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STATE RIGHTS AND UNITED STATES RIGHTS. -. '■* .■ w 23 .VCACIDA A|> AC< ;• >■?;'. •S'-as: TRUK ISSUE. 57. It ovfsb'd COPI'.IiXMIIXT OF Till'. HAX'KS or <1 GOf’M.V MHXT OF T!IF. I'HOVI.II ' Shall in l,:rr a CONSTITUTION 11. Till'. ISUHY. or cn IX COXSTITFTIOX.iI. \ l FlOX.il. DI XX.' Shall in t.avr a CONSTFFI 'TIOXA 1. C I Rlt F.X « Y<f aoi.v as t> sii.vuK or one of 1R 111 lIIHH f < 7. F. PAPI'.UI Shall WUn tin ■!• r tkr dcsyuti a:: "fa 'I ( 1 N H'.t) Jlt IS ’’OCR fl' 1 . »r under tht soft guards of a Fl'l.l' t OX STITI TIOX ? [Washington Chronicle •WiMjEJWC WlLlSt ’ TUESD KY MORNING, JA NI ARY 28, 1840. DEMOCRATIC TICKET, run president. MA IS TO VAA BIRFJ. COR VICE PRESIDENT, JO H At I-' O 5? « ¥ T S 3. NOlftXA i'iOX foh coxanr.ss. THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Ricbtnond. A. IVERSON, of‘Mnsrogee. • ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham. JUNIUS HILLY ER, of Clarke. D. C. CAMPBELL, of Bibb. JOSI \[| S. P\TTERSON. of Early. HOPKINS HOLSEY, ofClarke. JOHN W. LUMPKIN, ofFlo-.d. F. 11. CONE, of Greene. domination for Electors of President an J. I ice President of the I "nited States. Valentine Walker, of Richmond. Wm. B. W OFFORD, of 11abcrslnim. Wjj. B. Bulloch, of Chatham. J UN RoBINFON, of Jasper. John Bates, of Murray. Tiios. F. Anpersox, . f Franklin. Milner Echols, of Walton. Sami el Groves, of Madison. SiiEl’.l, Beall, of Wilkerson. William A. Tennille, Baldwin. Thom \s Wooton, of Wilkes. TO OUR PATRONS. It i< now seven years since the establishment of the STANDARD <4 1 XION, and it this day enters upon the eighth, with cm tions of gratitude to a gen erous public fi r the patronage so liberally bestowed upon it; and w it Is pride and exultation for the triumph of those great principles which it has feebly, but zeal ously maintained. It came i :t (existence in the stormy period of 1333, •w hen the Democracy of the S rath. divided among themselves, as to the proper remedy for Federal usur pation— >ne portion contending that a single State could constitutionally c<rat;ol the Legislation of Con gress by declaring her at ts unconstitutional, null and void; while the other maintained, that such a course would be nothing less than secession or revolution, and that it was b-tter to “combat error with reason,” and rely upon the wi-d-iin ami intelligence of the peo ple, through the ballot box, fur He redress of our grievances, until “the accumulation of oppression should outweigh the evils of reparation.” A\ ith the latter portion, we took our stand, and feailessly sustained our opinions, through a struggle of extraordinary excitement and bitterness; such a one as we hope never again to witness in ant portion of “this great and growing republic.” T! e organization of parties growing outof theevents ref-red to, occurred in 1533, and although great changes have taken place with our political oppo uen s, and strange associations have been formed in regard to general politics, we have never turned to the right hand or to the left, but have kept our on ward course, “with >ut variableness or shadow of turn ing.” Happily for the country, the discussion of that ag itating question has subsided; the angry turmoil which it engendered has passed away, and many who were active agent, in the strife, are now njoiced that it ended where it did. But parties, particularly in Georgia, have continued still to range themselves un der the banners which were raised at that period, al thouuh many who engraved upon their colors, the. motto of “State Rights” have long since abandoned the principles upon which they then united, if we are to judge by the course they have since pursued in regard to men and measures. We have uniformly contended for the rights of the States, as reserved to them in the Federal Constitu tion, and with equal zeal, for the rights of the General Government, as secured to it by the same instrument; and have always believed the people capable of self government, and confidently relied upon their sober wisdom for the correction < f errors, abuses, and usur pations committed bv the one or the other. So far we have not been disappointed, nor shall we doubt the truth of this conclusion, until it shall be shewn beyond the shadow of a doubt, that man, from his in nate weakness or wickedness, is (he natural subject of despotism. So much for our faith in the great prin ciples of democracy. They werethe principles of our revolutionary lathers, and embodied in characters of light, in that glorious declaration which proclaimed u- free. Not many months before we commenced our ca reer, by an extraordinary effort of the United States Bank, in league with the Federal party, an act was passed through both Houses of Congress, granting a recharter to that inst'tution, when President Jackson, w