owe im
portatit duties.
What though wo are permitted to cull the richest flewors,
•nd feast upon the choicest sweet* with which liberty strews
the path of her votaries? What though national and individ
ual wealth lavish upon us their brightest jewels? What tho'
we are permitted to drink at the fountains of knowledge, and
bask in tho sunshine of polished intercourse?— all should be
gratefully consecrated as prom I mementoes of the heroic for
titude, patriotic zeal and majestic triumph of our illustrious
forefathers.
To us, and to posterity, remains tho noble but arduous task
of shielding our instilutious from the superstitious phreuzy of
the bigot, lite avarice of monopolists, and the intrigue of the
ambitious end corrupt.
Democratic freedom has its only sure guaranty In the un-
sleeping vigilance of a people scrupulously jealous of their
right*.
\V hile the blessing* of education are not exclusively the
property of a favored few, but under the fostering policy of
our government, are liberally diffused through all classes of
our people, so long will the reign of peace and good govern
ment abide. Error will be stripe of its subtle and ingenious
•nvelopemcnts, truth will be enthroned, a pure morality in
culcated, and ourinstitutiuns be more enduring than “ knotted
oak. ot tempered steel.”
Os all the curses which can threaten the liberties of a peo
ple, there is tioue so efficient, none so much to bo dteaded, as i
a prevailing ignorance. To enfetter tho minds of tho people
iu ignorance, until they cannot discriminate between justice
aud tyranny, but will wear the yoke of oppression without a
murmur, is the end aud aitn of tyrants.
It has ever been the policy of despotism, to bedizen the
heads of the people with imaginary ideas of tho splendid
beams of royally, by enshrouding in mysteries and sophisms
the simple, self-evident principles of reason, and justice, and
national equality. e
General intelligence is a characteristic of the American
people.
It is that which imparts to our institutions their richest lus
tre, and their greatest strength.
The mass of a people will ever be found pure and patriotic,
but they may not be enlightened ; —they cannot be corrupted,
but they may be misled.
As we progress in age, extent, and numbers, the changing
tide of events w ill unquestionably be fruitful of difficulties,
which will for a time embarrass and distiactthe public mind
Os this, our past history furnishes ample proof. But it i*
gratifying to observe, that such occurrences have afforded as
many occasions for testing satisfactorily, the stability el the
public sentiment, and the transcendent sufficiency aud solidi
ty of our institutions. We may occasionally be entangled by
ill-judged policy, or in the snare* of designing partizan*; but
before the blaze of popular intelligence the cob-weh envelop
will be consumed, and the torrent of popular indignation will
tear assunder the feeble meshes of the device with more than
giant strength.
The late derangement in the financial affairs of the country
which has been so general in it* calamitous effects, has neces
sarily been au engaging aud exciting topic.
The wisdom of the legislator has been taxed to devise plans
for relief; but so far at least as our own State is concerned,
efforts have not been directed in the proper channel.
The free banking law, enacted by the Legislature at it*
last session, though infinitely republican in all its features, is
the last system upon which I should have thrown a deeply
embarrassed people for relief. It is no more nor less than
the grant of a privilege to the people, which, in their embar
rassed situation, they have neither the means uor disposition
to exercise. The consequence is, that the tide of cogomerce
and enterprise must cease to flow iu it* accustomed channel,
until the slow but sure hand of the producing class of out peo
ple can reinstate the country. So much for a greediness for
sudden gain, aud the rashness of daring speculation.
Tbe receding current of prosperity has left thousands upon
the bleak-barren of bankruptcy ; disappointments aud sacri
ces have been the common lot of all:—yet the execution of
the laws has not been arrested, but magnanimously sustained.
This affords a pleasing assurance of the security of rights,
under tbe protection of laws which deiive their authority from
those whom they govern.
Other days of darkness and panic have recorded their en -
try and exit upon the history of our country. But their record
has been kindled into a ray of living light, reflecting a richer
lustre upon, and imparting a mote abiding confidence iu the
institutions which they threatened to uproot.
