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®lje it)cchiti Conotitationrtlist
BY JAMES GARDNER
' MESSAGE
OF
Hi* Excellency Joseph E. Brown,
T. he General Assembly , convened in the Capi
ta yg his Proc‘amatton y March 25. 1863.
Exactmvt Department, I
Uiiledgcvule, March 25tu, 1863 \
To the Hecate an J House of Representatives :
J nave tell it my duty to convene you at an
earlier day than that fixed tor your meeting when
yoo adjourned.
la tne midst of a revolution of such vast mag
nitude aa that in wmefi we a r e engaged, the con
stant change in the circumstances by which we
a-e surrounded, must frequently influence our ac
tions. an l develop sufficient reasons to* - a change
of our opinions, or our policy. la December last
we passed an act pruhib.ting tbe cultivation of
more than three acres of cotton to the baud this
year, which virtually legalize* and invites its pro
duction to that ex ent. I am now fully satisfied,
if the quantity of land mentioned in that act is
p anted in Georgia and each of the other cotton
Btales, tbe restiit will be our subjugation by huun
ger and tbe u*.ter rui i of the Confederacy. Hence
I bar.* felt it my duiy, before the crop is planted,
to call you together, and recommend the passage
i.f an act that will make it highly penal lor any
one to cultivate exceeding one fourth of an acre
to the hand. The enemy has overrun, and now
holds a a-ge part cf the most productive iundsin
tie C ntederacy. As car limits are circuaiscnbed
and contracted, many of the loyil people of tbe
sections in the possession of the enemy retire to
tbe interior, and tbe nuoioer •»! persona to be sup
ported from the products of the lands in our pos
session is great'y increased, while thaarenof pro**
<3 active lauds from which the support must come
is aim >st daily diminished. M*t of the white
laborers of the country are now in ihe array, and
new levies are constantly bjing made from those
who remain. As these enter the military service
our fields are left uncultivated, while the women
and cbiidien are stilt in cur midst, and must be
supported, ihe result is, that the country and
Ui* army are mainly dependent upon slave labor
for a support. At the present prices of all the
n see sear i *8 of life, it is impossible for the women
and children to support themselves In my opin
ion it will take every acre of land, and every
day s productive labor which we can command
this year to make our n cessary support; and he
who employs any portion of Lis lauds and labor
in the production of cotton, tobacco, or any other
prod-ic.a -bat will not sustain life, to that extent
enduDgk-rs the success of our cause. The present
prices of cotton-make the temptation to p.ant it
ve: v S’rong, an*d the planter will quiet his con*
acitnce by tbe reflection that the Legislature has
t»;.!i<>ns:d him to plant three acres to the hand,
and will plant bis best land, place all his manure
upon it, and make it the obj ?ct of his special care
nud attention. There is now cotton enough in
the Confederacy to clothe our people for several
years, and there is no reason why we should plant
more is actually necessary to keep seed. it
may be said that tbe planter can make more
mooer out of cotton than grain and vegetable#.
Tc is is very questionable. But if we admit that
i? t»n make d>ab e as much, tuis is no reason
why h~ should he permitted to do it, it, by so
dc’ng, he hazards the very existence ot the States.
Woat will his money,or his cotton, or bis slaves,
or his lands be worth to hico if we a-e subjugated,
and the civil and religious liberties ot himself
and fci9 v>oßi«rity are deal*oyed ?
As tbe war is now prosecuted by tbe Lincoln
Government for the avowed purpose ot abolishing
slavery, no class of our people La* so much at
slake as our slaveholders, who are generally our
chief planters They are dependent upon our
white laborers in the field ot battle for the pro-*
tec*.: on of their property; and in turn, this army
*»? wh’te laborers and their families are depend*
ent upon the slave owners for a support, while
tbus engaged. Tbe obligation is mutual and re*
c procal, and neither party has the right to die
reg *rd it.
The conduct of our planters last year was most
i r.tr.otic and praiseworthy, and has saved our
cause for tbe present, but the temptations held out
to the avaricious are much greater this year, ow
. L g to the fcigh prices of cotton in the market;
uefi l consider legislation absolutely necessary
xo restrain those who would hazard ull for gain.
Ai i: is cow time to,com me nee planting, I invoke
year attention to thia question, m any opinion,
second in importance to no other that is lixely to
emne under your consideration. At the present
; me money will not buy bread, in k large sec*.