th Roman firmness, refused to give ii his sanction. I'or this act of moral courage, in the discharge of a paramount duty to bis constituents, the old hero, called down upon bl, head, the vengeance of the mo- ney power, ami the bitterest vituperation of the poli ticians in favor of the Bank, and nothing was left un done, which malice could devise or money could ac complish, tn dislodge him from the affections of the people, and to prostrate and brand him as unworthy the public confidence. To that measure so fraught with good to the Aountrv, ami performe 1 with such nolde independence, we gave our most cordial sup p ft. It had met the most decided approbation of a large majority of the people of Georgia ; (many of whom, we are sorry to say, have since “ fallen from grace,”) but the removal*of the depnsites, furnished die larger pot lion of them, w ith a pretext for changing their ground in regard to his administration; ami meetings were called, speeches were made, and reso lutions passed, denouncing it as outrageous and un constitutional, while we applauded it as we still do, as one of the wisest acts which marks the Executive his tory of the United States. Scarcely bad that subject been worn threadbare bv his assailants, when the Specie Circul >r was issued, over which the slock jobbers—the land jobbers, and speculators of almost every desi riptimi, set up a most lamentable cry of ruin and desolation, while we award ed to him lite credit of saving the revenue of the coun try, from unprecedented derangement, if not from to tal aimihilati'in; lor had that measure been postponed a little while longer, the public lands to an enormous amount, would have fallen into the hands of an organ ized band of speculators, and been paid for in the worthless paper of banks, which would novel have redeemed it; indeed so far had the mad spirit of spec ulation progressed before it was arrested by the specie circular, that in 1837, with a nominal amount of ma ny millions to the credit of the federal Treasury in the deposite Banks, tite government was brought to the verge of bankruptcy, by their inability to meet her drafts—and for those distinguished acts of sagac ity as a man. and of honest imb | emb-nce as a states man, he has continued to re< rive the unmeasured -.nd unmitigated abuse of the Whig party, at present, ttmre appropiiately denomittateii the Harrison PAR TY. But he heeds them not. There is a shield around him, which can never be penetrated by the shafts of malice. He lives in the hearts of the people. The rugged mountain which has stood the tornados of six thousand y ear ’., is not less moved by the storms that beat igaisist its sides, than is that meat and good old man “who has filled the measure of his country’s glory” by the impotent clamor of his malignant as sailants. The contest which ensued fora successor to this il lit-trlcus patriot, was a struggle for victory <>r death with his former enemies. The democracy of the country ha<l design ted Martin Van Buren as their candidate, w hile the whigs, doubting their ability to carry anv one candidate before the people, brought out as many as could be mu-tered into the field, and among them that deluded old man, Judge White of Tennessee, for the purpose of humbugging Tennessee and Georgia, which proved but two successful ; but w hich has opened the •y es of the people of both slates, and placed them sufficiently upon their guard against a similar manoeuvre. Mr. Van Buren was, however, elected by a splendid majority, and in his Inaugural Addre-s, v. hieh may we 1 be pronounct d one of the most orthodox comtitutional documents which has ever b<cn petine ! t y an American states man, placed, «ml fm ver, the seal of falsehood upon the charge so often repe sted, that he was an aboli tionist ; and pledged himself, in the face of God and bis country, never to sanction any measure whatever, having for its object, the slightest interference with the subject of slavery. This public avowal struck his adversaries dumb for a’time, but a pretext was soon afforded them, for the out-pouring of their wrath. The embarrassment pro duced by the refusal of the deposite banks to pay over to the government the public monies in their bands, induced the President, under a high sense of duty, to c tivene Congress in September, 1837, at which ses sion, he recommended the scheme of an independent 1 rcastiry, for the stile keeping and disbursement of the public revenues, and a total disconnexion of the government from all banking institutions, as all ex perience had proved them unworthy ami unsafe de positories of the public treasure. This measure tm t our decided approbation anti most cordial support, and continued to gain favor with the people, until its fin d success is no long, r a matter of speculation. Another presidential contest