A train of fortuitous circumstances have conspired to make
our northern atlautic cities, the seats of the commercial wealth
of the Union. The southern and south-western States have
pursued a suicidal policy, in extending to those cities the pat
ronage which interest, fitness, and State pride, should have
urged them to bestow upon their own seaports. 1 look with
no envious eye to the prosperity of these great commercial
cities of our sister States.
But as a citizen of the State of Georgia, I wish to see her
also making the most of the splendid advantage* which tbe
God of nature has bestowed upon her
The public mind has engaged itself with the subject, and
effort* are being made to effectuate her emancipation from
this commercial thraldom. The consummation of such a re
sult would form an era in the history of Georgia, which would
be dwelt upon with delight, by all who feel an interest iu her
prosperity.
But, fellow citizens, the nature of the occasion forbids my
entering farther upon the discussion of such topics.
To the end that our system of government may bo perpetu
ated in its original simplicity and purity, we should upon all
questions of policy, lay our foundations in first principles, and
foi guidance and support, lean upon the strjng arm of the
Constitution.
It should be onr policy to avoid scrupulously “entangling
association*” with foreign powers, or domestic corporations;
and as we would shun the door of a hospital crowded with
the victims of a loathsome contagion, so should we shrink
from the very thought of the incestuous union of church and
State.
Leave traffic te its own regulation, aud opinion free to its
own exercise.
Religion is eminently fitted to adorn and elevate the human
character, and ro enlarge our conception* of private, social
and public duty. While its votaries look to God and the elo
quent truths of the bible as the only pure fountains of light
and power, it is a people's greatest blessing. But when the
interposition of hitman authority is invoked to enforce its
priuciples, and the foul breath of politics and party is mingled
with the pure spirit of Christianity, it is made to be a nation's
greatest curse.
Be it our supreme eml to guard against the accumulation
of power in tho federal head. Let trial which has not been
confTred, remain in sacred, eternal deposit with the peopls.
There is nothing more attractive than power—nothing more
corrupting. Its natural tendency is to pass from the many
into tho hands of the few. While it is retained with the peo
ple, it will be limited to a safe ami legitimate exercise, hut
when the ignorance or supines* of the people permits it to
take its flight, and enthrone itself upon the brow of aristocra
cy and ambition—farewell republican equality—farewell de
mocratic freedom. Before the sirocco of its withering breath,
the proud mouuments of freedom would crumble to the dust,
and the standard of despotism be planted upon the ruins.
History presents a mirror, which reflects the rise and down
fall of people as blessed as ourselves. But as the wisdom
gained by the experience of the past is tho property of those
who have the guidance of the future, may we not hope to shun
the whirlpool which have engulphed the liberties of other
Republic* ?
To contemplate, fellow-citizens, what we once were, what
we now are, and what we may reasonably hope to bo. is
to he filled with astonishment at the past, with gratitude and
pride for tho present, and wilh golden visions of the higher
destiny and brighter glory thntawnits our country.
It would be vain, and as useless as vain, to attempt to
sketch tho past history of our republic before this enlighten
ed auditory. The visitations of war have passed away, and
the tempest, after having emptied the vial of its wrath, has
given place te the serenity of a peace, the sunshine of a pros
perity unknown to other climes.
Lot us then, fellow citizens, behold America asshe is to day.
in the brilliancy of her wide spread fame, the sublimity of her
policy, and the majesty of her power. Her brow bedecked
with the garland of science, and her path strewed with the of
fetingsof art; her fields waving with the fruits of agriculture,
her ports teeming with the contributions of commerce, and
her churches resonant with unrestricted piety.
The car ot liberty put in motion in seventy-six is still cour
sing upon wheels of fire her bright rounds, dispensing to this
favored land the long train of glories which follow iu htr wake.
To our country, and to the cause of liberty, let us pour out
our ardent congratulation* at the proud pinnacle upon which
they this day rest.
But when we unbind the imagination to tho contemplation
of the future prospects of the nation : when wo look toiler
immense tracts of fertile territory now unoccupied, in wait
for population—offering every variety of soil aud climate, all
the natural facilities of communication and transportation.—
When we see inducements such as these spread before an en
terprising nation of freemen, w e cannot but regard the present
wealth aud splendor mid power of the Union, compared with
what it must be, ns the meteor's translucent flash, to the sttu's
more brilliant ray.
