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diplomatic mxndacit y.
The totte. *»« Wm. H. Seward, of May ®Blb, to
Charles Fn.nois Adams, at London, recently
given to the public by Lord John Russell, must
bring down moat unmerciful ridicule upon the
Yankee Secretary of State when read by the light
of the recent great victories that illumine South
ern arms, The letter was addressed to the Yan
kee Minister'to England; but was to be submitted
to that Government, as to all other European
Government?, for the purpose of influencing them
to- discountenance the Confederate cause, and
frown it down as a hopeless rebellion. It appeals,
at the sum time, to the fears #f England for the
welfare of the manufacturing interests, as a mo
tive f>r that n ition to abstain from any inter
vention between the bel igerents. Here the
flattering picture drawn of the relative power
and prospects of the two nations.
The letter then proceeds to argue that the reb«
els will give in the moment they find their cause
hopelees, if foreign nations will hold their hands
off. The status of the war is thus presented :
•‘Certainly this Government and the American
• people are even more confident of the preserve.-
turn of the Union now than they were a year ago,
and are, therefore, even less likely now than they
were then to accept peace, with the inconceivable
pains and perils of dissolution. Can it be pre
sumptuous, then, tor us to ask European states
men to review, an ’he light of the events ol the
war the opinion which they formed at so early a
stage of it, that the opinion itself might perhaps
properly be deemed a prejudice?
“Os course in such a review the observer would
not overlook the Contrast between the position
which the Federal Government held a year ago
and its preseat situation. Then it had been prac
tically expelled, with ail its authorities, civil,
military and naval, from every State South of the
Potomac, Ohio, and Missouri rivers, while it was
held into louse siege in this capital, cut off from
communication with even the Slates which had
remained loyal.
“Now it has virtually retaken all me positions it
so early lost on ihe seaboard; it possesses the
Mississippi and all the great natural highways,
and has forced the insurgents to battle in the most
inaccessible part of the insurrectionary district.
The forces and the resources of the Government
are unexhausted aud increasing. Those of the
insurgents are diminished and becoming neat ly
exhausted.”
It will be difficult to convince the world, in the
face of recent events, that the forces and re
sources of the Confederates are becoming nearly
exhausted. Nothing is more apparent than that
the South is growing stronger in resources, and
in effective force, from day to day. So tar from
being weakened by one year of war and devasta
tion, the South has, in that time, developed
military power, talents, and energies which have
surprised even her own people, and have utterly
amazed and confounded her enemies.
Behold the flattering picture drawn by Seward,
to delude the Northern masses as to the condia
tion of pub ic sentiment, and the progress of
Federal arms in the South! Perhaps, at the date
of his letter, Seward gloated over the fond delu*
sion that the picture was a true one:
“Has dislovaltv been found an indomitable sen*
timent in this war ? It pervaded even this Capi
tal and this District at the beginning of the strife
it no longer exists here. It divided Maryland, and
provoked conflict there. The Union is now as
strong in that State as in any one of the always
loyal States. It committed Missouri to the pre
tended new Confederacy. Missouri is now active
and earnest among the loyal States. It placed
Kentucky in an attitude of neutrality; but Ken
tucky is to-day firm, resolute, and even self
devoted to the Union. In other regions where
disloyalty was more general, such as Eastern
Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana, and North
Carolina, acquiescence under the Federal authori
ties has promptly followed their appearance there,
and the preliminary steps are taken for the resto
ration of the laws of the Union. It is a simple
fact that loyalty reappears everywhere just so
fast as the successes of the Government are deem
ed sufficient to afford a guarantee f r reliance
upon its protection. The Disunionists, even in
their strongholds, are not a people, but only a
faction, surpassing the loyal in numbers, and
silencing them by terrors and severities in many
places - but, nevertheless, too few and feeble to
prevent the return of any district or anv State to
the Union, in the presence and under the protec
tion of the Federal authorities.”
How far from the truth is this wild dream of
conquest, let the great battles of .Shiloh, of the
Seven Pines, of Richmond, and of Manassas,
speak. Let the bloody footsteps of the retreat
ing armies of Yankeedom testify, as they are
tracked on their backward course to the Ohio
and the Potomac. They are not only defeated m
pitched buttles by Confederate armies, but their
detached scouting parties, their rear guards, and
their provision trains are beset by guerillas—
their pickets are shot down, their foraging parties
ambuscaded and destroyed. They make not a
. step forward or backward without receiving
bloody admonition that they are in an enemy’s
country—a fierce, implacable, and resolute en
emy, that will never rest quietly while the hated
flag of Federal despotism waves over a foot of
Southern soil.