is rapidly hastening on. The candidates are known, and the peo ple will be called on during the present y< ar, to de cide between Martin Van Buren, the democrat and southern man in'principle, and Wdlian Henrv Harri son, the federalist and abolitionist. We shall be at our post, as we always have been, on the side of the democracy. As it regards state politics, vve may be permitted to say, that we have dons our duty to the Union par ty, because, though in weakness, we have acted with steady devotion and untiring perseverence, and have only to regret that we were not endowed with talents to enable us to rendr r more important service. We have battled through seven arduous campaigns, and been among the first and last in the battle field, and when our party has suffered partial reverses, we have never desponded, but have returned to the 1 charge, nerved with fresh vitror for the conflict ; nor shall we cease to fight under the republican flag which ti'iw waves over our heads, while we retain life and strength to struggle in die combat. The Standard oe Union shall maintain its cha racter and prim iplcs, while it bears our names. It shall be, as it has been, an independent journal, and wiil eontir tie to spea'k of men, measures and parties, witii becoming freedom ; but it shall not be guilty of the siu of man worship, and will support men upon no other principle, and for no other reason, than aepn- viction that their promoti >n to office will best pre ' serve the strength and integrity of the party, and whenever we become convinced that our judgment has been in error, vve shall hold it :> sa> red duty to with draw our sttppjirl fr >m those who have disappointed the public ition as well as ourowti, in their ability' t>> render the service expected, and bestow it upon others better calculated to ucctipv their places. We are party men, and go for partv men, and as i such, we hold it to be a violation of the law of party, to overlook a known friend, for the purpose of con ciliating an enemy, although we are free to confess, it is becoming a matter of too frequent occurrence in this our day and generation ; a course which seldom fails to bt itig a politician to an untimely political end. Having made this brief avowal of our views and principles upon general and state politics, we shall conclud ■ w’uh a few words to our patrons. We are poor and needy, and must have help, or we shall “ perish by the way.” We have not been pressing upon those who owe us. There is a large amount due us, ami we call upon our friends to sustain us, and vve hope this appeal will not he made in vain. If they cannot pay oil, these hard times, send ns a part, and if every subscriber, in arrears, will do a little, we shall be able to get along with ease. Our hearts will be lighter, and our spirits more bouyant. We can think deeper, and write better, ami withal, we can sleep better. Now is the time to give us a helping hand, for vve have no other reliance upon w hit h vve can safely calc date, and we ft el assured that our sub scribers and advertising friends will bear us up. Taking up this day, the line of march for the eighth campaign, vve tender to our friends, our warmest w ishes for their health, prosperity' and happiness, and for anothe r v ittory over our political opponents. THE BANKS. We feel ou'selves called upon by a sense of duty to the public, t< follow up the remarks which we made last week, ttjon the Banks, until they shall show good cause, if any exist, for the course they are pursuing towards the country, or un‘il in default of such show ing, they s'l.dl act w ith justice and liberality. When tie suspension look place in 1837, there was muchexetement in the community, and great appre hension xisted among the Banks, as to the measures which mmlitbe adopted by the Legislature; but m> measures were taken. The crises was not considered of such a chaiacter as to demand immediate legisla tive interference— he Banks were let alone, and w hat was the consequence? Why, instead of screwing their debtors, and contracting their circulation, they manifested a disposition to lend a helping hand, am! as fir as it was prudent for them to go, to aid in re lieving the emb irrassments of the people. In 1833, when they resumed specie payments, and w hen they found themselves enjoying the confidence of all classes in an eminent degree, they commenced a war upon one another. Runs were continually made by on ■ institnt.on upon another—a system of broker age took the place of regular banking—and those that were able, would not discount, because the business of shaving was more profitable, and those that were in a condition to be shaved, vvcie unable to discount, however disposed they might have been to do so. Thi staie oftbinus continued until the sii>pension of 1839, which produced a feeling of