Fellow Citizens, I greet you itt mutual congratulation*, at
the cheering prospect of the final triumph of America's grand
experiment upon popular freedom.
To-day there are more than fifteen millions who bear the
proud name of American Citizen. Their various interests, so
infinitely diversified, wonderfully harmonize in rperating a
mutual interchange of reciprocal b iiclits and advantages.—
Americans by biith, educniiaii, mid principle,all united in the
great brotherhood of American liberty.
Let us to-day refresh our patriotism, and rekindle our love
of constitutional liberty. Be this motto engraven anew, and
more deeply upon every heart—"Wo have one cause—one
Constitution—one corn booh Country."
From the Georgia Argus.
THE RETAIL LAW.
We published last week an address to the citizens of
Henry County, urging upon them the propriety of peti
tioning the Legislature to pass a law to prohibit tho retail
of spirituous liquors, not because we are the advocates
of such a law, but because wo had been requested to do
so, and because truth being with us tbe object of discus
sion, we are always willing to give to our opponents, upon
all subjects which we may think proper to discuss, the full
benefit of all the strongest arguments they can urge in
support of their cause.
We had occasion last fall to express our views upon
this kind of legislation; those views have not been
changed.
Sometime since, Mr. Josiah Flournoy, of Putnam
county, a gentleman of great wealth and of high charac
ter for piety and intelligence, visited this city and deliver
ed several addresses to our citizens, urging upon them the
propriety and necessity of such a law, and asking their
aid to procure its enactment. We perceive that he is still
travelling over the State advocating this "good cause,”
as he is pleased to term it, and that Col. Jcseph Henry
Lumpkin is associated with him. We heard one of Mr.
Flournoy’s addresses, and took some notes of it; after
we shall have treated the subject according to our own
views we shall give some attention to some of his argu
ments. That we have not done this before, is owing, not
to the fact that we belong to that class of “cautious poli
ticians” with whom Mr. Flournoy has "found some
trouble,” but to the nature of our engagements, and to a
native indolence of temperament, which makes labor irk
some to us.
That the intemperate use of ardent spirits is, like all
other vices, a great evil, and that there rests upon all a
strong moral obligation to put it down, are propositions
which none will deny; but in adopting measures for the
accomplishment of this object, it is all important to render
them efficient in practice that they be right in principle.
We oppose Mr. Flournoy’s plan because proceeding upon
unsound principles it must fail to accomplish the object
for which it is intended.
It is wrong in principle. The great and indeed the
only legitimate object of government is, to protect its
citizens in the enjoyment of their rights. If it protects a
man’s person and property from violence and fraud and
impose upon him no penalties or disabilities for opinion’s
sake, what more can he rightfully ask? What less can it
rightfully do than to permit him to pi.’rsue his interest and
bis happiness in such way as he may deem best which shall
not injure another? Why should any man be prohib.'. ,f; d
from doing that which injures none? And when we speak
of injury to others we mean that injury which must neces
sarily result from the act itself, against the will and with
out the agency of the injured; and not that injury which
the rightful act of another may be made by their own im
prudent or improper conduct the means of bringing upon
them.
Were it otherwise, the building of houses might be
properly prohibited Jest they should fall and crush its in
mates, or some one might be killed by a fall from the top
of it; the merchant might be ptohibited from exposing
his goods to sale, lest some one should purchase beyond
his ability to pay, and by a sacrifice of his property his
family should be brought to poverty; the manufacturers
of knives might be prohibited, lest they should be the in
stn ments of destruction ; the building of steamboats
might be prohibited, lest the bursting of a boiler might
destroy human life ; in short, all active employment of
men might cease, for there is no pursuit or employment of
man, however rightful and necessary, which mav not, by
the improper conduct cf men, be converted into the
means of injury and even destruction to themselves or
others.
