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From the Tennessee Democrat. THE CONSTITUTIONAL INDEPENDENT TREASURY, OR A NATIONAL BANK. THE DEMOCRATS WANT A NATIONAL TREASURY TO KEEP THE PEOPLES MONEY IN, 1. Where it will be in the vaults and iron chests belong ing; to the People. 2. Where it will be under the taro of officers appointed by the President and Senate. 3. Where the officers who keep it will be obliged to give security in double the amount they are allowed to have on hand tor its safe keeping. 4. Where, if an officer touches a dollar ot it illegally, be shall be liable by law to pay a heavy tino and be sent to the State Prison for two years. 5. Where an end will be put forever to individuals speculating with the money of the people—because not a cent of it can be drawn without an appropriation tronr Congress. 6. Where, as the money cannot be used except for the purposes for which it was raised, there will be nobody in terested in collecting more revenue than is wanted for government expenses. 7. Where, if a temporary surplus beyond five millions should arise, it will be immediately invested in productive Slate government stocks, and kept there till wanted. 8. Where the money of the People will bo under the contiol of the People, and used only for the purposes for which it was raised. 9. Where the money of the government, separated from the business of the Banks, can be used when re- ’ q tiled, without th:: erv of “ war on the Banks.” 10. So that the business oi Banks may be kept sepa rate from politics. 11. So that there maybe an eml to all inducement on the part of Banks to buy up political leaders, and newspa pers—and corrupt the hails ot legislation. 12. So that-tht re may be no more complaint of the Government making war upon the Banks—or the Banks making war upon the Government. 13. So that Bg'.ik ami State may hereafter have no con flicts, but each let the other alone. 14. So that in case of /I Foreign IVar, the funds ne cessaty for the defence of the country may be at the com mand of the government. 15. So that a sudden pressure in the money market need not affect the operations of Government, nor drive ns to the necessi y of contracting usurious loans. 16. So 'hat the National Government may always have the means of support without asking the Banks for it. 17. So that we may have no more stoppage of specie payments. 18. So that we may have no more Shin-plaster eras. 19. So that the Banks may learn in future to mind their own business. 20. So that the People may henceforth live in peace. (E7"Tlte above embrace all the principal reasons in favoi our Country. Frcm the Irvintcn (Alabama} Nepenthes. OUR ELECTION. The State Rights Party have elected Col. Pettit to rep resent Barbour. J. W. Mann* of no party is also elected to do some thing—no party claims him and both parties reproach each th? other for having elected him. They look cat and owl at one another—each maintaining their dignity both aceusing and both denying—we shall have to consult Buck’s Theology to find out. As to the union party they have sins enough they are really guilty of, without having this poked on to them—we look on it as a signal whig vic tory—things wotk strange —our doggeries have the name of constitution —for a few days we have been stunned with the shout of hurrah, for Watts and the constitution! mean ing the doggeries—tiicy arc saved and Mr. Flournoy may go to some other place to preach temperance. Dogger ies have itiumphed in Barbourl A F’r contest has proved the thing—the grogshops have maintained 'he rights their forefathers fought for; and like true sons s.'.oW that they «ill got drunk if it kills them—oh whiggerv ! ddg'^ei'J-’. — atts ot \\ itch! wizard ot gizard (if drnnkaids have a..'*) bow supreme thou art! thou has murdered democracy in Barbour—yes democrats don’t know themselves; and as to nullification it is beat into a circumstance—hurrah for V. atts and the constitution ! Yes ! yes ! yes ! yes ! that constitution which doggeiies forefathers fought for—they have proved themselves tine sons of their sires—are chips off the same blork; indeed they look like the block its< II; especially their heads. How beautiful ! how emaculate is a doggers ! when filled with some dozen dead drunk topers; (it reminds us of a dissecting room.) but when some symptoms of life show itself, by the cry of hurrah for Watts and the constitution ! ’tis cheering to those who Stagger over them ; and the wall fairly echoes as every nastv throat balls out hurrah for Watts and the Constitu tion ! You might be induced to stop awhile and look in, b t ftom the stitik arising from their filthy mouths as the roar of' Inn tali for Watt- and the constitution is vocifera ted flout every cadaverous throat with all the variations from the deep gutleral to the