Is the Union as strong now in Maryland as in
any one of the States always loyal F T Missouri
now active and earnest among the loyal States ?
Is Kentucky,to-day,firm, resolute,and selfsdevoted
to the Union? Do Eastern Virginia, Tennessee.
Louisiana,and North Carolina,acquiesce in Federal
authority?
But the most curious part of Seward’s letter is
the appeal to European nations to give their
sympathies and moral influence to the Yankee
side to save slavery, and, thereby, save the indusv
trial interests of the nations of Europe. This
man Seward,who has devoted his life to the busi
ness of bringing about the abolition of African
slavery in this, country, now draws a dark picture
of the ruin to the industrial systems of Europe,
if deprived hereafter of the cotton, tobacco, and
rice of the South. He threatens that if the civil
war proceeds, it must result in a servile war,
which, “if it shall be permitted to come, will
produce infinite suffering throughout the world,
and can only at last result in an entirely new
system of trade and commerce between the
United States and ail foreign nations.”
It is difficult to conceive of a more brazen
piece of impudence tban this. Here is the author
of the doctrine of the “Irrepressible Conflict,”
now assuming to champion ize African slavery as
the source of unnumbered blessings to the indus
try of all civilized nations; and its abo
lition, therefore, is deprecated as a calamity
which will produce infinite suffering
throughout the world. Yet he asserts that
if the war is permitted to go on, in other words,
if the Yankees do not succeed in restoring the
Union by the successful use of force, the 1 ankee
Government will resort to the expedient of bring
ing on a servile war, and of destroying the pros
perity, the institutions,and industrial pursuits of
people they cannot conquer. This threat is thrown
out nominally against an intervention of Euro
pean powers to force the United States into a
compromise. It is, in reality, a bid for their in
tervention to aid the North in forcing the South
back into the Union.
But view it in what light we may, it is a re
markable concession of the power and influence
of slavery as it exists at the South, and of its
benefits to the nations of the world. It seems to
present Seward to the world aS the apologist and
defender of slavery in the South. It may yet
affird this arch Abolition demagogue a pretext
for advising the Northern Government to desist
from this task of conquest, now more than evtr
hopeless and impossible. Ha may yet argue in
the interests of humanity, that it would be bet
ter to let the South alone than to wage an inter*
minable war upon her that could" promise no
other result than the cessation of the production
of those staples in the South so essential to the
prosperity ofall other civilized nations.
tSpecial Correspondence of ’he Constitutionalist •
LETTER FROM RICHMOND, VA-
Richmond, Va., Sept. 12, 1862.
Mr. Editor: The most spirited and interesting
debate in the Confederate States Senate, since
that body was organiz d, has been progressing
for a week or more upon the new military exemp
tion bill. The proposition which gave rise to the
discussion is to exclude Justices of the Peace in
the several States from their present exemption,
or, in other words, to make them liable to con*
scriptton as other citizens, within the ages of 18
and 45. From indications, the vote will be a
close one. Those who favor the exemption of
this class of citizens, do so upon State Rights
and Constitutional grounds— contending that the
Confederate States Government cannot destroy
the State Governments, as it could do, in effect, if
it had the Constitutional power to conscribe its
civil as well as military officers.
The argument, as it progresses, seems to be
leading those who started it further than they
expected. For every reason urged by them, on
this score, against the power to conscribe officers,
cau be urged with equal force against the Consti
tutionality of the power to conscribe any by this
Government. Those who deny the power to cons
scribe State officers, (such as Governors, State
Legislators, Judges, Justices of the Peace, Ac.,)
plant themselves upon the doctrine or assumption
that the Confederate Government does not possess
the power to destroy the State Governments—
which, they say, would follow if the officers can be
taken, that the creature cau not be greater than
the creator. This, in the main, is admitted also
by the other side—that is, that this Government
cannot destroy the State Governments. Bur,
then, the question arises, is not the same principle
involved m conceding the power to conscribe at
ail? If the Confederate States Government has
the power to take all the fighting men from a
State except its officers, then do not the same
consequences, in effect, follow ? Does not the con
cession'of the principle of Conscription to this
extent carry with it the power quite as effectual
ly to destroy the State Governments for all pracs
tical purposes? For what constitutes a State but
its citizens—us fighting men—as well as its offi
cers? What is left of State Rights and State Sov
ereignty when another Government has the pow
er, by iorce and without her consent, to impress
and carry away all within her limits able to bear
arms, except her officers? Where even the Gov
ernor, tbe State Legislators, Judgesand Mugis«
nates are permitted to remain, nut of right, but
ex gratia, by bill of exemption granted by the
Central Government ?