; on o! our own State, at a reasonable price. This
ij caused partly by the severe drought of last
summer, our # is probably owing, in a great
cegree to tne fact that the lands in that section
9* me State are cu’*ivated almost entirely by
w'bite labor, and in »st of that abor now being
•I iie army,the lands *’e idle, and *he women and
children arc destitute of bread. B. . for the large
eu-p'us in ihe cotton region, scenes of suffering
m J> ? en-ue.which would be appalling to oontem**
p.a‘e. and which must demoralize, if not disband
xL i* part of the army where tbe husbands and
fathers of tbe sufferers stand as a bulwark be*
tween us and the enemy. Let no: the people cf
u e cotton sections of the State, w here there is la*,
t - - to cultivate all the lands, ri** the chances ot
p .milar, or worse distress another year, lest conse
quences ensue which may coet them not onlv
vneir cotton crops, fcot all that they have, and all
that they expect to have in future. We can never
be coaauered by the arms cf the enemy. We
may be by hunger, if we neglect to husband all
ihe re-ources for the supply of provisions, which
u kind Fr idence has placed within our reach. —
Attempt to conceal it as we may, the fact is un
denial/.e, that tbe great question in this revolution
.g n w a question of bread. The army mast be
fed and meir families at Lome supported, or the
ecu of hb-rty will soon get in darkness and blood,
and t'-e v: ice cf freedom will be forever hashed’
the silence of despotism.
THE LAW AGAIXST DISTILLBRIEg.
Experience has shown that the law’ against the
distil auoa of grain into ardent spirits needs
amendment. From information received from
C:fi'-rent parte of tbeSta’e, I am satisfied that a
U'd ponton of the p- tato crop, most of tbe dried
fr and a considerable quantity of tbe molasses
.n the Sta**, have beer, are being distilled.—
Under preience of distilling these articles, it is
u’.so ?ai i that quantities of corn are being used
ty disu’Lrs, who keep their door* closed and
-efu-".- to a- tn:t visitors who might tes;ify against
them. In other sections, it is said, they are run
cicg he r stills, in open violation of the law, and
no c*ne has the nerve to withstand and prosecute
tsei 1 . To arrest these evils, I recommend that
•.ae : »w be so changed as to m. ke it highly penal
dor ag the war, tor any one, in addition to the
f resect prohibition, to d.sti! potatoes, dried fruit,
cr mo sses, without a license. And that every
person who keeps his distillery locked, and re
‘ose? t‘> admit visitors,day or night,when admission \
is asEed.shall be Held pr\ma fme guilty of a viola,
ton of tne law. And that eve r y pereou who runs
L:-* d stiLery without a license, shall be presumed
:o be guilty of d.stilling grain, or other article
p: and the burden of proof shall rest
upon him, to show to the contrary.
The aw should also make the owner of the j
distillery liab.e to the penalties, if bis‘•tills are
run bv an insolvent person. And it should be
iLLir the duty of the Sherff of the county to call •
;o b s *id ail the force necessary, and destroy any
artillery is run in violation oi law, as he j
would übato any other nuisance.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, April 1, ISC3
It has impossible fer the Inferior Courts
of some of the counties, under my instructions, to
find a person who will take the contract to make
the quantity of spirituous liquors or alcohol ne*.
ceosary for medicinal uses, at tbe prices fixed by
I me siatue. And as it is a violation of the law lor
i a person distilling under a license to sell for more
i than tbe prices tiled by tbe statute, I recommend
1 such change as will au'.horiAJ th* lowest responsi
-1 ble bidder to be licensed, at such price as may be
agreed on between him and th* Court, for the
supply necessary for the eoumy; the quantity re
commended by tbe Court to be subject to tbe apt*
proval of the Governor, befure be issues the li
cense .
transportation or provisions.
So great is the scarcity of previsions, in the
Cherokee country, that it is impossible to subsist
me soldiers’ families and the poor much longer
without the transportation of corn from South
Western Georgia. Tbe rolling stock upon the
S -uih-western, and the Macon and Western Rail
roads, is not sufficient to carry forward tie corn
and to do the work rtqu : rcd by the Confederate
Government. Surrounded by these difficulties, I
kave th< ugnt it best to direct the Superintendent
of the State Road to put one of hin best trains
upon ibe Roads to South Western Georgia for the
transportation of corn to supply oread to those
who must otherwise suffer. I shall be obliged to
continue this policy till the emergency is passed,
though I mav not be able to carry over tbe State
R ad a.i Government freight offered as promptly
as 1 could wish. 1 feei it to be n.y highest duty
to go uae the property of the State, as to prevent
if p.iSMible suffering on the part of ihe poor, or
i tbe families oi aoiaiera fur wan; of b:e.»d.
