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O'oustitutiomiltsi.
BY JAMES GARDNER.
From the Chicago (IU.) lime*, Aug. 28.
The Campaign in Illinois— Discussion at
Ottawa between Douglas and Lin
coln.
On Saturday, the 21st August, the first of the
series of joint discussions between Lincoln and
Douglas too* place at Ottawa. Below we publish
a full report o! the speeches.
At an early hour Ottawa was alive with people.
From daylight till three o’clock in the afternoon
the crowds came in, by train, by canal boat, and
by wagon, carriage, buggy, and on horseback.
Morris, Joliet, and all the towns on the railroad,
above and below Ottawa, sent up their delegates.
Lincoln, on Friday night, left Peoria, and passed
up the road to Morris, where he staid over, in or
der that he might have the appearance of being
escorted to Ottawa by the crowds who filled the
special train on Saturday morning. Donglas left
Peru in the morning in a carriage, escorted bv a
large delegation on horseback, and in vehicles.
The procession as it passed along the r<*ad re
ceived new accessions at every cross-road and
stopping place, and when it reached Ottawa it
was nearly a mile in length. As it passed through
the streets the people from the sidewalks, from
windows, piazzas, house-tops, and every available
standind point, cheered and welcomed him. Upon
his arrival at the Geiger House he was welcomed
by Wm. H. H. Cushman.
Mr. Douglas responded in a few appropriate re
marks, and throughout the entire proceedings Was.
cheered most emphatically.
At two o’clock the multitude gathered in the
public square, the sun shining down with great in
tensity, and the few trees affording but little shade.
It would seem that the most exposed part of the
city was selected for the speaking. After a long
delay, the discussion was opened by Judge Doug
las, who spoke as follows :
Ladies and Gentlemen : I appear before you to.
day for the purpose ot discussing the leading po
litical topics which now agitate the public mind.
By an arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and my
self, we are present here to-day for the purpose of
having a joint discussion as the representatives of
the two great political parties of the State and
Union, upon the principles in issue be ween the e
parties, and this vast concourse of people, shows
the deep feeliug which pervades the public mind
in regard to the questions dividing ns.
Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two
great political parties, known as the Whig and
Democratic panies. Both were national and pa
triotic, advocating principles that were universal
in their application. Au old line Whig could pro
claim his principlesin Louisiana and Massachusetts
alike Whig principles had no boundary seciional
line, they were not limited by the Ohio river, nor
by the Potomac, uor by the line of the free and
sfave States; but applied and were proclaimed
wherever the Constitution ruled or the American
flag waved over the Atnericau soil. (Bear him,
ana three cheers.) So it was, and so it is with the
freat Democratic party, which, from the days of
efferson until this period, has proven itself to be
the histone party of this nation. While the Whig
and Democratic parties differed in regard to a bank,
the tariff, distribution, the specie circular and the
sub-treasury, they agreed on the great slavery
question which now agitates the Union. I say
that the Whig party and the Democratic party
agreed on the slavery question while they differed
on those matters of expediency to which I have
referred. The Whig party and the Democratic
party jointly adopted the compromise measures of
3850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of
this slavery question in all its forms. Clay was
the great leader, with Webster on his right and
Cass on his left, and sustained by the patriots in
the Whig and Democratic ranks', who had devised
and enacted the compromise measures of 1850.
In 1851, the Whig party and the Democratic
party united in Illinois in adopting resolutions en
dorsing and approving the principles of the com
promise measures of 1350, as the proper adjust-
.»■ -frMr
party assembled in convention at Baltimore, for
the purpose of nominating a candidate for‘the
Presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the
compromise measures of 1850, in substance and
in principle, a suitable adjustment of that ques
tion. (Here the speaker was interrupted by loud
and long continued applause.) My friends, ajleuc.e
will be more acceptable to me in the discussion of
these questions than applause. I desire to address
myself to your judgment, your understanding, and
your consciences, and not to your passions or your
enthusiasm. When the Democratic convention
assembled in Baltimore in the same year, for the
purpose of nominating a Democratic caadidate for
the Presidency, it also adopted the compromise
measures of 1850 as the basis of ac
tion. Thus you see that up to 1853~’54, the Whig
party and the Democratic party both stood on the
same platform with regard to the slavery question.
That platform was the right of the people of each
State and each Territory to decide their local and
domestic institutions for themselves, subject only
to the Federal Constitution.
During the session of Congress of 1853-’54, I
introduced into the Senate of the United States a
bill to organise the Territories of Kansas and Ne
braska on that principle which had been adopted
in the Compromise measures of 1850, approved by
the Whig party and *he Democratic party in llli
nis in 1851, and endorsed by the Whig party and
the Democratic party iu national convention in
IS5‘2 la order that there might be no misunder
standing in relation to the priuciple involved in
the Kaosas-Nebraska bill, I put forth the true in
dent. ana meaning of the act m these words: “It
is the true inteut and meauing of this act not lo
legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to
exclude it therelrom, but to leave the people there
of perfectly free to form aud regulate their domes
tic institutions in their own way, subject only to
the Federal Constitution.” Thus, you see, that up
to 1854, when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was
brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying
out the principles which both parties had up to
that time endorsed and approved, there had been
no division in this country in regard to that prin
ciple except the opposition of the Abolitionists.
In the House of Representatives of the Illinois
legislature, upon a resolution asserting that pnn
ciple, every Whig and every Democrat in the
House voted in the affirmative, and only four men
voted against it, and those four were old lice Abo
litionists. < Cheers.)