This is beginning to be a perplexing question
to those who advocate the constitutionality or the
Conscription act, and at the same time place
their exemption of Slate officers upon the ground
that Congress has no Coustitutional power to des
troy the State Governments. It would seem to
be almost a mockery to talk of State Rights aud
State Sovereignty, woere every man able io shoul
der a musket (except officers,} is held to “owe
military service” to another power, and submit
to ue called away at the pleasure of that other
power. And to some it seems to be something
worse than mockery to talk of State Rights and
State Sovereignty where all the officers of the
State, from the highest to the lowest, are permit*
ted to remain in tbe discharge of their nominal
duties only by virtue of an exemption generously
granted by the power to whom the sei vice is
Hue!
The true principle in this matter may, perhaps,
ultimately be perceived and reached/ The more
the matter is discussed the more the mind is
foiced to the conclusion that this Government
has no Constitutional power to consents or im»
press into its military service any person, wheth
er State officer or not. The only power it has in
the premises is to be found in the 15th clause of
tbe Bth Section, Ist Article of the Constitution,
which authorizes Congress “To provide lor call
ing forth the mihtia to execute the laws of the
Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and re
pel invasion.” The power to raise armies must
be construed m connection with other clauses upon
the same subject. If the power to raise armies is
unlimited as to the moue and manner of raising
them, then, of coarse, every man in a State, Gov
ernor and all, may be constitutionally conscnbed
and forced into the army, if Congress so chooses.
It is, with Congress, a question purely of policy
and expediency. This, all must see,would concede
to the Confederate Government the power utterly to
annihilate the State Governments at will. Who can
admit a doctrine so monstrous, particularly as in
our Confederation the States guarded more strict
ly against the doctrine of consolidation tban they
had dune in the old Constitution ? This appears
m the very Preamb'e: “We, the people of the
Confederate States, each State acting m its sover
eign ami independent character,” Ac. The words
''each State. acting for itsef in its sovereign and in
dependent character" are not in tbe Preamble to
the old Constitution, and were evidently put in
to guard against an implication raised
bv tne words used in the old in favor
of the powers of the General Government against
the sovereignty of the States. The same view is
preserved throughout the instrument, by tbe
substition of the word “delegated” for “granted,”
connected with the word powers. For instance,
“All Legislative powers herein delegated," Ac.
But no one under the old Constitution ever held
that Congress could, by any powef conferred by'
that instrument, destroy a State Government.
The power, then, to raise armies, cannot be un
limited as to the mode and manner of raising
them, since such consequences wodld follow such
construction. Where, then, is the limitation?
Most clearly, it is to be found in the well known
meaning of the words used when the old Consti
tution was made. This clause relates only to the
military forces known as regulars; for, just after
it, comes the clause about the militia. The mode
and manner of raisin y such regular forces or ar
mies contemplated, must have been the same as
were usual in raising like forces in England and
in the Colonies before their separation. This was
by voluntary enlistment. Impressment or con
scription in land forces was unknown in this
country, at that time. The Constitution there
fore, in delegating to Congress the power to raise
armies, and to provide for calling fortb the mills
iia, evidently looked to Iwo kinds of forces that
might be brought ihto the field. The first known
as regulars, or the forces forming the regular
army or armies, which car be raised only by voir
untary enlistment, as was the case m England
and tbeColonies. The second, known astheimZi
tia, which, in three cases of emergency, atid three
only, can be called forth by compulsion. A perti
nent inquiry, and one that goes to the bottom of
this whole question, is, what is the meaning of
the word militia, as used in the Constitution?
This is to be ascertained from Engl sh and Col
onial History. By this test it may be said to be
that portion of the able budied anus-bearing men
of the country constituting a force which tbe Gov
ernment may "bring into tbe field in cases of emer
gency, by some sort of compulsory process in con
traduitinotion to those forces raised by voluntary
enlistment. With this understanding, it follows,
as a matter of course, that the Confederate States
Government can raise aamies in one of two ways
only: that is, either by voluntary enlistment or by
calling forth tbe as prescribed io the Con-
stitution. And hence, it also follows, that tbe
Confederate States Government has no Constitu
tional power to conscribe or imprers any one,
whether officer or not. When compulsory process
is resorted to in either of the emergencies pros
vided for in the Constitution, it must be through
the militia organic v ions of the States. This Con.»
stitution gives tbe Confederate Government all the
power it should have, and secures State rights
also. For, with this Constitution, no freeman or
citizen of any State, as a militia man, can be forced
into the military service except in one of three
emergencies—to execute the laws, suppress insur
rection, or repel invasion; and then only by the
consent and concurrence of his State.