SALARIES
1 earnestly recommend the passaar* of an act
1 repealing Ibe act of 2»th November, 1861, entitled
} “An Act to fix the salaries and compensation of
! reruin officers mentioned therein, ami for other
| \ urpoaeß;” and that reasonable salaries be allowed.
, It now takes the whole salary ot a Judge of the
Superior Court for twelve months to purchase ti:-
j leen barre s of flour, or fifteen hundred pounds
j ot bacon in the markets ot this Suite. The per
! diem pav of a Judge while on his circuit does
!'not near’y defray his travelling expenses. Isthi:
| riah • Can any intelligent Itg slator claim that
; it is compatible with either the justice or the dig
! uitv of a great Slate?
Ihe Constitution of George, which we are
1 bound by solemn obligation to support, says;
1 “The Judges ►hill have salaiies aaejuato to their
rervicts fixed by lav." Are the present salaries
of the J jdg -a, orcthur officers of the State, ade
quate to tneir services? The question, to my
uuind, is 100 plain for argument. 1 trust it is only
necessary again to bring it V) your attention to
secure prompt action.
THE NSW CODE.
The Code o‘ thi* State having gone into opera
tion on toe first day of January last, i* is a matter
of great importance that the public officers be
supplied with copies of it, that they and the peon
pie may have an opportunity ot learning what the
taw is. It is not in my power to supply copies to
even a consider ible proportion of those who are
entitled to them, on account of ihe neg'ect of Mr.
John 11. Seals, the printer, to comply with his
eomract. Since the contract was entered into by
him, be has represented to the General Assembly
bis inaoitily to comply with is obligation with*
out additional compensation, and five thousand
dollars of extra pay has been a!lt wed him. He
has been paid tbe full amount agreed upon by the
original contract for the whole job, and one-half
of the extra amount appropriated. After this had
b*'** done, ne still failed to comply with the con-
U ..i, alleging that he could not get leather to
matte the binding. To relieve bim from tbiß dif
ficulty, at your session in November and Decern
oer last, you authored the Governor to receive
the books bound in an inferior style. Since this
action on yoor part, he has not delivered a single .
copy, and no assurance is given when the books;
will be delivered. I have reasons to beueve that ;
Hr. Seals has sold a considerable numbuer of co- j
p, j to individuals or to the uad*\ I call your ,
attention to this subjtct, and recommend such ac* j
tioj on your part as may be necessary to compel j
performance ou his part, or to uke the printed ,
-h'-eta out of his hands and have them bound by |
others at h;s exp anse.
SMALL POX.
The physicians’ bills sent to this Department
by the Interior Courts of many of the counties, loi
attention to persons afflicted with small pox, have
in my opinion been so exorbitant that 1 have re
fused to pay them. There are several instances
of physicians who have made cut bills against tbe
Htate for one or two months’ attention to sioaii
pox cases, amount g tu larger sums tc n ‘hey
would, I suppose, c*.- able to make by on • o. two
years’ practice. 1 respect'uily ask that the Jaw
be so amended as to establish some just rule bv
which I am to be governed in the payment of thene
claims Tbe act only makes provision for the
payment by the Sta’e ot tus expenses incurred at
Hospitals established by the Interior Courts of the I
d’ff-rent counties Many ot the Courts have es
tablished no hospitals, and have had tbe cases
treated at tbe hoi* ot the afSicied, in diff-rent
parts of the counti/. It is desirable that tbe will
of tbe Legislature be more clear'* expressed in
reference to cases ot this characi While 1 do
not think tbat stronger reaßcms exist why tbe
State should \ xy the physicians’ bills and other
expenses incurred by attention to persons who
have smell pox, and are treated at brine, when
they are themselves able to pay, than u caseß of
other con ta geo us diseases ot a malignant charac
ter, it may oe proper that such payments be made
by the State, when tbe persons affi cted are un
able to pay, and might otherwise be neglected on
account of their poverty.
IMPBBS3MBNT OF XKGBORB.
It will be remembered that Brig. GeD. Mercer
made a requisition upon tbe State, wbiie you were
last in session, for iwentv-five hundred negroes
f for sixty days, to work on the fortifications around
Savannah, and that .be Governor was authorize'
by the act.on of tbe General Assembly to fill tbt
requisition. A cail was afterwards made by au- <
thorny of Gen. Be .uregard. for three hundred ne- j
gri.es to worx on the obstructions of the Aita» j
maha river, which requisition was alb • filled.