Proceeding upon tbe principles we have laid down, the
duty of the legislator is plain and government is simple—
it is only when we begin to make distinctions between one
citizen and another, that his duty becomes difficult, and
the machinery of government complex. We talk a great
deal of rights conferred by the Legislature, such legisla
tion always carries with it a wrong; men derive their
rights from higher authority. Human power may debar
us from the enjoyment of our rights, but it can neither give
or take them away ; the right exists whether we are per
mitted to enjoy it or not. It is impeaching the wisdom of
our Creator to say that He gave us more rights than are
necessary to •nr well-being—it is impeaching His good
ness to say that He gave us less. To illustrate our idea :
It is yet admitted by all in this country, that all have the
right to worship God according to the dictates of their
own conscience. This right is not derived from human
laws or human constitutions, nor can it be destroyed by
them. The right exists in as much force in Ireland as in
Georgia ; it existed in as much perfection in the days of
the persecution as now. The binning of a man at the
stake by law did not destroy the right.
It is easy for a legislator to know what are the rights
of bis constituents, and when be legislates for their pro
tection he has well defined principles to guide him. When
he departs from them, by what shall he be governed? We
are told a great deal about the public good, but what is it?
The greatest public good of which we can conceive is,
that all be protected in their rights as we have laid them
down. Apart from this, what is public good ? Is it what
the majority of to-day may think their interest? or what
the majority of to-morrow may think their’s? Follow
ing the principles of legislation to which we have alluded
as the means of arriving at public good, you have a guide
as unerring as the needle to point the course of the public
barque, and aided by the helm of reason, though she tnav
be occasionally obstructed in her course, or turned aside
from it by the shifting winds of interest, the adverse cur
rents of prejudice, or the furious storms of passion, yet
her general course will be onward in the proper line, and
she will ultimately ride safely into port; but when these
principles are abandoned, she is turned loose upon a wild
ocean with no guide to point the way, no helm to direct
her in it, and she is at the mercy of every shifting wind of
interest, every adverse current of prejudice, and every
storm of passion, until she is stranded upon the shores of
despotism or broken to pieces on the rocks of anarchy.
When a law is enacted to punish him who beats another,
or steals his property, we find no difficulty in feeling that
it is for the public good. Here no right is invaded, no
liberty abridged ; but when a law is enacted to prevent a
man from selling his property, upon what principle do
you base it? Will not the same principle justify in seiz
ing and appropriating it to your own use? If the public
good principle be adopted, may you not as wall prohibit
the sale of one species of property as another? All that
is necessary to justify it, is, to let its advocates think or
profess to think it is for the public good. Is not whiskey
as much a man’s property as it was while it was in the
shape of grain? Is any body ever injured by the sale of
spirits, more than by the sale of gunpowder and lead ?
Not so much: for by the sale of the latter, you put it in
the power of evil men to injure others without their agen
cy to consult. No man is injured by the sale of spirits;
it is his own act of drinking it that inflicts the injury. We
speak of its moral and physical effects on men.
Upon what principle then can this law be justified ? Is
it for the promotion of public morality, and the promotion
of public good ? Then let us legislate upon every thing
that injures public morals, and affects public good. Docs
any body doubt that public morality would be greatly ad
vanced if every body attended church on Sunday ? Let
us enact a law that all shall do it. It is surelv as proper
that the Legislature shall compel men to do what is onF:
morally right, as that it shall restrain them from d o j n g
what is only morally wrong—as proper to compel them
to say their prayers as to prohibit them from Swearing.
But there is another great evil in the land. We see the
great and wealthy build fine houses, purchase costly furni
ture, sporting splendid equipages, 'giving expensive en
tertainments, and indulging in extravagance arid dissipa
tion. Their poor neighbors are affected bv their exam
ple they see and feel that deference and respect are paid
to show and parade—they are seduced into extravagant
expenditures which their means will not justify—they
contract habits of idleness and dissipation which incapaci-
tate them for business—ruin and bankruptcy follow in the I
train—the wives and children who have been indulged in |
tbe gratification of every wish, are reduced to beggary |
and want, or saved from them by tbe dishonor and infamy
of the busband and father, at the expense of their credi
tors. Who in Georgia has not seen the effects of this
evil? Who that has not had some near relative injured
by it? Then why not legislate against this evil example?