In 1854, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull
entered into an arrangement, one with the other,
and each with his respective friends, to dissolve
the old Whig party on the oue hand, and to dis
solve the old Democratic party on the oiher. and
to connect the members of both into an Abolition
party under the name and disguise of a Republi
can party. (Laughter and cheers; hurrah for
Douglas.) The terms of that arrangement between
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull hare been publish
ed to the world by Mr. Lincoln’s special triend,
James H. Matheny, Esq., and they were that i Jo
coin should have Shield’s place in the United
States Senate, which was then about to become
vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat
when my term expired. (Great Laughter ) Lin
coln went to work to abohtionise ,tbe old Whig
party all over the State, pretending that be w.is
theu as good a Whig as ever; (laughter) and
Trumbull went to work in his part of the State,
preaching Abolitionism in its milder and lighter
form, and trying to abohtionise the Demo raiic
party, and bring old Democrats handcuffed and
bound band aud foot into the Abolition camp
(“Good,” “hurrah for Douglas,” and cheers.) In
pursuance of the arrangement, the parties met at
Springfield in October, 1854, and proclaimed then
new platform. Lincoln was to bring into the Abo
lition camp the old line Whigs, and tran fer them
over to Giddings, Chase, Fori, Douglass and Par
son Lovejoy, who were ready to receive them an 1
christen them in their new faith. (Laughter and
cheers.) They laid down on that occasion a plat
form for their new Republican party, which was
to be thus constructed. I have the resolutions of
their State convention then held, which was the
lirst mass State convention ever held in Illinois
by the Black Republican party, and I now hold
them in my hands and will read a part of them,
and cause the others to be primed. Here is the
most important and material resolution of this
Abolition platform:
Res-Avtd, That we believe this truth to be self
evident, that when parlies become subversive ot
the ends for which they are established, or inca
ble of restoring the government to the true prin
ciples of the Constitution, it is the right and duty
of the people to dissolve the political bands by
which they may have been connected therewith,
and to organise new parties upon such principles
and with such views as the circumstances and exi
gencies of the nation may demand.
Resolved, That the times imperatively demand
the re-orgamzation of parties, and repudiating all
previous party attachments, names and predilec
tions, we unite ourselves together in defense of
tfi liberty and Constitution of the country, and
will hereafter co-operate as the Republican party,
pledged to the accomplishment of the following
purposes: to bring the administration of the gov
ernment back to the control of first principles;
to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of
free territories; that, as the Constitution of the
United States, vests in the States, and not in Con
gress, the power to legislate for the extradition of
fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely abro
gate the fugitive slave law ; to restrict slavery to
those States it which it exists ; to prohibit ihe ad
mission of any more slave States into the Union;
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; to
exclude slavery from all the territories over which
the general government has exclusive jurisdic
tion ; and to resist the acquirements of any more
territories unless the practice of slavery therein
forever shall have been prohibited.
8. Resolved, That in furtherance of these princi
ples we will use such cefffMtunonal and lawful
means as shall seem best adapted to their accom
plishment, and that we will support no man for
office, under the general or State government, who
is not positively and fully committed to the sup
port of these principles, and whose personal char
acter and conduct is not a guaranty that he is relia
ble, and who shall not have abjured old party alle
giance and ties.
(The resolutions, as they were read, were cheered
throughout.)
Now, gentlemen, your Black Republicans have
cheered every one of those propositions, (“good
and cheers,”) and yet I ventue to say that you can
not get Mr. Lincoln to come out and say that he ifri
now in favor of each one of them. (Laughter and
applause. “Hit him again.”) That these propo
sitions, one and all, constitute the platform of the
Black Republican party of this day, I have no
doubt, (‘good’) and when you were not aware for
what purpose I was reading them, you Black Re
publicans cheered them as good Black Republi
can doctrines, (“That’s it,” etc.) My object m
reading these resolutions, was to put the question
to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now
stands and will now stand by each article in that
creed and carry it out? (“Good, ** “Hithim again.”)
I desire to know whether Mr. Loncoln to-day stands
as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional re
peal of the fugitive slave law ? I desire him to an
swer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did
in 1854, against the admission of any more slave
States into the Union, even if the people want
them? I want to know whether he stands pledged
against the admission of a new State into the
Union with such a Constitution as the people of
that State may see fit to make ? (“That’s it;”
■put it at him.”) I want to know whether he
stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia? I desire him to an
swer whether be stands pledged to the prohibition
of the slave trade between the different States?
(“He d-ies.”) I desire to know whether ho stands
pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories
of the United States, North as well as South of the
Missouri Compromise line? (“Kansas too.”) I de
sire him to answer whether he is opposed to the
acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is
first prohibited therein. I want his answer to
these questions. Your affirmative cheers in
favor of this Abolition platform is not satis
factory. 1 ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these
questions, in order that when I trot him down
to lower Egypt I may put the same ques
tions to him. (t- nthusiastic applause.) My
principles are the same everywhere. (Cheers,
uni/ 4 bark.”; I can proclaim them alike In the
SoHb, the South, the East, and the West. Mv
and appiause.) I desire to know whether Mr. Lin
coln’s principles will bear transplanting from Ot
tawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to him
to-day distinctly, and asm an answer. I have a
right to an answer, (“ that’s so,” “ he can’t dodge
you,” etc.,) tor I quote from the platform of the
Uepubiican party, made by himself and others at
the time that party was formed, and the bargain
made by Lincoln to dissolve and kill the old Whig
party, and transfer its members, bound band and
f »ot, to the Abolition party, undtr the direction of
Giddioga and Fred Douglass. (Cheers.) In the
remarks I have made on this platform, and the po
sition of Mr. Lincoln upon it, 1 mean nothing per
sonal. I have known him for nearly twenty-five
years. There were many points of sympathy be
tween us when we first got acquainted. We were
both comparatively boys, and both struggling with
poverty in a strange land. I was a school teacher
in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing
grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. (Applause
and laughter.) He was more successful in his oc
cupation than I was in mine, and hence more for
tunate in this world’s goods. Lincoln is one of
those peculiar men who perform with admirable
skill everything which they undertake. I made as
good a school-teacher as I could, and when a cab
inet maker I made a good oedstead and tables,
although my old boss said I succeeded better with
bureaus and secretaries than anything else ;
(cheers,) but I believe that Lincoln was always,
more successful in business than I, for his busi
ness enabled him to get into the legislature. I met
him there, however, and had a sympathy with
him, because of the un-hill struggle we both had
in life. He was then just as good at telling au
anecdote as now. (“No doubt.”) He could beat
any of the boys wrestling, or running a foot race,
in pitching quoits or tossing a copper, could rum
more liquor than all the boys of the town together,
(uproarious laughter,) and the dignity and impar
tiality with which he presided at a horse race or
tist fight, excited the admiration and won the praise
of everybody that was present and participated.