M.*nv of the tregrues sen: to Savannah n -ve not I
vet be n discharged, b-cuuse, in the opinion off
ihe military authorities there, the emergency was !
buch ixt to make :t a tmlilurv cec-.-siry to retain
them. New and additional lort.fica irjcs have
be*n projected, and n > one seems to know when j
the? will oe completed. It ip now required, that
tbe negroes remain ninety uays longer: rw, if
they are discharged, that tueir places oe supplied
immediately by a new levy.
Tbe upper and western portions of tbe State <
have not yet furn;Bhed their quota. II a new im*«
pressmen* is made, as the law now stao J s, it
from these sections. The warm s«.."OQ
is c >Limencing, and the negroes from th - *e parts
of tbe .State arc not accustomed to the climate of
{Savannah. Much sickoe s and maDj deaths must
therefore be expected among tr em Again* the
crop is now being planted, and it is a matter of
great ictportance that as little labor ae possible
be taken from the agricakurai pursuits of the
State.
In this rate of the case, I respectfully ask that
yhe General Assembly, by joint resolution, or ott- .
f-rwise, give directions, at as eariy a day as pos- *
sibie, as ‘o the best mode of furnishing the labor j
to complete the fortifications. It will also be j
proper that some just mode of ascertaining the j
value and compensating tbe owners for the ne- j
groee who have died in the service, and tbe still ;
larger number who may die during the summer !
season, be prescribed by Jaw.
MILITARY LAW.
Section 1040 of the Code that all ejec
tions for militia officers, of and aboV% the rank of
OaptftiQ, shall be ordered by the Commander-in-
Chief. . ]
This will cause a great accumulation of labor in
the Executive D -j artment, with *»nch unneces*
nary delay and expense. I therefore recommend
that the old rule be re-established, and that all
vacancies below tbe grade of General, be filled
by election ordered by the next highest in com*
maud, except in the case of Lieutenants, whose
electianK should be ordered by the Captain, as
presenbed bv Act of 11th February, 1850.
1 also recommend the repeal ot sections 986,
937, 988, 989, 990, 992 and 993. of the Code,
which provide for the payment ot a commutation
lax in lieu of military service, as wholly inappli
cable to tbe present condition of tbe country.
Tbe Compiroller General, by my direction, has
left the columns relating to this commutation tax
cut of the Receivers’Digest, till you shall have
considered the question.
RIGHTS or TH* CHURCHB*.
I recommend the repeal of section 1376 of the
Code, which prohibits “any church, society, or
other body, or any persoßS l# to grant license or
other authority, to any slave or free person of
coler, to preach or exhort, or otherwise officiate
in church matters.’' I entertain no doubt that
negroes a.e sometimes very useful among their
owu people us preachers or exhorters. This iv u
question of which tbe church of the living God,
and not the Legislature of a State, is the proper
judge. The loyal support which the churches of
all religious denominations have given to the
Confederate and State Government, and he aid
which they have afforded the government, in tbe
maintenance of our alateiy institutions, have do.
moustraled that they understand this question,
and may safely be trusted. The Legislature, un
der pretence of po ice regulation or otherwise,
therefore, has no right to infringe upon religious
liberty, or usurp tbe oo»er which belongs to tbe
chwtfches. Render to Css ar tbe thing that are
Cmtar’rt, and to tbe Goa tbe things that are
(tod’s, fs an injunction which the htate has no
right to disregard.
STATE END -KSKMINT 0 CONFEDERATE DEBT.
I transmit herewith copies of resolutions passed
by the Legislatures of the Slates of Alabama,
South Caioiini, M s&issippi and Florida, propos
ing, upon difL-rgut plans, tbe endorsement of the
debt of tbe C<»u!**d iracy by the States. No one
can doubt tbe patriotic motives which have
prompted th s actiou of our sister States. But
as th;.- f. a question of great magnitude, invoiv
iug important principles, and as our action in the
\ premise: must oe followed by consequences se
| rions y affecting the credit of the State, present
j and prospective, it is our duty to examine it for
ourAelves, and not to be controlled by the decision
and action of others.
II tbe proposed endorsement will have tbe ef*
feet ot arraying the capital of the country against
the Confederacy, and in favor ot a reconstruction
ot the old Union, however i&ud&ble tbe motive,
the aci would oe most un ortunate.
| Again, it ifie effect will be to level the credit of
[ all the States to an equality, without regard to the
I manner in which they have managed their finan*
cial affairs, or the amount ot debt now owed by
each, it Wuuld be gross injustice to those Htates
which have conducted tbeir affurs so well as to
, incur but little debt, and have maintained their
credit at tbe highest point.