Surely the public good calls aloud for it.
This doctrine of public good, applied to matters merely
civil is the spirit of despotism, applied to riWitters of
morality and religion, it is the spirit of persecution. It is
the same spirit of public good which in other days and
other countries has bound in the bands of their rulers,
the individual action of individual energy of the people,
who thus bound and caged up, have sunk into sloth and
inactivity, and ultimately into degradation and slavery;
for it is easy for a people to see that when their rulers
claim the right of prescribing the manner in which they
shall dispose of the proceeds of their industry, it is but
one step further to ascertain that the public good requires
that they shall take them for their own use. Under this
feeling of insecurity, they will cease to labor, and when
ever a people become idle, they become dissolute. It is
the same spirit of public good that cast Daniel into the
lions den, and the three Hebtew children into the fiery
furnace seven times heated. There were more than
seven tenths of the people in favor of the decrees under
which these things were done, even more than nineteen
twentieths—there was not even one obstinate follow in
twenty to oppose them. It is the same spirit of public
good which animated Paul as he went to Damascus, the
same that afterwards scourged and imprisoned him, and
ultimately brought him to the block. It is the same spirit
of public good, which to preserve the purity of religion,
lighted the fires of the persecution, and which changed
its viewsand its objects, but not its effects, as this or that
sect came into power.
But what is the object of the law ? It is to banish in
temperance from the land ? Then why not strike at the
root of the evil ? Why not punish him who drinks? Is
the crime greater to sell than to drink ? It may be sold
without injury to any—lt cannot be drank without injury
to some.
Shall we be told if nobody retails it nobody will drink ?
This is a mistake, thousands of it will be drank if every
retail shop in tbe state bo suppressed, but none will be
sold either in great or small quantities if you will prevent
all from drinking. But if nobody retails it, there will
not be so much temptation to drink. And there will be
no temptation to sell if nobody will drink.
Virtue consistsnot in refraining from crime and vices
wh/fli we have no temptations to commit, but in resisting
those te.? I l’ ,al * ons which we meet iu the regular discharge
of our duty, > n avoiding those which are not to bo
found in that path. Will the advocates of this law de
stroy their property les.* ‘heir P oor neighbor be tempted to
steal it, and bring disgrace il,l( ’ ignominy and perhaps
starvation on his wife and chitu.*' 60 Will any one of
them say to him, “My good fellow, .’ 11 ' | ie, not yours, is
the crime of this theft ;lam to blame for,V° ul ’ ruin. It
is true if you had been al home attending to y<? ur work as
you ought to have been, you would not have stole.' 1 ni y
property ; but still you knew I had it, 1 had no use: for *t
but to minister to my pride and vanity; and if I had not
had it you could not have been tempted to steal it.”
But why not prohibit the sale and use of spirits entirely?
If it be a crime to sell a pint, it is certainly a greater
crime to sell a barrel. If the crime consists in the sale,
prohibit it altogether. If you have the political right to
prohibit the sale of a pint have you not the same right to
prohibit the sale of any other quantity ? If you are under
a moral obligation to prohibit the sale of a small quantity,
is not the obligation proporlionably strong to prohibit the
sale of large quantities? If you have the right and are
under obligations to prohibit the sale of it, have you not
the right, and are you not under obligations to prohibit the
use of it? Or is it right to use an article, the sale of
which is injurious to health, character, and property, pre
judicial to public morals and dangerous to public good?
But if you claim the right and admit the obligation not
only to prohibit altogether the sale and the use of it, why
do you not go in at once for such a law?
We desire to have these questions answered either by
Mr. Flournoy or Col. Lumpkin. We tender them our
cohimnsjbr that purpose. We deem this an important
subject, and our columns are open to the advocates of the
law. We have not time to pursue the subject for the
present, we shall however continue it.
LEGISLATIVE Pe IITIuNS V». RETAILERS.