ear deafening roars. Some have all the air of triumphant, though exhausted, as if they had completed the victory their forefathers fought for ; had shouted hurrah, hurrah, hurrah for Watts and the constitution! Settled themselves into a deep self sat isfaction, and was on their journey home to Watts their God—where they could eternally shout hurrah for Watts and the constitution! a doggery foiever 1 • Con tested. Some may suppose that the picture is over wrought in the above editorial—but it falls far short of the sad reali ties of scenes of the evening of the election—probably some very strenuous politicians tvhose feelings may carry them so far to have voted for this man, may have been willing to give op their temperance society or even their religion to elect him—but here we will remark that to the honor of the State Rights and the Union Party, that nei ther had nominated sm h a candidate; nor did atiy other candidate treat or debauch the morals of the community, by treating. Aud to the honor of Irwinton and its citizens who pro fess temperance they did not vote for him with the excep tion of one or two pseudo politicians who are unblushir g nt all times; we have counted tip and cannot ascertain many of the sober class who have let political feeling l-ari them so fir—but on looking at the Glenville vote, we were surprised to find as many as fifteen out of nineteen to have done so—what can the reason of this he 1 Was it unthoughifulness 1 or is it possible that place lost its feel ing for live cause of temperance, to vote so largely for a man who for three years past has debauched this county by treating. We did expect better things of Glenville ; we had a right to believe from tho gieat efforts we heard they were making in ths temperance cause that this would not be so. We were informed by Mr. Flournoy that he expected a unanimous support from Glenville in Iris petition to do irway tippling shops. The citizens of Irwinton were ma king the greatest efforts to destroy them and the black-leg class; but while struggling against eight or ten grog shops they are defeated by whom; by this candidate, ,m>- —by Glenville. Yes, J. W. Mann is elected by the exact num ber of fifteen, and that was the number Glennville voted for him. He could it is true, vote one vote; and he had the advantages arising from till the tippling shops in Ir winton, with the loafers, hoosiers, and squatters of coun try and town to aid him, which give hint great advantages. And al is for the county | A large vote at this precinct; but t >r, tho glory and honor of Irwinton there are very few of its citizens that aided in this. THE FEDERAL WHIGS WANT A NATIONAL BANK TO KEEP THE PEOPLE’S MONEY IN, . 1. Where it will be in tho vaults and iron chests be longing to tho Bank. 2. Where it will bo under the care of officers appointed by tho Bank’s Directors. 3. Where the Bank gives no security at all for its safe keeping—but leaves the public to depend upon its credit and good faith. 4. Where rhe Bank shall have the privilege of loaning it out, and making interest on it for the profit of the Bank’s Stockholders. 5. Where the Bank’s officers, directors and favorites— Officers of the Government, Members of Congress and, Politicians can get it out at any time in exchange for their . promisory notes. 6. Where it will be the interest of the Bank’s stock holders and borrowers to raise more revenue from the people, than the Government requires, so that they may have the surplus to use themselves. 7. Where, whenever a large surplus can bo got, it will be loaned out to inflate credit, occasion speculation, and result in pressure, distress and ruin. 8. Where the money of the people, being loaned out to the Bank’s customers, can only be had at such times and in such amounts, as will be convenient for the Bank. 9. Where, if tho Government wants the money faster than the Bank is willing to repay it, it can step payment and shelter itself behind the cry of “war on the Banks.” 10. So that the Bank may stdl have a deep pecuniary interest in supporting the party that supports'itself. 11. So that party men may continue to receive pay for party services—and have good fat salaries as Presidents, Attorneys, or Agents of the Bank and its Branches. 12. So that there may be trials of strength from year to year, between the Bank and the People at the polls, and all the evils which attend them. 13. So that we may have a perpetual scene of conten tion about who shall use the public money. 14. So that the Bank, consisting of a majority of for eign stockholders, may determine on what occasions Go vernment may be permitted to defend the nation. 15. So that when money is scarce, tho Bank may refuse to pay up the deposites, and compel the government to borrow of the rich, at their own prices. 