(Renewed laughter.) I sympathised with him, be
cause he was struggling with difficulties, and so
was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the legis
lature in 1836, when we both retired, and be sub
sided, or became submerged, and be was lost sight
of as a public mm for some years. In 1848, when
Wilmot introduced bis celebrated proviso, and the
Abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln
again turned up as a member of Congress from the
Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of
the United Slates, and was glad to welcome my
old friend and companion. Whilst in Congress,,
he distinguished himself by his opposition to the/
Mexican war, taking the side of the common ene-(
iny against his own country ; (“that’s true,”) and)
when he returned home he found »hat the indigna
ti »n of the people followed him everywhere, and
he was again submerged or obliged to retire into
private life, forg tten by his former friends. (“And
will be again.) He came up again in 1854, just
in time to make this Abolition or Black Republi
can platform, in company with Giddins, Lovejoy,
Chase, and Fred Douglass for the Republi
can partv to stand upon. (Laughter. “Hit him
agaiu,” Ac.) Trumbull, too, was one of our
own cotemporaries. He was born and raised in
old Connecticut, was bred a federalist, but remov
ing to Georgia, turned nullifier when nullifica
tion was popular, and as soon as he disposed of
his clocks ana wound up his business, migrated to
Illinois, (laughter,) turned politician and lawyer
uere, and made his appearance in 1841, as a mem
ber of the legislature. He became noted as the
author of the scheme to repudiate a large portion
of the State debt <.f Illinois, which, if successful,
would have brought infamy and disgr >ce upon the
fair escutcheon of our glorious State. The
odium attached io that measure consigned him to
oblivion fora time. I helped to do it. I walked
into a public meeting in the hall of the House of
Representatives and replied to his repudiating
speeches, and resolutions were carried over bis
head denouncing repudiation, and asseriieg the
moral and legal obligation of 1 linois ta pay
every dollar of the debt she owed and every bond
that bore her seal. (“ Good/’ and cheers.) Trum
bull’s malignity has followed me since I thus de
feated bis lutamous scheme.
These two inen having formed this combination
to abolilionise the old Whig party and the old
Democratic party, and put themselves into the
Senate of the Uui ed Siates, in pursuance of their
bargain, are now carrying out that arrangement.
Maihenv states that Trumbull broke faith; that
the bargain was that Lincoln should be the Sena
tor in Shield’s place, and Trumbull was to wait
AUGUSTA, GA.) WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1858.
for mine; (laughter and cheers,) and the story
goes that Trumbull cheated Lincoln, having con
trol of four or five abolitionised Democrats who
were holding over in the Senate ; be would not let
them vote for Lincoln, and which obliged the rest
of the Abolitionists to sui>port him in order to se
cure an Abolition Senator. There are a number
of authorities for the truth of this besides Matbeny,
and I suppose that even Mr. Lincoln will not deny
it. (Appldhse and laughter.)
Mr. Lincoln demands that he shall have the place
intended for Trumbull, as Trumbull cheated him
and got his, and Trumbull is stumping the State
traducing me for the purpose of securing that po
sition for Lincoln, in order to quiet him. (“Lincoln
can never get it,” Ac.) It was in consequence of
this arrangement that the Republican convention
was empanneiled to instruct for Lincoln and no
body else, and it was on this account that they
pissed resolutions that be was their first, their
last, and their only choice. Archy Williams was
nowhere, Browning was nobody, Wentworth was
not to be considered; they had no man in the Re
publican party for the place except Lincoln, for the
reason that he demanded that they should carry
out the arrangement. (“ Hit him again.”)
Having formed this new party for the benefit of
deserters from Whiggery, and deserters from De
mocracy, and having laid down the Abolition plat
form which I have read, Lincoln now takes his
stand and proclaims his Abolition doctrines. Let
me read a part of them. In his speech at Spring
field to the convention which nominated him for
the Senate, he said:
“ In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis
shall have been reached and passed. * A house
divided against itself cannot stand/ I believe
this Government cannot endure permanently half
slave and half free. Ido not expect the Union to
be dissolved—l do not expect the house to fall—
but Ido expect it will cease to be divided. It will
become all one thing, or all the other. Either the
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread
of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest
iu the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
extinction; or, its advocates will push it forward
till it shall become alike lawful in all the States—
old as well as new—North as well as South.”
(“Good,” “good,” and cheers.)
“I am delighted to hear you Black Republicans
say “good.” (Laughter and cheers.) 1 have no
doubt that doctrine expresses your sentiments,
(“hit them again,” “that’s it,”) and I will prove
to you now, if you will listen to me, that it is
revolutionary and destructive of the existence
of this Government. (“ Hurrah for Douglas,”
“ good,” and cheers.) Mr. Lincoln, in the ex
tract from which I have read, says that this
Government cannot endure permanently in the
same condition in which it was made by its fram
ers -divided into fr-ee and slave States. He says
that it has existed for about seventy years thus di
vided, and yet he tells you that it Cannot endure
permanently on the same principles and in the same
relative condition iu which our fathers made it.