Furthermore, if the endorsement of the Con
i ederate debt, by the Slates, can only be produc
tive of temporary appreciation of Confederate
credit, without permanent benefit, and must be
followed by serous to the credit of the
\ jMHieH, the poiicy is unwise and snould not be
adopted.
Let oh consider whether these would not be
; the legitimate effects of the proposed endorse
ment.
, At present almost every capitalist in tbe enuo*
t try is tbe creditor of the Confederate Govern.,
: meat,and is directly interested tn maintaining ite
| existence, and sustaining its credit. I speak not
! of individuals, but capital is generally selfish,
and controlled more ny interest than patriotism,
i Wneo we have ascertained what will be the lu-
I terrst of capitalists we may generally have but
little difficulty in determining what will be their
i action.
Suppose the whole debt of the Confederacy to
have reached one Pillion of dollars, as it prob&biv
win have dose by tbe time the States have all
acted upon ibis proposition, 1 s not probable
that capitalists, as a mutter of choice, would pr c «
fer to credit our Government with a larger debt
than thip hanging over it. Bat having already
invente* i» enormous sum, if they feel that
tbeir only hope of payment resis upon the sue
cess and permanent establishment of the C -
federacy, and it becomes accessory to inv*..
another billion to establish the Government and
avoid the loss of tbe already invested, in
terest will prompt them to stand by the Govern
j ment, sustain its credit, and make further ad*
vance if ♦ '• have means. But suppose at thin
; period, ale States indorse the whole debt, or
; each indt. :* its proportion of it, what eff t
; wiii this have upon the mind of tbe capital: ?
i If prior to the act he looked only to the Confed
j eiacy for payment, and having now obtained tbe
j legal, as well as moral obligation of the mdivid
j ual States to pay, he is satisfied that this se-
I the debt, • a iDterest m tlus peraja
! nent success of the Confederacy ceases, and j
;be looks in future to the States f;* 1
payment It after this, the old Uiton should
reconstructed, and tbe States of cur Confederac,
should return, and become members of it, the
capitalist is not left to look to a Confederacy no
longer in existence, for payment, nor to rely on
the roorai obligation of the States, to assume and
pay the debt, bur be rests upon the solemn legal
endorsement of the individual States, which
would be as binding upon them, in one Confed
eracy as in another. The capitalists having thu.i
obtained'he solemn indorsement of the Slates,
lor a sum as large as they could reasonably be
expected to par, would c&ninthly des 1 re to pre
vent an iDcreasui liability, on the part of tbeir
| deotors, the States, which would weaken the r
■ abiiitv to pay, and might in lulure, cause the
j people to throw off the w hole burden, on account
lof i s accumu ateJ weight. Knowing, in other
| words, that it if* possible to increase debt to an
: amount so onerous as to drive a people to repu
c:at a, th *y might’prefer to takt* their chanc *3
xA j ay men! i,t ( no billion of dollars of State debt,
in the <».<i Confederacy, rather than of two billi
ons in the new. Hence it would be their inter
est to oppose the appropriation of tbe second
billi -n ot dollars, to prosecute the war for the es
tablishment of tbe Confederacy, and to advocate
a reconstruction for tbe purpose of securing an i
early peace, and of topping further expenditure,
that they may save what is already owing to !
them.
The rivers of blood which have been drawn
from the veins of our fathers, brothers, husbands
sons and other relatives by the band of our cruel
enemies, form an impassable gulf between us and
our wicked invaders H*w can we again shake
hands w»*b them over tne slam bodies of our (
loved out.. and again embrace them in fraternal
rela ions ? Were Georgians lodo this, tbe blood
of their bre'hreD. who narp fallen martyrs to our
glorious ca'ne, w >uJd cr« to them from the
ground, and rebuke tbe dastardly deed. Sooner
than reunite wnh those now seeking to ensiave
os, and under toe name of Union with them, be*
come, with our posterity, hewers of wood and
drawers of water for ie* us submit, with ,
more than Roman firmness, to the devastation of
our fields, and, if need he, the extermination of
our race. Bu: Jet us do no act hastily, which, hown
ever patriotic the motive, may tend to array a
powerful class in our midst against the Confed
erate! Government. While Georgia with the dig**
nil' of a great Slate, should firmly maintain her
reserved rights, and it need be, restrain the Cons
federute Government within the iimits assigned
it by the constitutional compact to which she is u
party, she should stand by it, confined within its
cons national limits, with an unyielding deter*
mination to sustain it at every hazird, as well
against the jujubes inflicted by the injudicious
action of imprudent friends, as against the thrusts
of domestic enemies, or the hetcu’ean assaults of
foreign foes. The future happiness of her pos
terity is firmly linked with the Confederacy.