hostility to the Banks in every quarter of the St oe ; and it was confidently ex pected, it' we think, bv a large majority of the.peo ple, that strong measures would be taken by the last Legislature. Several were proposed, which, if car ried out, would have laid many of them under the whip ; and they wa re only arrested at last, from the hope that a mild and generous course tow ards them, would be followed by the results which flowed from a similar feeling and action in 1837; and we speak advisedly in this matter, because we were among those who labored to impress this opinion upon many of the members, and who used as an argument, the good conduct of the Batiks in 1837—8, to induce them to suspend all legislation upon the subject. But how stands the case now? More than a month nas elapsed since the Legislature adjourned, and what have the Banks done to justify the public expectation ? Comparatively nothing, with a very few exceptions. They arc calling upon their debtors to pay up, and, consequently, eontracting their circulations, notwith standing the embarrassment of the times, and the ne cessities of the people. If we are not greatly mistaken, the Georgia Banks could loan from five to seven millions of dollars, to the people, which would go far to relieve them from iresent pressure, and prevent thereby the sacrifice of an enormous amount of property ; hut if they con tinue their present policy, the end of it will be, a fatal depreciation in the price of property, and almost in calculable misery and loss to lliousands. If the Batiks press their customers, and will not discount, when the property of the citizen is brought lo the block, who will be there to purchase it ? Who but the Banks will have money, and who but the Banks will be able to bid ? The reduced price of our great staple, forbids the idea that the planters will be generally able to purchase property at any price; and hence, the Banks will have the play in their own hands, if they choose to exercise their pow ers. We warn the Banks in good time, against a con tracted course of proceeding, and tell them in all sin cerity, that a spirit of hostility towards them, already visible in almost every quarter, will shortly become iri esistablr, unless they come forward to do their part in relieving the distress 's of the country. The people have not pressed the Banks. They have been content to keep their paper in circulation, and give it credit ; and will continue to do so as long as it deserves their confidence. The pressure for . . I specie has been from one Bank on another, and from brokers anil shavers, and this reliance of the public generally, upon the creditof the Batd.s, should not be overlooked by them. i If there be among the Batiks, some which are pur suing a libera] police, they are not ini' tided to come within the scope of these remarks; and we still trust that the time is not far distant, when they will all, by a wise and generous course of policy, entitle them selves to the fullest confidence and respect of the community. INDEPENDENT TREASURY BILL. This important and essentia! measure for the cur rency aitd finances of the country, passed to a third reading in the Senate of th- United Stales, on the 17th instant, by' a vote of'24, to 18. The yeas and nays were as follows : yeas — Messrs. Allen, Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, of Ala., Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King, Linn, Lumpkin, Mouton, Norvell, Pierce, Roane, Sevier, Smith, of Ct., Strange, Tap pan, Walker, Williams, Wright—24. Natjs-— Messrs. Betts, Clay, Ky., Clayton, Critten den, Davis, Dixon, Henderson, Knight, Merrick, Nicholas, Phelps, Premiss, Preston, Robinson, Rug gles, Smith, of Ind., White, Y\)ung—lß. Among those who voted against the bill, were three Democrats; to wit, Nicholas, Robenson, and Young, who acted under the instructions of their respective Legislatures. The discussion of this question may be expected to commence shortly in the House of Representatives, and then “we shall see what we shall see.” It will be recollected that during the last canvass for Con gress in this State, interrogntories were propounded to all the candidates ; and among those who vvete suc cessful, several avowed themselves in favor of separat ing the Government from the Bank-, and of an inde pendent Treasury for the safe-keeping and disburse ment of the public monies, and we are pleased that an. opportunity is afforded them of show ing their faith by works ; but we frankly confess, that we have a sort of foreboding that they will be so hard to plea-e in the details of the bill, as to find an excuse to vote with their Whig friends, “whin it comes to the pinch.” JUDGE WHITE. This unfortunate old ram, after having been com pletely drove up by the Whigs, has resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States, and retired to bis appropiiate station, to reap the reward of his own folly. WILLIAM C. RIVES. This gentleman, as we expected, has avowed him self for Harrison, and thereby fully identified himself w ith the Whigs : “ Ye gods, what havoc doth ambition make?” d?