Under this construction of the Constitution, tbe
powers of the Confederate Government (though
not unlimited,) are ample for all the objects tor
which it was formed. 'The rights of tbe citizen
are secured, and the rights and sovereignty of the
States maintained.
Toe citizens of the States owe no allegiance to
the Confederate States Government no more than
thev did to the Government of the United Stales,
and cau owe no “military service” to it except as
required by his own State. His allegiance is due
to his State, and when she requires “military
service” from him in the discharge of her obliga
tions under the constituion to her confederates,’hen
he is bound to render it. He can be compelled to
obey her mandate, but he can not be rightfullv
compelled to obey a like mandate in this regard
from any other power on earth.
It was to maintain the principle of the rights
and soveieigncy of the States that the present
confederation of States was formed, and it is
to be hoped that this great leading object will not
be lost sight of in the clangor of arms that has
ensued. Georgia.
LATE NORTHERN NEWS.
THU ADVENTURES OF GEO. N. SANDERS —THE YAN
KEES OUTWITTED.
From the Richmond Enquirer, Sept. 12.
The correspondent of the New York Evening
Post thus relates the adventures of George N. San
ders :
Niagara Falls, Aug. 29 —There have been
several brief accounts of the successful passage
across the C-nada frontier of George N. Sanders,
Rebel emissary to Europe, but the following
statement, gathered from those who personally
witnessed tbe adventure in its various stages,
gives the fullest details.
SANDERS AT THE BRIDGE.
A few days ago a man dressed in well-worn
working clothet, presented himself to the United
States Provost Marshal on tbe United States side
of tbe Suspension Bridge. He wore a pair of
very short troivseis of striped Kentucky jeans,
and a seedy cost of the same material. A coarse,
not over clean shirt, and a jigged straw hat
completed the costume. The man had no collar
or cravat, and his face was apparently greatly
tanned by exposure to the weather.
He wanted to go over the river, he said, but
had no pass and did pot know that any would-be
needed. He stated that he was an Englishman
from Cornwall, and a miner by trade. He had
been working for some time in Pennsylvania,
but had lately received a letter from his brother,
a farmer, near London, Canada We t, stating that
he was short of help, and urging his miner rela
tives to come on to his assistance, at least, till the
harvest time was over.
The miner held his tools in one hand, and in
the o'her carried au old carpet bag of the black
glazed style in common use. The glazing in
many places had come off, and tbe outside was,
moreover, spotted and soiled with dirt.
The carpet bag was more va'uable than the fa
mous one of John Brown; for it contained the
papers, despatches, and money of tbe rebel emiso
sary Sanders.
THE PASSAGE ACROSS.
The Marshal pondered awhile, but the poor
miner gave such a consistent story, and seemvd
so disappointed at his unexpected trouble in
crossing, that the official’s heart was melted, and
he gave him the required pass.
The toll man of the Suspension Bridge then
demanded a quarter of a dollar toll.
“Two shillings!” said the miner, “why, I can’t
give it. I’ve only got one shilling.”
This plea of poverty completely disarmed
whatever shadow of suspicion may have existed
in regard to the poor workman ; after the proper
degree of hesitation the “fellow” was allowed
to pass over at half price.
Thanking the toll-keeper for his liberality, the
miner Walked on wearily across the bridge - As
he neared the Canada side his step became light
er-just as Christian (pardon tbe comparison/felt
when the burden dropped off his tack. A decided
burden bad dropped off Geo. X. Sander.? hand—
he was safe in Canada.
AT TtfE HOTEL IX CANADA.
Arriving at tbe C inuJa side of the bridge, the
miner, with h'S tools and carpet bag, jumped into
tbe Clifton House omnibus, and was quickly
driven to that famous hotel. He went to the desk
and registered on the book the initials S. N. G.—
bis own initials reversed.
The clerk looked at tbe shabby working man a
moment and then coldly said
“We can’t give you a room here, sir.”
“But I must have a room,” said Sanders.
“None to spare to-night,” replied the clerk.
The miner thrust his hands in his pocket and
drew forth a great roll of “green backs.”
“Here,” said he to the clerk, “take these as se
curity. Put them in your safe; but give me a
room at once.”
Os course money has its effect in Clifton House
as everywhere else. Still th- clerk hesitated.