Thousands of her sons have nobly immolated
their lives upon its altars, and the tens of thous
ands who survive should see to it that no rude
hand is uplifted against it, that no false policy
undermines its foundations, and that no usurpers
destroy the beautiful symmetry of its magnificent
structure.
We should not only sustain the Confederacy at
all hazards, but we should also sustain the ad
ministra ion. We may differ from it on constiw
tutional questions, or questions of policy. Such
is the nature of the human mind, and such the
variety of human intellect, that no two honest
men were ever fully agreed in every sentiment
i. lung as freedom of thought and freedom of
speech exist, we should have the independence to
express our dissect from what we consider the
errors of our rulers, and they should have the
magnanimity to tolerate the difference. But
while we contend earnestly for what we consider
sound principles, we should do no act which can
seriously embarrass the administration in the
prosecution of the war. In my judgment the
proposed endorsement would, in the end, arruy a
class of capitalists ugainst the Government which
would amount to serious embarrassm* nt.
Again, it cannot be denied, that some o? the
Slates have manuged their financial aflairs better
than others. Some have submitted to the neces
sary burdens of taxation, and met their liabili~
ties as they were incurred, while others have
added much of them to their deb ■§. Hence, the
debis of some are u ich larger, ;n proportion to
their resources, than the debt of others. The con-
Sequence is, that the credit of the State that has
the greates tesou-ees and Hie least debt is worth
most m the market. But suppose ail the States
indorse the immense debt of ihe Confederacy,
what is the result? 1 As each State has its owu
individual indebtedness and would tf,en have
assumed a legal liability for the debt of the Con*
lederacy, the credit of each State is at once plac*
ed b low tl i credit of the Confederacy; and as
eacn would then be liable for as much as it could
reasonably be expected ever to pay, the credit
• f the respective States would be placed, not on*
• at »a low point, but very nearly upon a level
with each other. This would be injustice to those
States which have maintained their credit at the
highest point. Take for instance our own State.
It may be truly remarked, without disparage
ment to other States, that the debt of Georgia is
less in proportion to her resources than that of
any other State in the Confederacy, or indeed,
any other upon the continent. The conse
quence is that her credit is worth a higher
premium in the market than the credit
of any other State in the Confederacy.
Her people are therefore entitled to the benefit* of
her economy, her wise management, and her far
seeing statesmanship. If she and her other States
now endorse the Confederate debt, her credit is
at once placed upon a level with Confederate
credit, if not below it, and very nearly or quite
fipon a levd with that of all the other States.—
The result is, that the people of the other Sta es
reap the benefits of her better credit, to which the
people of Georgia are alone emit led. This would
be injustice to the people of Georgia, and to credi
tor who have invested In her securities and are
entitle o the beueiits of her superior credit in
the rnniket. If it is said, her people should maks
sacrifices for the common cause; I reply thutnj
State has responded more promptly to every call
made by Con ©derate authority for men, money or
other assistance, and that she is ever ready to
comply with every constitutional obligation.
liav ng sb >wu. 1 trust, to your satisfac ion. that
the proposed endorsement would place the inter
est of the capitalists of the country, in the -cale
againet hdZirding furtbe* appropriations for the
establishment of the Confederacy ; that it would
be produc ivc of injury to the credit of the indie
vidual State*, and of injustice as between the
States themselves; I now proceed to inquire,
whether, if we waive these o eject loos, it couid bt
productiveof the permanent benefits to Cenfede*
rate credit claimed by its advocates.
tSefor proceeding, however, it is proper that I
remark, that the advocates of indorsement are
Hot agreed among themselves, and that two pir- ”,
are proposed. One pr 'position contains a gv. •
eral indorsement of the whole debt of the Con
federacy, by the several States ; each to be liable
in proportion to its representative we ght in Con
gre-e.
The other, which may, 1 believe, properly be
designated the South Carolina proposition, pros
puses the indorsement ot SSQb,OOu,OOt' of the t nds
hereafter to be ' sued by the Confederacy ; each
Slate indorsfn -< proportion of the bonds, on
the baMS|Of its . alive representative weight in
Congress. The latter proposition is, to my mind,
the less objectionable of the two; us it does not
hold out the temptation above mention d to capi
talists, to whom the present debt ;s owing, to
favor the reconstruction of the old Union, to
prevent an increase of debt to maintain the
further existence of the Confederacy.