16. So that the Bank may determine when the people shall have the means of supporting government, and when not. 17. So that when deemed necessary, the public may be convinced by “sufferings” of the utility of a National Bank. 18. So that paper may hereafter be the only circulating medium. 19. So that the Bank may hereafter regulate the Peo ples’s affairs. 20. So that we may hereafter submit to Bank dictation —or “ take the consequences.” >r of the two plans, Choese ye between them. We go for Seo our situation in the event that we can hold up our heads long enough to send a petition to Tuscaloosa do away awav grog shops, who will it be to 1 A temperance man ? No. Why? Can the answer be, there was no candidate of that class? No. There were two candidates cut out; ! as sober men as ever breathed ; clever, thinking, smart, t mild and talented men ; sober in all things. ‘ Our columns are open to hear any thing that may be offered. Perhaps this may’ create some unpleasant feel ings ; but when we speak true, we really believe you will say in your own heart it is true ; believe us when we sav ’ you have our love. ' ' CAPTURE OF FORTY-SIX INDIANS. The steamboat Charleston, Captain Love, arrived at ■ this port yesterday afternoon, from Fort Mellon, via Black • Creek, having on boaid Lt. Lanson of <he U. S. Army, I with several U. S. soldieis, who had in charge 46 Indians, consisting of men, women and children, captured at Fort ', Mellon on the 7th inst. The Indians, it appears, had come ■ in to receive the rations which it had been the practice to i • distribute among them, when Lieut. H. being in possession I,;f information, (received by express the day previous,) respet.’ ,n S ’** e massacre of Col. Harney’s detachment, promptly ( ,'.”t ,, rmi , ied to make them prisoners. In accom plishing this liol VL ‘' " r > ■’ became necessary to shoot two of the I ndians, who mad® a ’- attempt to escape. Ihe Charles ton proceeded to Castle Pinckney, where the Indians will doubtless be imprisoned until prujrs caiiffie received as to their final destination. We must express our gratification at i. I . l ® Course pursued by Lt. Hanson, ami hope that the promptnC ss decis i ion he has exhibited on this occasion, will be fvb\?wed up > by other officers, should a like opportunity offer. No cC.®* J fidencc can be placed in any treaty, or arrangement with this treacherous people, and in their entire removal or extermination only can the inhabitants of Florida hope for safety. Since writing the above, we received the following, from our correspondent al St. Augustine. Office of the News, St. Augustine, E. F. August 9, 1839. Lieut. W. E. Hanson, in command ot Fort Mellon, on receipt of intelligence of the massacre of Col. Harney’s command immediately seized some 40 Indians who were encamped in the neighborhood of the post. So prompt and energetic a course of conduct is worthy of the highest praise, and reflects great credit upon the decision and firm ness of Lt. Hanson. It seldom falls to oie lot of a junior officer, to exercise any discretion, or assume responsibility; but in this case we cannot but feel rejoiced that the post was in command a>f a gentleman, who ha; acted with all due regard to the rights of others as well as what was due the interests of the service. Lieut.'Hanson, has abando ned Fort Mellon, in consequence of; its unhealthiness. A Life Boat on a new and improved plan has recently been produced by Mr. Francis, of New-York, who has already supplied so many of these useful appendages to vessels in the government and merchant service. We learn from the “Corsair” that Mr. F. has been making a series of experiments since the exhibition at the Fair of the American Institute, in 1838, and a boat combining all his improvements was launched, manned, and rowed in the Hudson on Thursday last. Hur qualities were then tested as follows: Ist. The bottom was opened and every ex ertion made to upset her without effect, in deep water. 2d. She was pulled near the shore with the bottom still open, and her crew by getting out and standing in the shal low water succeeded in turning her upsidedown. They i then let go their hold, and the boat, of her own accord, • instantly came back to her upright position. This we ; believe is the first time a boat upset ever came tight side I up, without the action of either wind or waves, or human I aid, but solely of her own accord, in this country or any other. i The other improvements are a brass screw box four in i dies in diameter, and four scuttles, thirteen inches by five, • instead of the greater number of small holes to let the ; water out in the life boat boat built by Francis for the U. t S. Revenue Cutter Hamilton, which recently saved so ma ’ ny lives in Boston Harbor. This new life boat is valued at $350, and Mr. Francis, I it is added, intends in a few days to offer her as a reward I to atty person or number of persons who, in deep water, will either put her upside down one second, or fill her by ■ standing inside and bailing into her; or fill her by useing . a fire engine, or any other apparatus, or, as he expresses ; it, “ swamp her by human power in storm or calm." The. boat will be delivered at Castle Garden, or some other suit able place fur trial.