“ Is there any place about here where I cau get
a respectable suit of clothes?” asked the miner,
dropping his Cornish dialect.
There was no place nearer tban the bridge, a
mile distant. So the miner again insisted on
having the room, and as it was obvious that
“ things were not as they seem,” he was shown
to a suitable apartment.
HOW HIS FRIENDS KNEW IT.
A few minutes afterwards a guest strolled but
on the piazza, where ex Governor Morehead, of
Kentucky, was sitting. “By the way, Governor,”
sa'd he, “what a singular old fellow that was in
the office. He registered his name on the book
only in initials.”
“Good God! m initials!” cried Morehead, start
ing up, “he’s come, then and rushing past the
astonished goes’, he demanded to be shown to the
room of the mysterious 8. N. G.
Other secessionists also hastened thither.—
Sanders was provided with a suit of clothes at
once, the clerk* and servants altered their de
portment to the quondam miner, and the guests
had a rare piece of gossip to talk about. Sand
ers is by this time half way across the ocean
and whatever is thought of him or his cause, it is
generally acknowledged that his journey from
Richmond to Canada is one of .the “cutest" spec
imens of rebel “strategy” the war has produced.
It shows that our blockade is so stringent that a
rebel emissary prefers a long land journey in dis
guise to attempting to break it.
Gs course, the adventure has been the chief
topic of gossip in the Niagara hotels, and miners
wi 11 henceforth be viewed with a very profound
suspicion in the neighborhood of the Suspen
sion Bridge. W. F. W.
Last Thursday the telegraph offiee at Selma,
Ala., Wx'broken open, and the ins'rumenis to
the two lines to that place—from Meridian and
Montgomery, with tbe books giving the k - ys to tbe
calls of the different, offices, stolen and carried
away. Could that have been merely a malicious
thing, or was it the work of a Yankee enemy?
We advise all operators to keep their effices se
cure. It may be that the scoundrel who stole
these instruments will tap the lines for the purs
pose of intercepting official dispatches. Let all
be on tne look out.
Atlanta (Ca.) Southern Confederacy, Sept. 15.
The Cincinnati Sell.—The Memphis Bulletin
of the 9th explains tbe origin of the report of the
fail of Cincinnati. Tbe whole thing was manux
factured in Memphis by some p.rties who pro*
duced a written copy of what was pretended to
have been published in an extra ot tbe Cairo
Gazette, which was shown to certain worthy gen
tlemen, and thus their authority was apparently
attached io the statements; and so generally was
it credited that the Argus was ao tar imposed
upon as to publish it.
LETTER FROM THE AKAI if I*i VIaGINJA-
We are permuted to publish the following in
teresting letter from a young soldier, a member
of Capt. Thomas’company of Richmond Hussars,
Co. B , to bis m >ther in this city. The writer
was formerly a compositor in the office of the
Field and Fireside, and writes a very readable
letter:
Gainesville, Va., Sept. I, 1862.
Dear Mother; After a fi,ve days’ march, we
have at length reached this place. A terrible bat»
tie lias been fuugbt. Jackson bus driven Pope
beyond Manassas, and we again have possession
of ourold position. We arrived here lust night,
about 11 o'clock, and found the fields glowing
with camp tires. The wounded were being
brought in alt night. We arrived too late to par
ticipate in the buttle; besides which, our men and
horses were wearied and broken down, having
lived on nothing bnt green corn o a our whole
march. We traveled over several of the Blue
Ridge mountains, and are now stopping at the
foot of them, in a little place called Gainesville.
Ix rained last night, aud this morning it is
cloudy, and the wind is blowing quite cool, mak
ing it feel very much like winter. Prisonerscons
untie to arrive. There are now about 8(H) here,
and I hear that a tquud of about 300 more has
just arrived. We have taken many commissioned
officers, among them are two Generals. Bome of
the prisoners are very impertinent, while others
are polite and gentlemanly.
On our way here we passed several towns and
villages, some of which I will not fail to mention.
When we arrived at Culpeper, the citizens were
very glad to see us: but when we entered War
renton, (a beautiiul little town,) the ladies were
strung along the sidewalks, some with hats aud
some with handkerchiefs, ready to welcome their
deliverers. One old lady came down from the
pavement into tbe middle of the 'street, close to
our ranks, and there she stood, with both bands
fuil, shouting, “God bless you! 1 am so glad to
see you! ’
We are now roasting green corn for our dinner.
There is a fair prospect tor rain before night.
Well, I believe I have nothing more to write for
this day, but to-morrow I will resume myj/ur
nal. ,
September 2.—We left Gainesville last evening
and arrived here last night, on the roadside, at a
place called Stone Church.