(“Neither can it.”) Why can it not exist divided
into free and slave States ? Washington, Jeffer
son, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the
great men of that day, made this Government di
vided into free States and slave States, and left
each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the
subject of slavery.' (“Right, right. ) Why can it
not exist on the same principles on which our fa
thers made it? (“It can.”) They knew when they
framed the Constitution that in a country as wide
and broad as this, with such a variety of climate,
productions and interest, ihe people necessarily
required different laws and institutions in differ
ent localities. They knew that the laws and regu
lations w hich would suit the granite hills ol New
Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice planta
tions of South Carolina, (right, right,) and they,
therefore, provided that each State should retain
its own legislature, and its own sovereignty
with the full and complete power to do as
it pleased within its own limits, in all that
was local and not (Applause.)^
servant, on the slaVery question. At the time the
Constitution was formed, there were thirteen
States in the Union, twelve of which were slave
holding States, and one a free State. Suppose
tfi.s doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lin
coln, that the States should all be free or all be
slave had prevailed, and what would have been
the result? Os course, the twelve slaveboldiog
States would have overruled the one free State,
and slavery would have been fastened by a Con
stitutional provision on every inch of the Ameri
can Republic, instead of beiug left us our fathers
wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself.
(“Good, good,” and three cheers for Douglas.) Here
I assert that uniformity in the local laws and insti
tutions of the different States is neither possible
or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted
when the government was established, it must in
evitably have been the uniformity of slavery
everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citi
zenship and negro equality everywhere.
\Ve are told by Lincoln that he is utterly op
posed to the Dred Scott decision, and will not
submit to it, for the reason that he says it de
prives the negro of the rights and privileges of
citizenship. (Laughter and applause.) That is
the first and main reason which* ne assigns for his
warfare on the Supreme Court of the United
States and its decision. I ask you, are you in fa
vor of confering upon the negro the rights and
privileges of citizenship ? (“No, no.”) Do you
desire to strike out of our State Constitution that
clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out
of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in,
“never,”) and cover your prairies with black settle
ments/ Do you desire to turn this beautiful j
State into a free negro colony, (“no, no,”) in order
that when Missouri abolishes slavery she can
send one hundred thousand emancipated slaves
into lllioois, to become citizens and voters,
on an equality with yourselves?(“Never,” “no.”)
If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire
to allow them to come into the State and settle
with the white man, if you desire them to vote
on an equality with yourselves, and to make
them eligible to office, to serve on iunes, and to
adjudge vour rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and
the Black Republican party, who are in favor of
the citizenship of the negro. (“ Never, never.”)
For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any
and every form. (Cheers.) I believe this govern
ment was made on the white basis. (“Good.”) I
believe it was made by white men, for the benefit
of white nren and their posteritv forever, and I am
in favor of confining citizenship to white men,
men of European birth and descent, instead of
confermg it upon negroes, Indians and other in-/
ferior races. (“ Good for you.” “ Douglas fory
ever.”) *
Mr. Lincoln, following the example and lead of
all the little Abolition orators, who go around and
lecture in the basements of schools and churches,
reads from the Declaration of Independence, that
all men were created equal, and then a9ks, how
can you deprive a negro of that equality which God
and theDeclaru onoflndependenceawardstohim?
He and they maintain that negro equality is guar
antied by the laws of God, and that it is" asserted
in tbe Declaration of Independence. If they think
so. of course they have a right to say so, and so
vote. Ido not question of Mr. Lincoln’s conscien
tious belief tb.it the negro was made his equal, and
hence is his brother, (laughter,) but for my own
part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and
positively deny that he is my brother orauy km to
me whatever. (“Never,” “bit him again,” and
cheers.) Lincoln has evidently learned by heart
Faison Lovejoy’s catechism. (Laughter and ap
plause.) He can repeat it as well as Farnsworth,
and he is worthy of a medal from father Giddiugs
and Fred Douglass for his Abolitionism. (Laugh
ter.) He holds that the riegro was born his equal
and yours, and that he was endowed with equality
by the Almighty, and that no human law can de
prive him oi these rights which were guarantied
to him by the Supreme Ruler of the universe.
Now, I do not believe that the Almighty ever in
tended the negro to be the equal of the white man.
(“ Never, never.”) If he did, he has been a long
time demonstrating the fact. (Cheers.) For thou
sands of years the negro has been a race upon the
earth, anJ during all that time, malt latitudes and
climates, wherever he has wandered or been
taken, he has been inferior to the race which he
has there met. He belongs to an inferior race,
and must always occupy an inferior position.
(“ Good,” “ that’s **o,” Ac) I do not hold that
because tbe negro is our inferior that therefore he
ought to be a slave. By no means can such a j
conclusion be drawn from what I have said. On |
the contrary, I hold that humanity and Christiani
ty both that the negro shall have and en
joy everyJHght, every privilege, and every lmmu
nßy conagtent with tbe safety of the society in
which MgYes. (That’s so). On that point, I
presume,%piere can be no diversity of opinion.
You aftd-l?jM'c bound-to extend to our inferior and
dependents being every right, every privilege,
every faewy and immunity consistent with the
public The question then arises what rights
and are consistent with the public good.