---JJo/fimore American. From the Hosfon Weekly Times. A MANUFACTURING POPULATION. Having finished, though far too briefly, what we pro posed to say of the unhealthiness of the female operatives in Lowell; and having shown the tendency of the system, to create a permanent, dependent, degraded and misera ble population; we proceed to another most important, but most disagreable topic—the prostitution to which they are sudject. To speak of the vices of others is always unpleasant, to one who sincerely wishes those vices did not.exist, but, to do any good, they must be spoken of plainly. Distant and concealed allusions produce no benefit; neither do they serve to evade the indelicacy pertaining to every essay upon that portion of the morals of the community. We mean that, if it be possible, these writings shall do some good ; and for that purpose shall use great plainness of speech, and call things by their right names; that those who are in innocence but get in danger, may be warned ; and that the community all about us may be aware of the necessity of vigilance, when their young females are sent to Lowell. A physician in Lowell, however, has in part anticipated our remarks, and we give his letter, confirming our first observations, and loading to the subject intended for this number. We would merely premise, that this communication is volun tarily sent ; and that such testimony can be accumulated, till the largest factory would scarcely hold the letters which would contain one terrible cry of woe. Dear Sir : I have read with great pleasure an article in the Boston Times, on the evils attending tho manufacturing system in Lowell. It is a subject which I had hoped to see noticed long ago, by some truly independent and philan thropic person. As yon have so generously and gallantly come forward, in behalf of the sufferers, I trust you will consider it a sufficient apology for my troubling you with my mite of information on the subject. I have practiced here now about 4 years, and have had, God knows, too often occasion to see the general decay of health pro duced on the bodies, and, consequently, minds of the “Factory Girls,” under the present aystem. This is so evident, that it is common for them to calculate “how long they can work before they are down sick.” You have already stated very truly their unhealthy condition, together with the causes. The immorality you mention, as existing among some of them, I think may be fairly attributed (in spite of the strict rules by which they are governed) to the same cause. For instance, a girl arrives in Lowell; (many sometimes 100 or 200 miles from home,) she goes to work in the mill for awhile ; she is taken sick, aud perhaps has no one to attend her as a nurse except the boarding-house keeper; and, although they are generally exceedingly kind and attentive, yet, with their various and many duties, they cannot pay that strict attention required. The girl’s money (what little she may have earned) goes for boaid. She has then the worst of all bills—a doctor’s-—to pay out of her future earnings, provided she recovers. Her visions of laying up money are gone and she reflects only on her present destitute condition. When she is raised from her sick bed she may be weeks, or months, perhaps, before she can return to her former laborious occupation in the mill. In the meantime she seeks out some easier one, or saunters about the streets; the consequence of which is, that she runs the risk of forming bad connections with others, that a feeling of destitution begets a feeling of despe ration, urging on to prefligacy and who may entice her from the path of duty. We all know destruction. 