The advantages claimed for both propositions
are I believe, substantially the same. The chief
of which is, that the proj ed indorsement would
reassure the confidence e *ip;tal, ;n Confederate
credit, and cause its invt*»ment in the bouds of
the Confederacy, in amounts sufficient to fund ail
trea^ury notes issued m redundancy of healthy
circulation; and thus reduce the circulation to an
amount only necessary to meet the legitimate
commercial demand n>i£iirrency.
This looks well on paper ind might work well
in practice, if there w re enough surplus capital in
the Confederacy to convert hundred dollar bills
into i iterest bearing bonds, ar.d lay them
as investment, as fast as all the paper m lis in the
country can make the paper, aud al! the engravers
can print upon it the likeness ot circu.'hfng me
dium, and an army of G -vomniea: qierks can
sign these promises to p«ty. But oere lies the
difficulty. Whatever may be the confidence of
capitalists in these securities, ihe country, de
vastated as it is by a destructive war. caouo; jield
surplus Capital for permanent investment, as fast
as hundred dollar bills, or thousand dollar bonds,
can be manufactured.
Prior to the commencement of the war, the
snrplus capital of the South was nves’ed instate
Bonde, Hank Stock, Railroad Stock, Bonds of
Corporations, Ac. Since tbat time most of the
surplus has been invested in Confederate bonds;
and our people have not now, probably the half
of five hundred millions of dollar* that they can
spare, to invest in any-securities, however desira*
ble. This measure might afford partial and tem
porary relief, by inducing some capital not now
employed, to seek investment in these bonds.~
But If the war goes on, and the government is
under the necessity of issuing 'wo or three miU
lions-of dollars a day,,of its notes, for the next
one. two, or three years, it must be admitted, that
we have not the capital to absorb them as fast as
issued ; and ihe indorsement could only causa a
temporary suspension of the depr-ciation which
must follow our issues ; for the ultimate payment
of which, no adequate provision is b«ring made.
The advocates of this plan also contend, that ;
the overnment could fund the debt at home, at a
fceavy premium, in its favor, after the 'cdorsen en*
VOL ,16 — No is
basing the calculation upon the fact, that dtate
credit is now worth a large premium, when com
pared with Confederate.
To show fallacy of this conclusion, it is only
necessary to inquire, why the bonds of the indi
vidual States command this premium. The debts
of most of the States are now sm.ill, compared
with their resource*,aud their ability to pay ; and
capitalists naturally conclude, that in case of
failure of the Confederacy, or ultimate repudiation
by it, the State would pay the individual indeou
ednesß, resting upon both, legal and moral
obligation, with no further obligation than
that their people submit to such taxation
as may be imposed by Congress to raise the
money to pay the debt Georg Vs seven per cent,
bonds are said to be worth 4« per cent, premium,
in currency, in the market. Why ? Because her
resources are great, and her debt small. Increase
her indebtedness to one hundred millions, aud
her bonds will pease to command a premium. If
we adopt either of the propoeed plans, her debt
may soon exceed this sum. When the States
have committed themselves to the policy, and
have indorsed the present Confederate debt, or
have indorsed $400,'>00,000, they must extend
; heir indorsements oh future exigencies may, io
the opinion of the Government, require, until
they hove indorsed all future issues to be made by
the Government. The advocates of the plan will
hove much stronger reasons for claiming the ex*
tension, when the States are once committed to
the policy, than they now have for claiming the
lirst indorsement. It is like a whirlpool, from
which, when the States .have once placed
themselves within its power, there is no
return. When the amount indorsed becomes,
us i* soon must, an enormous sum, tne effect of
the mdursem. nt will be, to bring down State
credit, even below Confederate credit, and not to
bring up Confederate credit to the present level of
Slate credit
j It is again said, that the proposed State indorse
ment would enable the Government to negotiate
ns bonds aoroud at a premium, aud that there is
a sufficiency of fore go capital to absorb all our
issues. The sufficiency of capital in that case is
admitted; bui the inquiry is, would the indorse
ment induce its investment m these bonds, at a
premium, or at par, or even near to par!