This is «r*tiestion which each State and each Ter
ritory rn&JjHecide for itself— Illinois has decided
for have provided that the negro
shall and w>* have also provided
that be Sh,s»l *pf be a citizen, but protect him in
bis civil his life, his person and his pro
perty, od|||aM&*ivmg him of all political rights
refusing to put him on an equali
ty with man. (“Good.”) That policy
of 11 lirnffg^pKaatisfacfory to the Democratic
party JP** and if it were to the. Republi
cans, the»Fjwlld then be no question upon the
subject Republicans my that he ought to
be whenjhe becomes a citizen he
becomettybai krifhall your rights and privi
leges. shall.”) They assert the Dred
Scott d(pMsia to be ffionsirous because it denies
tliat or can be a citizen under the Con-
I hold that Illinois had a right to
abolish S^^fohib^ y Slavery as she did, and I
hold has tbe same right to continue
and prote#agaTer» that Illinois had to abolish it.
1 hold ttuKnKjycrk had as much right to abol
ish has to continue it, and that
each of this Union is a sovereign
power, ;ss9HHMghtto do as it pleases upon this
question Os jjggyy, and upon all its domestic m-
is not the only question which
comes There is a far more
importaMHf lo yon,and that is, what shall be
doue
the slayerjffiacstion as far as we are concern
ed; wC JiaS-tytarobibited it in Illinois forever, and
in doing. we have done wisely, and there
is who would be more >trenu
ous in Mb jfJpßtion to the introduction of slave
ry than * wo>‘Jd; {cheers,) but when we settled it
for on rajs? e*, we qjthausted all our power over that
h4v| done our whole duty, and can
do no mofe.J We must leave each and every other
State &r itself the same question. In
policy to be pursued towajds the
free bay* said that they shall not vote;
whilst oflfhg other hand, has said that they
shall a sovereign State, and has
the powe# the qualifications of voters
within her '• Mi lints. 1 would never consent to
confer the rigbt of voting and of citizenship upon
a negro,* .nr «tiii I am not goirg to quarrel
with Mail for differing from me in opinion.
Ijct Mairie lajcpi care of her own negroes and fix
tbe qualifier lions of.her own voters to suit herself,
without mi- rfesrmg tr.uh Illinois, and Illim>W will
not interfere intb Maine. So with the State of
New York. She allows the negro to vote provided
he owns by j jnnffe-ed ane fifty dollars’ worth of
property7Br“u|ips otherwise. "While I would not
make any uis&iotion whatever between a negro
who held property aud one who did not, yet if the
sovereign bfiat# pt New York chooses to make that
distinction, it I*‘her business and not mine, and I
will not qo*md with her for it. She can dj as she
K leases on thiHMgstion, if she minds Ikt own
usmess, Will do the same thing. Now,
my fricuds.sriMk|rii}only act conscientiously and
rigidly upoo tflMLgreat principle of popular sove
reignty whi h jßpM|ees to each State and Ter
ritory the. yip it'to ilo las it pleases on all things
local and Morfijiuc instead of Congress inter
fering, we Continue at peace one with an
other. Wm shonld Illinois be at war with Mis
souri; of Ohio, or Virginia with
New. tob. because their institutions
differ. Our our institutions
should y North and the
tAu-.h*-
t ijiJ " F-* ** -
(solutions r.r Stsffe* wUaoew qptirfnrr
never dreamed of oy Washington, Madison, or the
framers of this Government. Mr. Lincoln and the
Republican party set themselvei up as wiser than
these men who made this government, which has
flourished for seventy years under the principle of
popular sovereignty, recognising the right of each
State to do os it pleased. Under that principle, we
have grown from a nation of three or four millions
to a nation of about thirtv millions of people; we
have crossed the Alleghany mountains and filled up
the whole North-west, turning tbe prairie into a
garden, and building up churches aud schools, thus
spreading civilization and Christianity where before
there was nothing but savage barbarism. Under
that principle we nave become from a feeble nation,
tbe most powerful on the face of the earth, and if
we only adhere to that principle, we can go forward
increasing in territory, in power, in strength u. ‘
in glory until tbe Republic of America shall be
the North Star that shall guide the friends of
lfreedom throughout the civilised world. (“ Long
Vnay you live,” and great applause.) And why
/an we not adhere to the great principle of self
government, upon which our institutions were
>riginally based? (“ We can.”) I believe that
his new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his
mrty will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They
ire trying tourrav all the northern States in one
>ody against the South, to c-xcite’a sectional war
betweeu the free States and the slave Slates, in
order that the one or the other may be driven to
the wall.
I am told that my time is out. Mr. Lincoln will
how address yon for an hour and a half, and I wil!
•then occupy an half hour in replying to him.
(Three tunes three cheers were here given for
Douglas.
How Rain is Formed.
To understand the philosophy of this phenome
na, essential to the very existence of plants and
animals, a few facts derived from observation and
a long train of experiments, must be remembered,
With the atmosphere everywhere, at all times, at
ihe full temperature, we should never have no
ram, hail or snow. The water absorbed by ii in
evaporation from the sea and the earth’s surface,
would descend m an imperceptible vapor, or cease
to be absorbed by the air, when it was once fully
saturated. The absorbing power of the atmos
phere, and consequently its capability to retain
humidity, Is proportionally greater m warm than
cold air. The air near the surface of the earth is
warmer than it is m the region of the clouds. The
higher we ascend from the earth, the colder we
find the atmosphere. Hence the perpetual snow
on a very high mountain, m the hottest climates.
Now, when, from continued evaporation the air
is highly saturated with vapor—though it be in
visible—if its temperature is suddenly reduced by
cold currents descending from above, or rushing
from a high to a low latitude, its capacity to retain
moisture is diminished, clouds are formed, the re
sult is rain. Air condenses as it cools, and like
a sponge filled with water and compressed, pours
out the water which its diminished capacity can
not hold. How singular, yet how simple, is such
an arrangement for watering the earth.
Scientific American .