1 think many unfortunate cases may be traced to this source. I will not pretend to suggest “what ought to be done;” but I will state, for the benefit of the prin cipal manufacturers, the system pursued at Mr. Rich ard Arkwright’r factories, in Crawford, whose facto ry hands I attended some two years or more. In the first place, he paid for their medical attendance and medicines, when sick, without any exception. Secondly, he allowed them half pay for one month, and, in case of the sickness continuing, he allowed them quarter pay for 2 months longer. Mrs. Arkwiight made a point of calling to see them, providing them with any little comforts the nature of the case admitted of and required, and moreover giving me a good natured scolding if I was dilatory in seeing them, for which 1 shall in truth ever esteem bei. You are no doubt aware that the law there imposes a heavy fine if factory hands are worked before they are 13 years of age, or more than 10 hours per day. I trust this statement of facts may induce the manufacturer here to imitate, as far as can be, this example; and stir up a spirit of emulation for the benefit of the factory hands in Lowell. Pray excuse this hasty scrawl, and take the will for the deed. I remain, Dear sir, Yourobd’t D. Lowell, July 15, 1839. Let us look back a little and trace the progress of immorality in such an establishment. When the first assemblage of girls from the surrounding country is made at a manufacturing establishment, they are, for the most part pure, innocent, well-educated, and of correct habits and manners. Some, however, of lose conversation, even from country towns, will be gathered in, who may be at first shunned and despised, or, if their lewdness is too apparent, they will be expelled. In the course of time, if they ren>" in, they will gain ahold upon the curiosity of some, ai.'d f!' p n’he undermining work of corruption is soon accomplis.*’®’!- One bad girl can do more to aid Satan’s work of prosu’u’ion, than twenty men with every opportunity. Many of the best girls will go home. The necessitous and the less sensitive will remain; and day by day the delicacy of virgin innocence will wear away,till the sense of virtue loses its power to guard end protect the associates of vice, from pollution. They are ready to commit those acts with which their minds have become familiarized by vile, but, perhaps, interesting conversation. Look, then, at the unnatural composition of such a society. On one hand a large mass of females, a large portion of whom do not expect to get married; and on the other, a considerable number of single men, engaged in the factories, or dwelling in the surrounding village, too often without principle, and eager to gratify their baser appetites. Here may be perceived, under the most favor able supposition the case will admit, a natural tendency to corruption; which in time, is left without the cloak of moral principle and a sense of virtue, and becomes at once the prey of opportunity. But this is not all. Would to God we could hide the rest, but it must not be. We know, from testimony, that many men employed in the mills take every opportunity to seduce such girls as fall in their way. It has been done by overseers as well as laborers, and many have fallen victims to those who should have been their guardians and protectors. There used to be in Lowell an association of young men, called “the old line,” who had an understanding with a great many girls in the factories, and who used to introduce young men of their acquaintance, who were visiting the place, to these girls, lor improper purposes. Balls used to be given at various places, attended mostly by these young men and factory girls, with some others who did not know the object, and after the dancing was over the girls were carried to infamous places of resort in Lowell or in the immediate vicinity; and were not returned to their homes til) day-light. At one time, the clergymen bv cotnnian agreement undertook to break up a number of brothels, which were known to exist in some parts of the town; in a conversation with one ot them upon the subject, we expressed a doubt, which Improbably thought very wicked and profane, of the usefulness of their efforts. Our argument was this, that if the sensually inclined men could resort to a few common and well-known places, there would be less inducement to corrupt and ruin the innocent, while the crime would be committed, it would at least be lessened of half the atrocity which would accompany the sacrifice of new victims. To keep the evil as far as possible confined to the already ruined, and prevent its intrusion among the operatives, wo thought better than to make the fruitless exertions to suppress it altogether. This method of choosing the expedient and the possible, instead of the abstractly right, is, however, seldom satisfactory to those who are, in all honesty’ and sincerity, zealous for reform; and they too often gain nothing, because they will not accept a part of the good they desire. I I his article is already too extended, and we must con sider some remaining branches of tho subject, of a still worse character, hereafter. STATE RISHTS AND UNITED STATES RIGHTS. 