We came through the famous White Sulphur
Springs. It was a beuutifu 1 place once. It has
one principal street, lighted with gas; on etch side
ok this street is a long, beautiful brick building,
both of which are hotels. Pretty little white
houses are built, one after the other, ail the way
down tbe hill; these are used for the accommo
dation of annual visitors. But it is not now the
once pleasant summer resort of pleasure seekers;
no happy faces look from the windows of those
little wmte houses; no merry children sport
among the hills; the main road is not crowded
with the vehicles in which the Citizens used to
take their evening rides. One of the hotels is
burnt—the fine furniture lies scattered about,
broken and cut up—the fences are torn down—
the beautiful hills around are covered with bro
ken wagons, old tents, boxes, Ac. The w,hole
place is deserted. This is an instance of the
inode in which the soldiers of the great United
States inspect private property.
I have j*ust arrived from the battle field.. It
presents a far more d'stressing sight than the
battle field of Coal Harbof*. Ic was fought nearly
up >n the same spot where the battle ot Bull Run
was fought in July, 1861. I have seen the graves
of those who fell in that famous engagement.
They are little piles of dirt, covered with rocks
and weeds, but here a-d there a pile of fresh dirt
may be seen, indicating ihat the contending
parties have met once more upon the same ground;
and, thank God! upon the same ground once
more we have been victorious. We are not far
irom where the battle of Manassas was fought,
and perhaps I may get to see it. On my way
back to camp I saw another crowd of prisoners;
I should judge about 506.
To-day we have been living on bacon and beef,
without bread. The reason we have to live so
hard now is because the Yankee army has just left
here, aud our wagons have not had time to arrive
with o.ir provisions.
I have just seen John Heard, of tbe Georgia
Light Guards. He says uncle John was wounded
bv lightning a few weeks ago, together with six or
eight others. One of them was killed.
There are not many of our company with us.
Some are left behind sick, and some are bebiud
having there horses shod. I stand it very well.
I love to be tn everything that the company are
engaged in. Sonny Antony is with us and well.
Silas Carey is somewhere behind.
Sept. 3.—We are preparing to’leave for Dramas
vilie
Drainesville, Va., Sept. 4.—We arrived hare
laatuigh’, after marching al! day. We are en
camped in an apple orchard one mile from Drains-s
vilie. It is reported that Jackson has crossed the
Potomac river. I hear heavy cannonading in the
direction of Washington this morning. It is
said that Jackson is in Maryland and fighting his
way on. °
1 will now have to close my letter, as the Post
master is about to start to Richmond to mail
letters. Lam sorry that I cannot wait a day or
two longer to write more. Perhaps before I
write again we may be in Maryland. When you
write address your letter to Richmond. I may
get it sumetime The people in this section
of Virginia are very kind. I think we will go to
Winchester before long. Silas Carey is now with
ns. J, w. D.
Martial L*w and Gen. Van Dorn.—lt will be
seen by the following order that Gen. Van Dorn
has revoked his order establishing martial law:
HKADqUARTBRB, JaCKSON, MlSg., )
September 5, 1862. j
The Honorable Secretary cf War having an
nounced to the Genera! commanding the District,
that martial law can only be declared by the
President, and that, it has not been declared by
him in Mississippi, General Order, No. 9, from
these headquarters, dated; Vicksburg, July 4, 1862,
aud all other orders arising under the declaration
of martial law in this district, are hereby re
voked. All Provost Marshals will be discharged,
and all prisoners, other than soldiers, will be
turned oyer to the civil authorities. ’
The General commanding, in declaring Martial
Law, was influenced tQ do so by what he con
ceived to be the best interests of the country, and
not by anv desire to accumulate power. A’sol
dier of more than twenty years in their service,
he had no ambition to play the tyrant over the
citizens of his own State whom he was sent to
defend. The exigencies of the times seemed to
him to call for the interposition of a stronger and
more prompt hand than the civil authorities were
able to hold out against the abuses incident to
the times; and with numerous precedents for
doing so, he declare 1 Martial Law. Tbe General
commanding hopes that throughout bis District
the effic ency of the civil authority will demon*
strate that bis judgment has been at fault, and
that there exists no necessity for Martial Law.
He takes this occasion to say, however, that be
fears this will not be the case—at least in some
parts of the District; find to inform tbe civil au
thorities that be will cheerfully co-operate with
them and will come to their aid with the forces
under his command whenever legally called upon
to do so
Bv order of Maj. Gen. Earl Van Dorn.