We are engaged m a gigantic war. Our porta
are blockaded. The great powers of Europe re
fuse eveD to recognixe us as a Government. Our
expenditures are enormous, which cause our debt
to accumulate rapidly, and we are not collecting
tuxes sufficient to pay interest; much less to cre
ate a sinking fund for the ultimate extinguish
ment of the principal. In this state of things,
foreign capitalists refuse to invest in Confederate
securities, and the credit of the individual States
is fur below par in foreig j markets flow then
is it to be reasonably expected that the indorse*
ment of the Confederate bouds by the Sta.es will
give them a value in foreign markets, which is
attached to neither the creditor the Confederacy
nor of the individual States! While the war and
the blockade last, and while we refuse to submit
to taxation sufficient to retire a reasonable pro*
portion of our paper issued, it is vain to expect
that we can fund the debt abroad, without the
moot ruinous sacrifice, no matter bow often the
paper is indorsed by the partiesgnow morally
bound for its payment. fpp?*
But it may be said, if the States are now morally
bound for the payment of the debt, and their peoa
pie are legally bound to submit to the necessary
tax for tb&t purpose, when imposed by the Qons
federate Government, why not indorse the bonds
and let the States take upon themselves the di
rect legal obligations to pay. To aiy mind, tnere
are very obvious reasons why it should nut be
done.
While the constitutional obligation rests upon
the people of the States, to submit to the taxation
imposed by Congress, to pay the debts of the
Confederacy, the Constitution imposes upon Con
gress, which is the power that creates the liabili
ty, the sole responsibility of devising the means
and assessing the taxes necessary to discharge
the obligation. This is as it should be. The
power in the Government that creates the debt
should have resting upon it the sole respona.bil*
ity of providing the means for its payment, ar d
of imposing the taxes tor that purpose which
may be ueecssary. The people then know ho vto
ho!d their agents to a proper accountability.
Suppose, however, the Slates indorse the debt,
and pledge their individual faith as States, for
its payment at maturity; and Congress, afraid of
us popularity, does not wish to take the respous*
ibilitv to assess the tax to meet it. What follow-?
The States, to maintain their individual credit,
must themselves ussess and collect the tax, and
make the payment. Congressmen, fiuding that
they could m this way avoid an unpleasant re
sponsibility aud retain their places with leas dif
ficulty, would, after having c ntracted the debt,
when pay day came, turn over the responsibility
to the Legislatures of the States. Thus we should
have one Government to spend the money, and
another chargeable with the responsibility of
raising it. Congress would then occupy Very
much the position of the rich man’s prodigal sou
at college, who, having no responsibility about
footing the bill at the end of the year, feels very
little concerned about the to which it accu
mutates.
Again, sad experience has shown us that the
tendency es our Government is to consolidation
and that the central Government is ever read? to
usurp as much uodelegated power as the States
will consent to loose. As the central Govern
ment grows stronger, the States grow weaker
and their just rights are disregarded. Now i
can imagine no one act of the States that w\il
tend so much to strengthen the central Govern
ment, at the expense to them of the loss of their
just powers, as the adoption of the policy now
proposed, which binds them individually to pro
viae for the payment of all the debts which Con
gr ss may choose to contract, but may not b
willing to impose the taxes to pav. The consum
mation of the policy is the complete consolidation
«»! the Government, making the States the mere
burden bearers of th-* central superior.
I may be met herewith the remark often made
that it is no time now to delt-nd the rights as
States, or to maintain principles. State Rights
and Constitutional principles are tbe same in
times of war as in times ol peace; aud should be
maintained at all times, and under all eircems
stances. Power once usurped, with acquiescence
H never relaxed but at tbe print of tie bayonet
and we should not forget that rights surrendered
■ n war are never regained >D peace. We should
therefore, do no act tending t« destrov the State,’
in one grand consolidation. and lay', he found*,
tion of a central despotism upon their mins
Having given some of the reasons whick.sat.
■stymy mind that the hopes enteitained 3vThe
advocates of Slate indorsement, that tbeadoo on
of their policy would retire the excess ot P the
currency and reduce it to a healthy condition
are entirely delusive. I may be asked if there
no remedy forev.l My opinion is. that so
as the war is earned on in its present magnitude
requiring the amount of daily expenditure now
made, and the demand lor a!l the necessaries of
life exceeds the supply as far as .1 now does there
is no complete remedy lor the present evils m
high prises and redundant paper currency There
is one remedy, and only one. which can mi*£av
he evil, inspire confidence in the s'ab.o!
m»ni°rf ,ke d , ebt - “" d mdu Cf the invest,
meet rs surplus capital of the people of
othe (.overumeuts, as well as our own
in Con-edera-e bonds That remedy , 3 taxation bV
wh?feTh, BUffiCle ?a '° Pay »-• 'Merest upon the
whole deb-, in gold or its equivalent and to im
wn e i s h n ,h D “ U /L,“ 1 " ! !. nS fund, sufficient to
gmsh the debt within some reasonable time
fcc-SOU-DED os 3xa Pads. |