A Weather Item. —The court was called ; there
was & cloud upon the brow of the judge; silence
rained; Wm. Mulligan was hailed, but William
was mist; the judge thundered; the prosecuting
attorney stormed ; the jury’s labors lightened; but
Wm. Mulligan, the brave, the good, had fled from
the oppressor, into the laud ot the free and tbe
home of the brave—New Jersey.
N. T. Picayune.
Copartnership.—lt may interest oui brethren of
the p'eas to know that Dr. J. C. Ayer of Lowell,
(Cheriy Pectoral and Cathartic Pills,) has ass *cia
ted with him, his brother Frederick Ayer, Esq.,
long and favorably known as a leading merchant
o' the West. Mr. Ayer will conduct tbe widely
extended business of the firm, which now reaches
to the commercial nations of both hemispheres* '
while the Doctor will devote himsell to his scieu- ;
lific investigations aud pursuits.
Mercantile Journal.
Health — Weather — Crops.— There has been
noinaierial change or the health ol this section 1
since our last report, which was reported good. 1
The crops continue to look fine, and the weather
pleasanq with cool mornings. Thermometer
ranges from sixty-eight to eighty-two, extremes, s
Albany Patriot , September 2. j
From, the Charleston Mercury.
Statement of one of the Slavers. ,
We subjoin a statement relative to ihe capture
of the tffig General Putnam, sent us by one ot the !
crew now confined in our jail:
Charleston Prison, Aug. 80, 1858. i
A small sketch of the canture of the brig Echo, .
or General Putnam, as published in some of the
papers, is very erroneous with regard to the cap
ture and cargo. I shall give you a true account,
as I hare been imprisoned as one of the crew. On
the morning of August 21st, we made land about
three or four miles to the South or eastward of
Sagua la Grande, in three and a half fathoms of
water, when we kept away to the northward and
westward. In a short time we made out the town,
several vessels lying in the harbor, and one com
ing out, under American colors, which we took to
be a molasses lugger, supposing her to be bound
to some northern port. When we got by the port
part on board made her out to have English colors
set, which she chased us under, which it was re
ported by some of the papers that tbe brig called
the Putnam wore.
But I must confess it was a most gallant cap
ture by an American man-of-war to cnase an old
ten-knot brig from sunrise to half-past four or
five o’clock in the afternoon, before she could
make her heave to. If the brig had been in trim
it is my opinion she would have run clear. I
understand that the Spanish pilot insisted that he
knew tbe brig, and that she had a cargo of ne
groes on board. The Dolphin is reported to not
care about boarding the brig. Why then did she
chase all day with a press of canvass and studding
sails set?
About four o'clock ihe Dolphin kept off. Not
being able to make out whether she intended
to go to Cardenas or give us a gun, we took
in all studsails, to try to get to windward and
out of reach her of guns; but, on seeing this
she hauled on the w ind, and fired a gun tor us
to heave to. She had fired two guns before.
We took but liitle notice of them, and we
thought we were out of gun shot. Her shot
fell about forty yards ahead, on our lee-bow.
She bad English colors set, which she hauled
down and set American. We had the Ameri- ■
can colors set. As we had no others on board
to save us (rom being fired into, and were about
getting ready to heave to, she fired a shot
across our quarter. We hove to immediately.
She lowered a boat with three or four officers, ma
rines tfttt ten men armed,against a crew of unarm
ed men, twenty-one white persons, all told. When
on board they immediately ordered every one in
the boat to go on board the Dolphin. They kept
tw*' and a sick man there, as we supposed, to find
out the particulars. When on board the Dolphin
they put those supposed to be the crew in double
irons, and searched every one, as they said,to find
papers ; but I believe they found nothing to lead
to the vessel’s nationality.
The vessels kept company all night. In the
morning the captain of the Dolphin went on board
* of the prize, and overhauled everything of value
F in the shape of sweetmeats aud eaUbles, likewise
L paints ana oils, and transferred them cn board of
( the Dolphin, with some very good brandies and
J wines. It is reported that, the crew of tbs slaver,
t when they thought they were out of danger, were
f drinking m revelry, which is entirely false. There
1 is a good deal said about the treatment of the ne
-1 groes. I can assure you that the negroes were
» well taken care of by the crew, kept clean, the
l vessel being well supplied with medicine. But no
* one can judge by appearances Since the govern
■ ment had charge of the vessel, as they, were not
* properly attended to in any way.
No more at present.
* Cessation of Small Pox atTrlon Factory.
1 We received the following communication from
* Mr. Allgood, last week, just after our paper had
J gone to press. As it still contains matter of inter
[ esi.imc lay it before our readers. j>9 ra our per
* 'sot*.l knowd/Ogc of wc expressed
» acveul wgelrs ago. UiaV all
that r -| J i» nftrtiwip nr ‘T ‘fin
“TWw m 'avwni TlfS progress of the disease, rwe
are heartily glud to announce that such ifrtfie case,
1 and that no further apprehensions need be felt up
on the subject. Following is the letter referred to
above:
Trios* Factory, G v., Aug. 24, 1858.
Mr. Editor —Dear Sir: Yesterday we started
our Factory, as we believe we are free from the
small pox; have not had a case in our place since
the 81st of July. All cases are now quarantined
about one and u fourth miles from *h » Factory,
aud I have tbe place guarded to prevent it. spread
ing from the quarantine. There have been twen
ty-nine cases in all—and all doing well; no death
and none dangerous; about three-fourths of tbe
. cases light, and a few cases pretty bad ; about half
the cases are well. No case at Summerville, ex
-1 cept James Glenn, who left there on the 2d of this
b, and, I presume, will no: be another case
. there. I think, with care 'tnd caution, there will
not be another case in the country. There are five
; persons at quarantine not yet had the small pox,
but they have been vaccinated, and have had am
ple time to take it; have been with it near four
weeks. Yours, Ac., A. P. Allgood.