On this subject we uo.v have ou our desk ten ortwelve
communications which we cannot publish. We are the
advocates of Temperance and practice it as strictly as our
neighbors, and would not object tosee the evil complained
of eradicated, still, we are not disposed unnecessarily to
injure, or otherwise wound the feelings of those, who we
conscientiously believe, have the same right, under the
constitution, to buy and sell whatever is not forbidden by
law, as we have, to receive three dollars per year subcrip
tion to the Western Georgian. And still further, that
Congress has Constitutionally as much power, compara
tively speaking, to abolish slavery in the District of Col
umbia, as the Legislature of Georgia has, or will have
when petitioned to prohibit the sale of spirituous liquors
within its jurisdictional limits.
Again, that Congress might with tbe same propriety,
have prohibited the rutting of stages, steamboats, &c., on
the Sabbath, which our readers no doubt recollect was
agitated in Congress some years ago intunded by certain
persons to meet certains ends. And they cannot have
forgotten tbe luminous Report of the then Chairman of
the committee, Col. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky,on this
subject, which completely exposed the unconstitutionality
of the measure, and forever silenced its advocates. Our
unbiassed opinion has been called for on this subject. We
have givenit freely, openly, and unhesitatingly, in the
shortest possible space, with due respect to the feelings
of all concerned. In conclusion, we would beg leave to
remark, that ours is a .political paper, and will henceforth
be devoted to the object for which it was established,
neither advocating the one or defending the other of the
subjects that heads this article, but leave Public Opinion
to correct the evil so bitterly complained of.— Western
Georgian.
MR. AND MRS. EGERTON,
HAVING removed from Augusta to Midway,will open
their SCHOOL according to previous notice, on the
first day of august. Having supplied themselves wi’,,
competent assistant teachers, they will be able fully to St;stpjj n
each department.
The annual vacation will take place during tb 0 Months of
November and December, and a short recess ' O o given in
Summer.
The course of instruction will ba thotop-gf,, and as exten
sive as may be desired—embracing Road'mg, Writing, Orthog
raphy, Arithmetic, Grammar, Geor rap hy, Algebra, Geome
try, Trigonometry, hit. and Mor rl | Philosophy, Rhetoric and
Composition; Music, lnstr'jn jeU ( ;i ] and Vocal; Latin, Greek
and French. Also, a c<’in , ( ,| e to course in the Natural sciences,
for which a small e\t';a charge will be made to deflay the
expenses of the Laboratory.
Tuition for »^ ac h pupil, per session, S3O in advance.
Music, pe, r session, (extra.) 40 *•
French,, ~ ■, 05 „
Brewing, “ “ 25 ••
li’jtructiou will be given to the whole school in vocal music,
by an experienced vocalist, free of expense,
N. B. Owing to tho lateness of commencement tho pres
ent session, the annual fill) vacation will be omitted.
Midway, Baldwin county, July 16, 1839. £6 —2t
“A TcARD.
The Union party of DeKalb county are respectfully re
quested to meet in Decatur, on Tuesday, the 6lh day of
August, for tho purpose of selecting candidates to represent
them in the Senate and House of Representatives of the
State Legislature. It is confidently expected that all who
feel an interest in the success of the party, and preserva
tion of their principles, will attend at tho time specified.
DEKALB.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, GA. >
Millf.dokvii.lk, 4th June. 1839. J
IT IS ORDERED. That all the commanding Officer*of
tbe Militia of the State, endeavor to collect together, and
have taken care of, the public arms iu the possession of in
dividuals within their respective commands, (except those in
the possession ot volunteer companies authorised to retain
them.) and that said officers report to this Department th*
number of arms which they may thus collect, that thoy may
be deposited in the Arsenal at this place.
By the Governor: DAV. W. LEWI',
July 16, 1839. 26-lt Sec. Ex. Dep.
'ADMINISTKATOiVS SALE. “
A AGREEABLY to an order of the Inferior Court of
Decatur Comity sitting for Ordinary purposes, will be
sold, on the first Tuesday in October next, before tho Court
House door in the town of Bainbridge, within the usual hour*
of -sale the following property to wit:
Otte Lol of Land, No. 254, containing two hundred aud
fifty acres more or less, lying in tho sixteenth district of ori
ginally Early, now Decatur eounty. Sold as tbe property of
Conrod Augley, late of Decatur county, deceased, for tho
benefit of the heirs. Terms on the day.