M. M. Kimmel, Major and A. A. Gen.
learn from a gentleman from Davidson
county, that on Monday last, Gen. Buell was en
gaged in having all his stores carried across the
river, and was evacuating Nashville. Our cavalry
were within a few miles of the city. It was un
derstood that Andrew Johnson and Gen. Buell
had a personal difficulty, growing out of the desire
on the part of Johnson to have ten thousand
troops left at Nashville. Andrew Johnson is re
ported to have said that he intended to mikea
breastwork of the women and children of Nash
ville, to prevent that city from falling into our
hands. Buell is reported to have only 25 000
men. ‘ ’
Twenty-Sixth Georgia.—ln" addition to the
losses m this regiment, published some days ago
we have to add the following who were attached
to the Wire Grass Minute Men ; .
Killed—Joseph Trowell and Thomas Trowell.
Wounded—Orderly Sergeant Hogan and Jos
Harper—.Sait. Republican, Sept. 14.
EUROPEAN AX.WB.
European dates of tbe 28th ultimo have been
received.
Tbe Parts correspondent of the London Tele
graph, writing on tbe of August, says :
People no longer speak—except io deny its ex
istence—of the pretended treaty secretly conclu
ded between France and the Northern States of
America, )he basis of which was said to be Mexi
co. Tne Cabinet of Washington appears, on the
contrary, to be more aud more decided to oppose
French influence in that country. The,division
of gtinbiais which is being equipped in the
French military seaports is to sei sail in the
month of September for the-Pacific Dcean. where
it is to cruise oil the Western coast of Mexico.
Tbe Paris correspondent of tbe London Post,
writing on tbe 20th of August, says ;
It has been stated in soma continental journals
of authority that the Russian Government would,
under certain conditions, form a strict alliance
with the Northern States of Ameiica. The Cabi
net of Bt. Petersburg has informed thatot France,
and 1 presume her Majesty’s Minister, that it is
the intention of Russia to observe, like France
and E igland, strict neutrality.
The i'ipperary (Ireland) correspondent of a
Dublin journal, wtiting on the 19th ult., alleges
that there ate agents at present in Ireland, in
connection with the Federal Government, cov
ertly recruiting for the American service. Dur»
tng last fortnight, several tine looking fel
lowd; alleged to have been so enlisted, lef( Thurles,
Tipperary, en route tor New York. Jl is also
asserted that, through tbe agency of tbe Phcsnix
Club, recruits have been had in some other locali
ties, especially in the North Riding, for tbe proses
cution of ’be war with tbe Confederate States. A
rumor is afloat that aa officer who fought to the
Papal bngadp in Italy, and a resident of Tippe*
rary, has obtained a commission in tbe Northern
service, through tbe influence of Archbishop
Hughes, und that be is to start in a few days.
The English journals continued to canvass the
crisis in America. Tbe Army and Navy Gazette
describes General McClellan’s campaign as the
most signal failure seen in thia country. The
London Times reiterates its argument that tbe
North cannot conquer the South, and s.iys that
the time of compromise of some kind Las ar
rived, and that the worst settlement of the des
perate contest cannot be so fa’al as the continu
ance of tbe war. The Times them draws an anal
ogy between the position of England duriug tbe
revolutionary war and the present position ot tbe
North, and says that it is time the North followed
tbe example of England.
The Loudon Times has an article on the extra
ordinary position of the Democratic party in
America. It says that they are fighting in a
cause for which they fee l the most boundless devo
tion, but at the same time in behalf of a policy
and a party which they detest. .It regards Mr.
Vallandigbam’s recent speech as an exposition of
the feeling of the Democracy, and thinks their de»
monstrations in every way important, as it serves
to show that, in addition to other difficulties,
President Lincoln will have to struggle against
the legitimate effects of the war—a violent reaction
against his own army aud arbitrary acts.
Lord Brougham made a speech urging the ne
cessity of absolute neutrality and non-intervention
in every sense ot tbe woid as tbe only security for
the peace ot England, and tbe best hope of secu
ring tbe end of the unhappy quarrel.
Tbe Liverpool Post draws attention to Secretary
Seward’s late circular to encourag* emigrants,
and urges the distressed operatives of Lancashire
and the Irish poor to follow Mr. Seward’s advice
and emigrate.
COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
Liverpool Cotton Market, August 27. —The
sales of cotton for two days (Monday aud Tues
day,) were 28,000 bales, including 20,000 on spec
ula'iun and exportation. The market is excited,
with an advance to Id. per pound, closing
with an upward tendency.