Rome Southerner, Sept. 2.
In Col. Addison’s Traits and Stories of Anglo-
Indian Life, just issued iu London, is a curious
story of one of the author’s experiences. “ One
evening I returned, more than usually fatigued, to
my bungalow, and hastened to bed; I was soon
asleep, and as usual, dreaming of Europe and her
charms. Suddenly I was awakened by a cold ob
ject resting on my arm. Involuntarily T raised
my other arm towards it; it glided rapidly off—
! not, however, till it had inflicted its dreadful bite;
for I plainly felt tbe pain which, though not
acute, was stinging, resembling tbe puncture of a
hot instrument, or a sudden scald. The fact,
however, was obvious. I had been bitten by a
snake, and was probably a dead man. I sprang
from my bed, rushed to my dressing table, seized
one of my razors, and without hesitation, cut out
the bitten part. I actually Scooped out a piece
nearly as large as a nut; then, with my arm bleed
ing profusely, I rushed towards the lamp, and,
catching it up, burnt the wounded part for sev
eral seconds. By this time several of my servants
had arrived, alarmed by my cries. One hasten
ed off for our assistant surgeon, who lived next
door, while the others began to question me. In
broken sentences I explained to them my situa
tion. They were horrified. While one poured eau
de luce into the dreadful self-inflicted gash, the
others prepared a portion of the same medicine di
luted in water, which I hastily swallowed. By
this time I was more calm, and when Dr. Lission
arrived I was collected enough to view my situa
tion with becoming philosophy. While he was
dressing my arm and binding it up, I took advan
tage of the silence and awe of the moment to sig
nify to him my last wishes in case of my death.
I stated the manner in which I desired to be bu
ried, the style of letters i wished written to my re
lations, the way in which I wished my little re
maining property disposed of. The doctor was
almost tempted to shed tears. The surrounding
khitmugers stood in mute agony of woe. Lission, ,
however, hoped I had cut deep enough, and as- j
sured me that he thought the virus had not had
time to enter the system. “Let us at least,” he said, ,
“have the consolation of destroying the reptile that i
has thns endangered your life. Here, my meD, \
bring each a soft cane, and let us attack the mon- i
ster together.” The men ran out and came back i
each aimed with a pliant bamboo, a single stroke j
of which wi!l instantly kill the most dreaded snake !
in all India. “And now surround the bed; tbe
reptile cannot have got away. Gently, gently, ,
keep your eyes steadily fixed. He must be under
the piPow. Directly I raise it be ready to stnke.
tla, there he is 1” The servants at once B‘ruck at
the object pointed oat, and succeeded in killing it. ,
They held it up, when io! to their amazement, it ,
proved to be a poor liitle lizzar J,a harmless animal, ,
which, beyond the blistering drop be bad let fall
on my arm, bears no venom. The doctor burst into j
a roar of laughter. The black rascals joined it j
The next week I was forced to get two months’
leave, lor whenever I appeared with my arm in a
siing, “mv dying words” were quoted to me. I ]
was almost teased to death, because when I fan- <
cied I bad been bitten by u snake, I had chosen to |
take “ precautionary measures.” ,
A fat candidate for office in Alabama, who is
said to weigh three hundred and seventy-five
ponnds, asks tbe people of his district to try him. i
VOL. 37-NO. 37.
Poetical Prophect. —The following lines, in a
poem delivered some years ago before the Phi
Beta Kappa Society, at Cambridge, by Mr. John
Brooks Felton, a brother of Professor Felton,
and now a lawyer in San Francisco, contain a
singular prophecy of the instantaneous transmis
sion of thought between the two hemispheres by
the delicate nerves cf the electric cable:
The fliture hard, with song more richly fraught.
Some reverenced wrong the nucleus or his thought.
Back through the past in mournful strain shall wind :
In louder strains shall buret the exulting close.
That sounds the triumph o’er the struggling foes.
The slave unbound, war’s iron tongues all dumb.
Ills glorious present, our all hail to come—
All ha'l to come when East and West shall be,
** bile rolls between the undividing sea,
rwo, like the brain, whose halves ne’er think apart.
But beat and tremble t/» one throbbing heart.
Mn. Stephen's Odea on the Atlantic Cable.
Aik— Star Spangled Banner.
Ob! say not the old times were brighter than these.
When banners were torn from the warriors who bore theni t
Oh. srvy not the ocean, the storm, and the breeze
Are freest or prouder when war thunders o'er them:
r or the battle’s red light grows pale to the sight.
When the pen wields its power or thought feels its might;
Now mind reigns triumpliant where laughter has been.
Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen!! ft
Let the Joy of the world in rich harmony rise;
Let the sword keep its sheath and the cannon its thunder ;
Now Intellect reigns from the earth to the skies.
And Science links nations that war shall not sunder; gR-
the mermaids still weep and the pearls lie asleep.
Thought flashes fire through the fathomless deep ;
Now mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been.
Oh. God bless our President! God save the Queen!
When the sunset of yesterday flooded the West,
Our old Mother Country lay tar in the distance;
But the lightning has struck ! we are close to her breast!
That beautifullaud that first gave us existence.
We feel with a start the quick pulse of her heart.
And the mother and child are no longer apart;
For mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been.
Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen ! 1
The blood that was kindred throbs proudly once more.
And the glow of our joy fills the depths of the ocean.
It thrills through the waves and it sings on the shore.
Till the globe to its poles feels the holy commotion.
Let us join in our might and be earnest for light.
Where the Saxon blood burns let it strive for the right;
For mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been.
Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen I!