July Kith 1839. 26—4 m JOHN HARREL.
LOST OR MISCARRIED.
A CHEST or BOX, containing a suit of superfine black
Cloth, a case of Mathematical Instruments, &c. Said
box was placed on the mail stage, at Devereux’s, Hancock
county, about four months ago, directed to "James Stewart,
Spring Hill Monroe comity, care of E. Beall & Co., Macou v ”
but has not since been heard of. Any information in regard
to the same, left at Lafayette Hail. Milledgeville, will .be
thankfully received. JAMES STEWART."
Spring Hill, Monroe co., Ga., July 9, 1839. 25 2t
VALUABLE
wifILI. BE SOLD, on the first Tuesday iu October next,
" * nt the Courthouse" iu Sparta, Hancock county, be
tween the usual hours of sale,
Twelve Hundred Acres of Land,
in raid county, lying upon the head waters of little Ogeecbee,
ami within three miles of the village of Sparta.
Upon this tract, there is a plantation of FIVE HUNDRED
Acres of fresh, fertile and well enclosed ground, in a high
state of cultivation ; upon which there is a first rate gin house,
and tolerable out buildings. The whole tract lies remarkably
well, is abundantly watered, and is located in a healthy situa
tion. It is within sixty miles of Augusta, aud twenty of tli»
Georgia Rail Road.
Also, at the same time and place, a beautiful lot, very
handsomely improved, iu the said village of Sparta, contain ■
ing several acres, and being one of the most desirable places
lot a family residence, in the up countiy.
When the health of Sparta and its vicinity, with the abun
dant and superior means of education w hich it holds out, are
taken in connection with the intrinsic value of the property
above described, it canuotfail to tittract the attention of those
wh<> desire an advantageous and pleasant location.
Tbe whole to be sold as the property of John Sturdivant,
late of said county, deceased.
Terms made known on the day of sale, by
M. JACKSON, Ex’r.
July 16, 1839. .. 25 tds
The Recorder will publish the above, and forward their
account to the subscriber.
FOR SALE.—A number of fine single and double horse
Buggcys, at a low price, for cash or good paper.
Apply to BEECHER &.BROWN.
Milledgeville, July 23, 18'9. 26.-2 t.
Prepared by €- e; Ifiayuc6, M. D.
DR. H. has been’ in i?.‘ e habit of prescribing these Pills for the last
ten years, wilh tnoiP um.‘?‘Un success than any other remedy em
ployed by him, in the whole course ' ,! thirty years professional experi
ence. Reasons solely personal have heretofore prevented his offering
them to the general use of the community. Tht?.’ 4 reasons no longer
exist, and they are now presented to the country in the coZs(fcut belief
that they combine more advantages to the invalid, than any other reme
dy in use in this climate. They are peculiarly adapted to the regulation’
of a sluggish slate of the bowels, operating cither as an laterative, or
mild apperient, not only relieving by their immediate action, but gradu
ally correcting the derangement of the digestive functions. For this
purpose, a single pill, takon at bed time, whenever the bowels req uira
it, is the proper dose, without any other change in the mode of living, than
prudence would dictate, if no medicine was taken.
Gentle as is the operation of a single pill taken as above directed, they
are also admirably adopted to more acute, bilious disorders, by doubling
the dose, or repeating cone every hour, or two until active operation is
produced. They are particularly onvenient to the traveller who in sum
mer is always exposed to more or less bilious derangement.
Sparta, 15th June, 1839.
I certify, that I have used Doct. C. E. Haynes’ Anti-Dys
peptic Pills for more than two years ; and pronounce them to
be the best remedy, that I have ever yet tried, for Dyspepsia
and Asthma. 1 have tried Ghallaghan’s, Beckwith’s, Bran
dreth’s ami Peter’s Pills, without success. 1 have also found
Haynes’ Pills to be tin excellent remedy for intermiient and
bilious fever in early stages. WM. SHIVERS, Jr.
