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TEE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST
WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL », 1868
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A NOBLE ROMAN-
Ex-Governor Thomas H. Seymour, of
Connecticut, is one of the very noblest men
in all this laud, and one, too, whose gar
ments are free from the stain of blood
guiltiness. He is ashamed of his country’s
downfall, and, on the anniversary of Jef
ferson's birthday, addressed a Democratic
meeting in words oi burning eloquence and
patriotic fire. We quote the peroration,
illustrative of the true spirit of magnanimi
ty and the only pluck to win in the coming
struggle tor liberty. He is in favor of no
subterfuges, but distinct principles; no
tame submission to a M ade or Butler
usurpation or despotism, but a grand rising
of the people against the conspirators and
their infamous schemes. He said :
“The true spirit of magnanimity was illustra
ted by Napoleon at Borodino, when, in reply
to a heartless remark from one of his officers
on the occasion of his trampling on a wounded
Russian, he said : ‘ Sir, when you have gained
a victory there are no enemies, there are duly
men.’ [lmmense applause.] I see you apply
the anecdote as it should be applied. South
erners are not only men, but our brothers ; and
in the restoration of their rights, we are to
have a convention iu this city on the fourth of
July. 1868. Now let me say to those who may
be in the secrets of the delegates already elect
ed, or may know something of the matters,
that it is necessary, it seems to me, to the fu
ture success of patriotic men in this country
that their platform of principles should be so
distinct [‘Good, good !’] and clear [“Good,
good!”—and applause]—as to enable the man
of the people to distinguish between right and
wrong—in other words, it must be so different
from the platform on the other side that we
may see clearly where liberty is, where slavery
is, where independence is. [‘Good, good!’]
And again, gentlemen, if we secure a clear, a
distinct majority of the electoral votes, and
they shall dare to shut out Delaware, Mary
land and Kentucky, for the purpose of frustra
ting the will of the people, it will be necessary
for the triumphant party to vindicate their
right to administer this Government, and in
augurate their chief ou the 4th of March, 1869.
[Applause.] If you are not prepared for that,
you need not undertake the contest. And
when the victory is won, in the words of the
poet of Jefferson’s day, celebrating the redemp
tion of this people, with bonfires and illumina
tions, we wiil sing:
Rejoice, Colnmb’a’s sons, rejoice :
To tyrants never bend the knee ;
But join in heart, and hand, and voice,
For Jefferson and liberty.
RADICAL HYPOCRISY-
The Radicals of the South, that is a cor
poral’s guard of depraved native whitesand
imported adventurers, claim that a State
Constitution to be perfect must be made for
the icAo’e people, white and black, rich and
poor, etc. This, understand, is the South
ern renegades war-whoop for the base pur
pose of using the negro. These Southern
renegades owe everything they possess in
the way of notoriety and influence to the
great, shining lights of the party due North.
What is the record of that party iu framing
State Constitutions for the “whole people?”
Ohio, Kansas, Minnesota and Michigan, all
Radical States, spurn the negro with con
tumely when he dares to breathe of suffrage
in their midst. Ohio repudiates this theory
by 50,000 votes ; Michigan by 38,000. And
yet there are but 7,000 negroes, twenty one
years of age and over, in Ohio, and a paltry
500 in Michigan. With this curious record
before their eyes, the Southern Radicals
have the effrontery to declare that a Radi
cal Constitution is intended for the benefit
of the “ whole people.” If Skowhegan
waifs and native apostates constitute the
people, the proposition may be defended ,
otherwise, it is a fraud, a snare and a deg
radation, which Radical whites may hug in
the South, but always trample at the North.
The zeal of converts outruns the steady
march of original sectaries, and so, to prove
the faith that is in them, Southern trai
tors sink themselves beyond the Northern
point of wallowing. Ah, Messieurs, Sand
ford Conover, Dr. Cleaver and Detec
tive Baker did the same tiling that you
superserviceable prototypes in the South
have done. For further particulars inquire
of the Hon. John A. Bingham, or the crimi
nal docket of the Washington courts.