'S'TO OS’ THE TRITE ISSUE. Shall ours he a GOVERNMENT OF THE RANKS, or a GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE? Shall we have, a CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY, or an UN CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONAL BANK? Shall we have a CONSTITUTIONAL CURRENCY of gold and silver or one of IRREDEEMABLE PAPER.? Shall we. live under the. despotism of a MONIED A RISTOCRACY. or under the safeguardsofa FREE CONSTITUTION ? [Washington Chronicle. MILLEDGE WLIJEt TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1839. DEMOCRATIC TICKET. =- FOR PRESIDENT, HARTiY VAX BUREH. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, JOHN FOJRSYTH. FOR GOVERNOR, CHARLES J. MCDONALD. POST OFFICE CHANGED. We are authorised to say, that the Post Office heretofore known as Evansville, Morgan county Geergia, is removed, and the name changed to that of Shepherdsville, Morgan co. Geo.; Carter Shepherd, P. M. The Hon. F. H, Elmore has resigned his seat in Congress, from the district of‘Richlaud, Orangeburg, aud Baruwell, in South Carolina. ELECTIONS. In North Carolina, the election for Congress has resulted thus: Administration.— Bynum. C. Shepard, Montgomery, Hawkins, McKay, and Conner. B'/ugs.—Stanly. Rayner, Deberry, A. H.'Shepperd, and Henderson—two districts not heard from. In Kentucky— Southgate (whig) has been defeated for Congress, by Col. Butler. In /nr/ionna—Smith, Carr, Wick, Davis, (all Administra tion.) aud Raridea, (whig) are elected to Congress. How ard. (Administration) is running ahead of Evans, (whig) and Proffit, (whig) has probably defeated Owen, (Administration.) DEFEND YOUR CANDIDATE. Judge Dougherty having been nominated and announ ced through the medium of the Whig journals, as “the State Rights candidate for Governor,” it becomes a matter of grave importance that the public should know, how far he is enti. tied to this distinguished appellation. We are perhaps, as well acquainted with the public ca reer of Judge Dougherty, as any ether individual, and par- I ticularly with his prominent acts as a politician ; from.which, we boldly and fearlessly assert that he is not, according to the true, orthodox standard, a State Rights man, and that no man in the State of Georgia, has more widely departed from those principles, than he has done. That so far from sup porting the sovereignty of the State of Georgia, at an im portant crisis, he was in favor of surrendering her most sa cred rights into the bauds of the federal Executive. That in the exercise of bis deliberate judgment, and under the sacred obligations of an oath, he did propose to restrain the State, in the exercise of her rightful sovereign authority, until her Chief Magistrate should be permitted so to do. by the Presi dent of the United States. That she should not survey attd distribute her own territory, to which her title was as clear and indisputable as the spot upon which her capitol now stands, until the President should •'satisfactorily inform" her Governor, that he would not oppose the measure with the “ public force of the United States.” We have heard much, for a number of years past, of the State Right piiuciples of Governor Troup, and of the able and conclusive manner in which they were vindicated by him, in the memorable contest of 1825 to ’27, when he was strug gling for tho possession of a portion of out territory then oc cupied by the Creek Indians, against the most violent oppo sition of the then administration of the General Government. It will be recollected, that the old and new treaties formed the basis of the controversy to which we allude; the old one having heen set aside by the Senate of the United States, and the new one substituted for it. by which the interests of Geor gia were injuriously affected; and it is equally well known, that Governor Troup, with a Roman firmness, resolved to disregard the new treaty, and to enforce the execution of the old one. nt every hazard. Accordingly, he took measures to carry the old treaty into effect, which produced a very animated correspondence be tween himself and the authorities at Washington, in which he maintained the right of Georgia to carry out the old trea ty, and her determination to do so, until Mr. Adams, finding all other means on his part ineffectual, threatened to invade the State with the federal army, to arrest the State in the ex ercise of her constitutional powers, and to prevent the sur vey, at the point of the bayonet. In the face of an attempt so outrageous on the part of Mr. Adams, to usurp the rights of the State, and compel obedience to his audacious mandate, what course did Governor Troup pursue? When he was proceeding to execute a law of the State, requiring the land embraced in the old treaty to be sur veyed, did he acknowledge the authority of the President to interfere, or did he ask his permission to send out the survey ors ? No; —so far from recognizing the right of the President to dictate the course he should pursue. Governor Troup w«nt ahead, and when in February. 