Sparta, June 15th, 1839.
Dr. C. E. Haines:—Dear Sir—My attention was direct
ed to your Pills a little more than a year since, by Col.-Shiv
ers. Since that lime, I have frequently taken them myself,
and given them to my family w ith the most happy results.
With ifie they have removed costiveness, checked effectu
ally diarthea, aud taken off bile as fully as calomel, w ithout
producing the unpleasant effect that is usually produced by
that valuable medicine. 1 therefore believe them a valuable
medicine, and would recommend a trial of them, nt least.
Respectfully, R. S. HARDWICK.
Milledgeville, 17th June, 1839.
I am pleased with the opportunity of adding my testimony
to the value of Dr. Haj ties’ Anti-Dt.-peptic Pills.
I have used them occasionally for more than a year past,
inordinary diseases of the stomach ami bowels, with the hap
piest effects; and recently, in a sharp intermittent bilious fe
ver, which was entirely eradicated by them, in three or four
days, without the aid of any other medicine, and cheerfully
recommend them as admirably adapted to the cure of dys
peptic and bilious diseases. WM. McMl JR RAY.
Having been recently attar ked wilh strong bilious symp
toms, 1 used Dr. Haynes' Pills with the happiest effect, which
entirely relieved me, and which 1 do not hesitate to recom
mend as a valuable medicine.
CHARLES E. RYAN.
Milledgeville. 21 th Juno, 1839.
n r- v « c - v Sparta, Jcjy 15 ] e39
Dr. C. E Haynes; Sit—Fur several yc Hls past> j haTd
been afflicted with obstinate cosltveness of the bowels oftei
going from six to ten days without ac.y discharge from’them.
For several months, I used Dr. Peters’ pill,, and found them
useful to me. Early last fepr-. llg I - nas to t f
Antt-dyspep tc 1 ills, which , h a , e Colllinued to use a /,4 ca .
ston required, ami have .> el . iv; . (l niO ,. e |)Cnefi[ from tl)em t
from any other medic- ue ’ M have evcr take|l
1 ho operation i> mc,re easy, and the effect more permanent
than from any t>th<- jr medicine I have beretof >re used, and I
give them a dcc 4l | e< i preference to any other remedy.
NATHAN COOK.
Powei.ton, July 15, 1839.
D’.\ 0. E. Haynes:—lt affords me pleasure to state, that I
Lnvo repeatedly used your Anti-dyspeptic and Anti-bilious
pills, and in every instance found immediate relief. 1 believe
them to bo an excellent remedy in various diseases, and es
pecially in cases of asthtnn.
Iu high esteem, &c., &c.,
JNO. WILLIAM RABUN,
Sparta, July 16, 1839.
Dear Sir—l have used in tny practice some of your altera
tive Anti-dyspeptic pills, and have uniformly found benefit td
my patients from their administration. 1 can therefore cheer
fully t ecommend them to the afflicted, as a valuable purgativd
medicine. Very respectfully.
Your friend,
A. S. BROWN, M. D.
Dr. Charles E. Haynes.
Hancock Countt, July 15, 1839.
I certify that my wife had suffered severely with Dyspep
sia. for a considerable time and had tried the prescriptions of
several physicians w ithout deriving any benefit from them.—-
She then commenced taking Dr. C. E. Hatties’ Anti-Dys
’ peptic Pill* about the fall of 1836, which relieved het cntii'os
- in the course of a few months.
R. MITCHELL'.
Sparta, July 16, 1839,
Dr. Haynes ; 1 have been selling Peters’ Pills for the las
three vears. nnd during the time have occasionally taken them
myself. (1 believe them to boa good medicine’) Some 12
or 15 days past, Lhad strong symptoms of billions fever. I
took some ot Peters’ Pills, aad not receiving nny benefit from
them, I procured a trox of you»* pills, and am happy to sav
that they iu a few days removed all symptoms of approach
ing sickness. I conceive them to be an invaluable medicine-
Yours with respect, THOS. M. TURNER.
For sale by E. M. COWLES.