* We have received from Dr. Holbrook, the prospectus of an agricultural paper, to be entitled the “ Gleanings of Husbandry.” It will be pub lished monthly, on a sheet containing sixteen large quart" pages, in Augusta, Ga. at One Dollar per an num, payable in all cases in advance. From the talents, industry and experience of Dr. H. and the many able correspondents and patrons which he will receive, we anticipate much good will result, to our farmers, from the prop"sed p üblication. We hope every planter will subscribe to this w >rk.— The prospectus will appear in our next paper. “ Tis strange such difference si mild he, ’Twixt tweedle dnm and tweedie dee.” The following paragraph, from Bicknell’s Phila delphia Reporter, contains much matter for reflec tion. It struck us very forcibly, when we saw it co" pied into the Constitutionalist of Thursday last, and at the very time when several criminal cases Were be ing tried in the Superior Court of Richmond, against persons who had played at brag, and other games. The princely gamblers, who hazard thousands on a single revolution of the wheel of fortune, are “ our highly respected and valuable citizens,'” but those who “ keep near shore,” are enemies to the state ! What a moral paradox ! How true it is, that public opin ion and public law have authenticated the trite asser tion, that “ he who kills a fellow man is a murderer but he who slays his thousands is a hero.” “ We cordially respond to the suggestions of Gov. Porter, that a law heavily taxing brokers, permitting none to follow the business, directly or indirectly, but such a- may be s;>eciaUy licensed to do so, would tend ureatly to check the evils of speculation, of which the citizens of Philadelphia so justly complain. A law such as is proposed could not be adapted too soon. The spirit of gambling has been fostered more by stock operations—bubbles blown into existence for the moment, and intended to deceive the unwary, than by any other course. The system is full of fraud and evil tendencies, and has long been com plained of by fathers and philanthropists. The law should provide for a charge of a J or a | per cent, to go into the funds of the State, on every share of stock transferred, except State Stocks. Powers of attorney, moreover, should not stand good for a long er period than ten days, unless forwarded from one point to another. The subject is much more impor tant than can be conceived by those who have not paid much attention to it. We know of dozens who have been ruined by the system, and we have already shown in a previous number, the power of any two dishonest brokers to advance or depress, any particu-’ lar stock, and thus to get up a panic and defraud the unwary. All time sales, moreover, being regular gambling operations, should be considered and pun ished as gambling. It is an outrage upon justice and legislation, to arrest and throw into prison, the mise rable creatures who play with dice or cards for a few dollars, and to permit, with impunity, stock gambling operations anu to the extent of«thotisands upon thou sands.” Daniel Sturgeon has been elected a Senator of the United State*, from Pennsylvania. He received the unanimous support of the Democratic members of the, I legislature. (ETThe editor of [ sweet j Sentinel seems anxious to know why we lately spliced the Standard. The reason, brother Joshua, bless your soul, was in consequent* of the unaqttaeous state of the Savannah river—we could not obtain our regular supplies, and “as people do at the North'' w e did at the South we joined our medium sheets and f ormed an i mperia | ' size. That’s the Knowle-dge you wanted. Have i you tasted that essence of walking cane yet, Joshua ? ftr’We are ( tilled on to record, one of the most appalling accounts of the destruction ofh uman jjp e , w hich has ever resulted from a similar cause, in the ; history of the country. The burning of the steam boat Lexington, while on her way from New York to 1 Providence, with the loss of near two hundred per sons I Only three lives saved ! The intelligence of this awful calamit^JwU" fro fouild ip other columns. ffZ"Wow’s this? “James W. sician, and Licentiate of the Georgia Idnt ar vention! Washington, Wilkes co. seems to be something either crookedJ^^ stupid in this. Dr. Pangloss with his L. L. D and bis other titular appendages, appears to as great an advantage. A medical convention granting licenses to practice is another new star, in the galaxy of medical affairs. Try it again, Jimmy ! To the Editor of the Standard of Union : Spring Place, Ga., Jan. 14, 1840. Sir :—For the information of those Florida volun teers, who have executed powers of attorney to me, to collect their claims against the United States for horses and other property lost, or turned over to the Government; and for the information of all others interested in claims of a similar kind, you will please publish the enclosed extract of a letter from Peter Hagner, Esq., Third Auditor, in reply to a letter ad dressed to him by the Hon. J. W. Blackwell, seeking information on the subject. The claimants will see from the extract, whv it is that their claims are not settled as speedily as they ex pected. Very respectfully, your obt. servant, a. bishope: Treasury Department, ) Third Auditor’s Office, 17 Dec., 1839. J Sir :—The examination of the claims for losses, will have to be referied till the statements, in proportion as to issues of forage by the United States shall be in readiness, not only by the volunteers of Major Lau derdale’s battalion, but of those of the Georgia bri gade, commanded by General Nelson, and the Ala bama regiment, commanded b\ Colonel Snodgrass,, have all had to be placed on file, and the examination thereof to be postponed. The work of searching the numerous accounts, and multiplicity of vouchers of the various officers in the Quarterma'ter’s Department, and collecting there from the informati"U needed in order to make out the statements, has been of a very tedious necessarily requiring much time ; and the prosecution of it has been unavoidably subject to continual inter sceptions in attending to the immense mass of current, business in the office in this branch of its duties. Considerable progress has been made, and the work will he brought to a close as speedily as practicable f aid thereafter the claims w ill betaken up in due course, and as examined, the result will be communi cated t<> the parties concerned. With great respect, your obt. servant," PETER HAGNER, Auditor. Hon. J. W. Blackwell, t House of Representatives. For the Standard of Union. No. 113. MAJOR “M.” '‘One word at parting,” says M. Ish ill not ten der him in return even ‘one word at parting:’ It would answer no purpose. “While all mankind are willing »o concede to you the perfect right to your opinions upon ail subjects, they do not grant your right of general criticism over the acts and sentiments of others.” Who is more in the habit of criticising than M.? I exercise no great er right in this way than he and many of his associ ates. Witness the Whig papers, and the Whig lead ers generally. “In assuming that office, you have taken more than you are entitled to.” Surely lam entitled to as much as they are. “However qualified for its duties, its exercise is rather disgusting than: otherwise.” Physician heal thyself. “Now dismiss that vain feeling of conscious supe riority which prompts your conduct”— l have indul ged no sm h feeling—“ and you will shortly like the world better,” —1 like the world well enough—“and the world will be more pleased with you.” No ob jection.—But is it not amusing to observe the feeling of‘conscious superiority’ indulged by M. at the very moment he is reprehending such a feeling on the part of L.? Such are the inconsistences of man. Having gone through the pieces of M. it remains hat I draw to a close. It has been said that I was ambitious. I have de nied and disproved the charge. I have sought noth ing at the hands of the Union Party'. I have occa sionally allowed the use of my' name, but principally to gratify friends. Yet lam not insensible to public favor. The voluntary confidence of the party would have been gratifying. Yet I feel chagrin at failing to attain stations which I have not sought. The con scious satisfaction which 1 feel at having labored to promote the success of the party as entertaining cor rect views, strengthened by the repeated and unqtiiv ocal testimonies that my efforts have not been without effect, sufficiently compensate me for the incon venien cies resulting from them. It has not, tube sure, been pleasant to be told, as I have been, by our adversa ries, that the Union Party had no use for me, except to write paragraphs for the benefit of others. As pub lic honors and emoluments, however have not been the object of my efforts, I shall continue to write, when disposition piompts and circumstances allow, even although I may not always publish my pieces. The endeavor to be serviceable, and the approbation of friends, will be sufficient reward, though I may never attain, and might even decline, the trappings of office. When, however, I witness the disreputable scram bles for office, among public men—when I remember, or anticipate the baleful effects of feuds in Milledge ville, and elsewhere —I acknowledge that I feel dis couraged. Yet I will not give up the ship —l will