1827, he received a letter from the Secretary of War. threatening to invade the State with a military force, to prevent the survey, what was his answer ? The following extract from Governor Troup’s let ter. will furnish the best answer to this question. “Executive Department, Georgia. > Milledgeville, 17th February, 1827. J Sir:—l received this afternoon, from Lieut. Vinton, } our letter of the 29th ult., and read within the same hour, both it and the copt of it us published in the National Intelligencer of the 7th inslant. No room was left to mistake the meaning of this despatch. Lieut. Vinton announced himself in no introductory note, a copy ot which is herewith transmitted as the Aid of the Commanding General, and vou uro sufficiently explicit as to the means bv which ion propose to carry your resolution into effect. Thus the military character of tho menace is established, and I am only nt liberty to give to it, the DEFIANCE which it merits. You will distinctly understand, therefore, that 1 feel it to be my duty, to resist to the utmost, any military attack which the go vernment of the U. States shall think proper to make on the Territory lhe people, aud the sovereignty of Georgia; and all the measures neces sary to the performance ot this duty,accordingtoour limited means,are inpjogrcßß. From the first decisive act of hostility, you will Im considered and treated us public enemies, and with the less repugnance, because vou, to whom we might constitutionally have appealed, for our defence against invasion, uro yourselves the invaders, mid what is more, the unblushing allies of the savages, whose cause you have adopted. 1 have the honor to be. Your ob’t. sciv't. G. M. TROUP.” Hon. James Barbour, Secretary of Wa». Thus spoke George M. Troup, a« the Chief Magistrate es Georgia, when he not only apprehended that the Executive government of the U. States would attempt an unauthorised •nterference with the rights of Georgia, but when he had been I "satisfactorily informed hy the President," through the Sec retary of War, that the survey of our Territory would be pre vented “hy the Military force of the U. States." Did h® ctouch to federal usurpation? Did he suspend the survey until it should please the President to permit him to proceed ? No. He answered like a true Georgian, jealous of her rights, and resolved to maintain them. He says to the usurper, “Thus the military character of the menace is established, and I am only at liberty to give to it, the DEFIANCE which it meiits.” Was this the language of State Rights? Was it the re sponse which tho head of a sovereign State should give to the gasconading threats of invasion from the federal govern, ment ? Me answer aye—and so will answer every man who duly regards the Constitution of the country, the sovereignty of the States, and the integrity of the Union. But he did not stop here. He intended no empty “defi ance.” but distinctly informed the President, that “from the first decisive act of hostility, you will be considered and trea ted as pul 1 c enemies, and with the less repugnance, because you. to whom we might constitutionally have appealed for our defence against invasion, are yourselves the invaders, aud what is more, tho unblushing allies of the savages, wbuse cause you have adopted.” Never while memory holds her seat, shall we forget our emotions when we first read this inimitable letter. The spirit which it breathed, and the independence and firmness of ire tone, gladdened our hearts with joy for our country. But how stands the case with Judge Dougherty? Let us see. We have been pointed by his friend* to the Journals of our Legislature, for the evidence of his devotion to the prin ciples of State Rights. We have turned to these records, and what do we find ? Nothing to entitle him to the proud ap pellation of a State Bights man. We find him in 1830, exerting all his influence and talents to prevent the acquisition of our territory then in the occu pancy of the Cherokee Indians; aud when it was clearly as certained that a bill for the survey and distribution of that territory would pass the House, as a last effort to clog, if not to defeat it, an amendment was offered by Mr. Beall of Twiggs, as follows: “ And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained, shall be so construed,as to authorise the Governor to order the Surveyors to ,proceed with the survey as contemplated bv this act, until he shall be satisfactorily informedfy the President of the United States, that ths public force of the United States will not be employed to prevent said survey and occupancy.” -• — Judge Dougherty voted for this amendment—Judge Mf* . Donald against it. Now we ask every candid man in Georgia, to read Goy. Troup's letter, and Mr. Beall's amendment, and compare them, and when they have done so, to decide for themselves- Gov. Troup