Trade Report,—The advices from 'Manchester
show an excited market in Cotton Goods and
Yarns, with quotations still advancing.
Breadstuffs.—The market is generally dull,
Richardson, Spence A Co., Wakefield, Nash A
Co., B igland, Athya A Co., and others, report;
Flour has a downward tendency, with a decline of
6d. per bbl. Quotations of American range from
24 to 28s Wueat dull and declined 2s, 3d. per
cental; red Western, 9a. 6d. to 10s. 9d; rfed South l
ern, Ils. to Ils. 3d.; white Western, Us. to Us.
6d; white Southern, Us. 6d. to 12s. Corn is
easier, mixed29s. 3d. to 295. 6d.; yellow 2hs. 6d.
to 80s.; white 31 to 325.
Produce —Ashes quiet at Sis 6(tt0328. Rosin,
inactive; common 245. Spirits Turpentine quiet
at 120 s. Sugarsteady. Coffee quiet and steady.
Rice firm.
don dun Markets.—Wheat has a downward ten
dency. with a decline of 2s per quarter. Fi<»ur
dull, and declined 6d per bbl. Sugar firm. Cof
fee buoyant. Tea steady. Rice firm. Tallow
easier at 48s to 48s 6d.
London, Wednesday.—Consols closed to-day fit
93% to 23% for money.
A CLEVER EXPLOIT IN BRYAN-FIFTEEN
YANKEES KILLED A*D WO ’NDED
From, ike Savannah Reputliaan, Sep . 6.
We referred, a day or two since, to the reported
landing of a party of Yankees at the plantation of
Mr. Rogers, in Bryan county, some twelve miles
below Genesis Point, and we stated that a" com
petent force had been sent to meet them , Tbe
result we have, detailed in a letter now before us,
written by a member of the “Blues,” now in gar.
rison at the point. It turns out to have been one
of tbe most brilliant little affairs that has occurred
on our coast, teaching (he robbers a lesson that
they will not soon forget. Tbe facts are substan
tially as follows:
Wednesday last, about midsday, one of Co.pt.
McAllister’s pickets arrived at the fort and res
ported that a Yankee gunboat was going up to e
K Ikenny, tbe plantation of Mr. Rogers, probably*
for the purpose of landing a party of depredators.
The Captain immediately ordered twenty of his
cavalry corps to get ready and follow him to the
I spot. In a few minutes the detachment were in
the saddle and in motion. Tbey had not proceed
ed far before they met another picket, who res
ported that the enemy were landing io barges.—
The Captain with his men moved forward rapidly
and arrived ut the place, when they found that the
barges had returned to the gunboat, which was
shelling tbe neighborhood. Capt. McAllister or
dered his men to lie down in ambush aud be ready
for them in the event of their return.
The shelling continued for nearly two hours,
the grape rattling through the trees immediately
over our men, when it ceased and the two barges
again left the boat and proceeded in the direction
of the houses with a view of landing. Our men
were ordered to be quiet, and not to tire a gun un
til their Captain had discharged his. It was not
long before tbe boats got very near to where our
men were concealed, when tbe commanding officer
arose in one of the boats and was surveying the
country around Capt. McAllister levelled fits gun
and shot him dead. He exclaimed; “Great God,
I’m killed,” and fell backwards overboard.
Tois was the signal for our men to open fire,
which they did, and at the first tire every Yankee
fell flat in the boat and there continued, not one
showing his head. Our man tben tirod at the
boats-find ridflled their sides, keeping up a cons
tinned fire until the boats .had drifted out of
range. Tbe gunboat then sent out a third barfce
te bring in the others, and when they were towed
up to the sides of tfie gunboat, tbe brew went to
work to remove the men. From one boat they
lifted nine men over the sides of the gunboat,
and from the other five, making m all. including
tbe officer who fell overboard, fifteen killed or
wounded. As soon as the men were put aboard
the gunboat turned tail and put outwara at double
quick speed
Capt. McAllister returned to the fort at Genesis
Point about 11 o’clock Wednesday night, without
tbe slightest injury to man or horse.
These particulars are furnished by a party in
whose word, we are assured, every reliance can be
placed; and granting them to be true, aU will
agree that Capt. McAllister is entitled to the high
est praise for his promptness, sagacity and cool
ness in the affnr.
P. S. Since the foregoing was written we are
informed that au official report has been received
from Capt. McAllister, corroborating tbe foregoing
m every essential particular.
A Factory Joke.—ls the Yankees did not
cotton to Gen. Lee in the late butties near Wash
ington, they were certainly misted.