Tite Changes op Twenty Years. —ln noticing
that a gentleman named Hutchins had been nomi
nated in Ohio to succeed Joshua R. Giddinos in
the U. S. House of Representatives, where he has
occupied a seat for the last twenty years, the Al
bany Journal thus moralises:
Every chair in the old Hall of Representatives
must be fraught with memories of the past to the
“Senior Member.” He has seen generations of
short lived politicians rise, fall, ana become for
gotten. lie has seen faithful public servants re
moved to other trusts, and many to another world.
Round the entire circle of the Hall his eye fails to
j find a single member who sat there when tie enter
j ed it, and who has sat there with him since.
> Adams has gone to his reward. Ogden Hoffman.
. Chus. G. Atherton, Leverett Saltonstall, Edward
Curtis, Barnwell Rhett, Dixon H. Lewis, and many
others are also gone the way of all the earth.
I Hunter and Bell are transferred to the Senate.
Wise to the Gubernatorial chair. Brown is dis
pensing the patronage of the Post Office Depart
[ rnent. Clifford wears the silken judicial rube of
; the Supreme Court. Stanley has gone to thatfem*
incognita , California. Truman Smith, Cooper,
1 Weller and Williams, after exchanging Represent
’ ative for Senatorial honors, are departed from the
L Capitol. Corwin, after a brilliant career as Gov
ernor, Senator and Secretary, is preparing to return
again to the field of his early distinction; Pickens
and Hopkihs are trying the pleasures of foreign
’ courts. Briggs ana Lincoln are ex-Governors.
[ Granger and Cave Johnson, are ex-Postmasters
1 General. Strong and Marvin are on the New York
Bench.
: Like changes have altered the aspect of the
Senate Chamber. Clay, Webster, Benton, and
• ■
White Hi>h3oV-rrt-» cMiaSlateT? !¥?Ttc. Wm.lTicg
became Vice Frefidetit and died abroad. The
grave has closed frver Silas Wright and “Honest
John” Davis. Walker has bad his ups and downs
with every train of the Whcey of Fortune, and is
now ex-Governor of a place tUat he then had never
heard of. The only Chair tlpt retains its old oc
cupant is that filled by John J. Crittenden, the
veteran of the Senate, as Giddings is of the
House.
Empires have risen and fallen; Kingdoms,
turned into Republics and Republics into King
doms; six new States have entered the Union, and
three new Territories have been brought under
our flag; Presidents have gone up like rockets,
and come down like sticks; compromises have
been made and broken; war has followed peace
and peace again succeeded war; trade has expand
ed and collapsed, parties have risen, flourished
and decayed; platforms have been built and
1 torn down again—since he took a seat in the Hall
» of Representatives.
What Cigars abb Made op!— The New York
correspondent of the Sc« harie Republican , who, it
may be presumed, is domiciled in the neighbor
hood of the custom-house, gives the following rev
■ elation of the component materials of “real H&-
1 yannas.” We copy it for the benefit of those whe
! inhale, or suppose they inhale, the fragrant weed.
It shows the doubt which hangs over, not only
what we drink, but also what we smoke:
“ Talking of cigars, I was told by a government
appraiser, a few days since, the following true
story in connection with the cigar trade of this
city: A large German importing house had re
ceived an invoice of foreign cigars, which were
appraised by the custom officers at three dollars
per thousand. The importers were dissatisfied,
and asked for a re-appraisement, which was grant
ed ; and under the most positive evidence, sup
ported by the oath of the dealers, the cigars were
admitted at a valuation of one fifty per thousand.
Now the evidence alluded to was this—that not a
particle of tobacco entered into the composition
of said cigars, but that they were wholly com
posed of oak and other leaves soaked in a strong
tobacco lye. I understand that large qualities of
these * real Havanas’ find their way into the in
terior, and from some experience I have had in
that line, I aru inclined to believe that a few spe
cimens might be found even among the primitive
society of ‘ Old Scobarie.* ”
Mr. Roebuck on the Atlantic Telegraph.— Mr.
Roebuck and Mr. Liudsey, M. P.’s, bad been tc
Cherbourg, and upon their return, were invited tc
address the Mechanic’s Institute at Tynemouth,
when Mr. R. said :
My honorable friend and myself went to Cher
bourg. We went there to see a s«ght, and a sight
we did see, (great laughter,) and while we were
there we he ird of a greater feat than any that we
saw. We learned that the electric telegraph had
been laid in the depths of the sea between New
foundland and Ireland, (applause) At that very
time we were listening to the thunder of artillery,
we saw two great potentates—we saw their kisses,
(laughter). We saw that—how much there was
in that for the happiness of mankind—but that
was a negative happiness. It was, because they
did not do any mischief, (laughter). The electric
telegraph is a positive good. It binds us lo Amer
ica; it brings us nearer to our great offspring
there; and it makes us, as it were, one people,
(loud applause). This is done by human intelli
gence. You may enjoy political pow*-r; you may
enjoy intellectual exertion ; you may be wbatyou
wtre intended to be—the noblest ’work of God,
(loud applause); but, until you are blest with
knowledge, you are not a noble ertamre, (applause
llosiicide.—On Monday night, the 23rd August,
says ihe Quincy Republic , an altercation took place
at the residence of Mrs. Johnson, about eight
miles below Quincy, between Dr. Cull ana Mr. W.
M. Johnson, which resulted in the death of the
former. He received two gun shot wounds, one
in the foot, and the other in the abdomen, the lat
ter wound causing immediate death.
An examination into the facts of the case, was
had before Magistrates D. W. Hollowman aDd L.
G. McElvy, and the defendant was bound in a
bond ut five thousand dollars to appear before the
Circuit Court.
Boston, Sept. 2. Dr. Win. Wesselbceft, the
well known homeopathic physician, died in this
city yesterday.