defies the President, and tells him in language plain, strong and direct, that he disregatds his mandate, aud that upon the first act of hostility, he will hold aud treat him as a public enemy, and he maintained his ground. The laud was surveyed, the lottery was drawn, and the country occu pied by the people of Georgia; and we are proud to record the fact, not O’dy for the honor, but the rights aud interests of our native State. Bui in 1830, when the gallant and patriotic individual then at tho head of the Federal Government, duly regarding the rights of the States, and wholly disclaiming the power to disturb them in the exercise of their constitutional functions, was reinstating those gteat republican piinciples which had been trodden down by his immediate predecessor; then it was, that Judge Dougherty was exerting himself to invest lb* President with power, foreign to the constitution, and to au. thorise him to arrest a State in the exercise of her sovereign authority, with the military force of the nation. Indeed, it was an invitation io aggression on the part of the Federal Government, upon our most sacred rights. Happily sot tho country, it was a power that Gen. Jackson would not have exercised, even had Mr. Beall’s amendment been adopted. Whenever the doctrine is established, that a sovereign Stato vhall not act upon her reserved rights, without permission of the President, or in the language Adopted hy Judge Dougher ty, until she shall be "satisfactorily informed," that she will not b ■ opposed by the "military force of the United States,” then will State Kights no longer find a habitation amongst u*> and yet, if Mi. Beall's amendment had been adopted, and become the law of Georgia, it would have buried the last vestige of State sovereignty, and probated us at the foot stool of federal power. Would Gov. Troup have voted for such a proposition ? No—will be the answer from one end of the State to the oth er. Sooner would he have given up his right arm to bo se vered from his body. Will the whig press defend their candidate, or will it stand mute ? Will those who have blazoned his name as a “ State Rights,” candidate, justify excuse or palliate this most hu miliating vote? We pronounce Judge Doutheity a Submis sionist in the broadest sense of the term, and his vote upon Mr. Beall’s amendment proves it; and we ask agaiu, will the whig Editors defend him? Let ns now change the question, and ask, what would Judge Dougherty have done, had he heen Governor in 1827, when Mr. A Jams threatened to invade the State with a mili tary force ? Who can doubt as to the course he would have taken ! Ilis vote upon Beall’s amendment, places it beyond conjecture, lie would have bowed down to federal usurpa tion. and suspended operations until he should have beets “ satisfactorily informed by the President of the United States, that the public force of the United States would not be em ployed to prevent said survey and occupancy,” and are the more confirmed in this opinion, from the fact, that even the example of Gov. Troup in 18’27 was wholly disregarded by him in 1830, although Gov. Troup h 'd been triumphantly sustained by the people of Georgia for bis bold and fearlesa resistance to the eucioachments of federal power. The people of Georgia want no man for Governor, whe has ever admitted by word or deed, the right of the federal government to invade the State with a military force, to con trol her in the exercise of her sovereign rights, and this Judga Dougherty has done, and it stands of record against him. No one can foresee what difficulties may yet arise between the State of Georgia and the General Government, nor can it yet ho told who is to be our next President, for although we believe Mr. Van Buren will succeed, the whig press not only disputes it, but is exerting itself to defeat him, aud should Mr. Clay be elected, State Rights will fiud no protec tion in the Executive Department of the Federal Government under his administration. With his constitutional opinions as broad and latituditiarian as those of the Adams’s the Pinckneys, the Ames’s, or the Websters. the States must be left to the preservation of their reserved rights, by tha best means in their power, aud should a controversy arise between Georgia and the Federal < overnment, with Mr. Clay President, and Judge Dougherty Governor, what secu-. rhy have we, that our rights will be inaintained ? None net even the shadow—but on the contrary, proof direct that he would submit to federal dictation, and only act when b«> should be “satisfactorily informed.” We want no man for Governor, who recognizes the right of the President to control the State Government with a military force, or who would shrin,k from bis duty Under threatened invasim, We repeat nguity, defend youreaodj date.