Stricken Dears.—Col. John Forsyth,
writing from Washington, has this curious
bit of gossip :
“An ardent Pennsylvania Democrat as
sured me the other day that the women of
the North, ‘ almost to a man,’ were Demo
crats—eight out of ten, he thinks, and he
mentioned it as a good joke, that even the
partners of the bosoms of Forney and Kel
ley (Mobile riot Kelley) were against their
lords in politics, and irrepressible Demo
crats. If the Northern women are this way.
the jig is up with the Radicals, and they
might as well agree to die game, with their
black flag nailed to the mast.”
Time to Die.—Mis. Lincoln’s dress ma
ker, a lady of the colored persuasion, states
that Mrs. L. owed $79,000 for dry goods
peculiar to females—and old Abe did not
know it.
Death or Doctor’s Commons—so he died.
A CENTRE SHOT.
The late Virginia Convention did not
have any target quite up to the thing called
Aaron Alpeokia Bradley, bnt there was
considerable wit discharged by the Conser
vative members upon higher game. In the
Georgia menagerie, few have forgotten the
bomb-shell thrown by Burnett, containing
offensive ftilminations about a white man’s
country. That great shot was not exhaus
tive of the subject, for we find one from the
same locker in the Virginia conclave.
Mr. Eustace Gibson was the cruel marks
man and military Governor 11. 11. Wells
the victim. The forcing of negro suprema
cy in Virginia, the installation of Wells
as Governor, and the Michigan defeat of
negro suffrage happening almost simulta
neously, occasion for the following
resolution:
“ Whereas, The convention was recently in
formed by the present Governor of Virginia,
General 11. H. Wells, that all efforts to prevent
negro suffrage would be found to be fighting
against the obvious consent of American senti
ment, and contending against the will of God ;
therefore, be it
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to
request his Excellency to explain the recent
emphatic expression given by the people of
Michigan (his adopted State) of their views on
this important issue, it being now stated that a
majority of 30,000 votes were cast against negro
suffrage in that State.”
This document was laid on the table;
but it caused a sensation and completely
annihilated the military Governor's rhetor
ical display. We know of nothing that
could mollify his chagrin—nothing but the
patriotic and truly loyal thought that,
though Michigan had given him the lie, he
had his progressive fingers in the money
box of Virginia.
A BITTER PILL.
Those unfortunate white men who voted
for the mongrel constitution, because of the
Relief clause, may find the pill very bitter,
in spite of its sugar-coating. It is as plain
as noon-day that, when a collision of races
takes place, blood becomes thicker than
water, and the men placed on guard over
us cannot forget that they are Caucasians.
So far, they have proved protectors, and
between them and renegade domination,
there is no hesitancy as to a preference.
Now, the reason why Brown and his car
pet-bag allies desire to “restore the State to
the Union,” after the Beast-Butler fash
ion, is not because they really love the
State or the Union, but rather because they
have a rabid lust of power, and can only
secure it by ridding themselves and the ter
ritory of the regular army. If their nefa
rious scheme of “restoration” shall have
been accomplished, Georgia may, indeed,
be rid of the United States troops, but a
Brownlow or low Brow'N militia of negroes
and scalawags will repeat the saturnalia of
Tennessee, and change our purgatory into a
veritable he'd. That is the game they have
been working for; and those who helped
tins game by reason of the relief tempta
tion, will either have to mongrelize with
this militia or share the horrors of its en
tailment. Such men have been faithless to
their blood, and, for the sake of a handful
of dirty gold, aided iu delivering themselves
and fellow-countrymen over to a bondage ■
which will make them curse the hour they
were born. Let such men pray that their
treachery may not succeed; let them,
while the people pause to learn the result
of the election, pray God that their ballots
may be neutralized by those of nobler men.
If they have hardened themselves against
such a supplication, there is an avenging
Time which shall penetrate even the flint
of their desperate selfishness and unholy
greed.
A GREAT DIFFERENCE.
The publishers have sent us a Northern
magazine called “ Public Spirit." Skim
ming its pages, we came across a remark
ably well-written sketch of the battle of
Shiloh, in which General Grant is at once
defended and extolled. Having graphically
brought the combat to a termination, the
author proceeds to detail occurrences im
mediately consequent, among which is a
reputed dispatch of Beauregard’s dimly
hinting at a permission for the burial of his
dead and ministration of the wounded. To
which request, says the eulogist of Hiram
Ulysses, “ Grant cunningly replied, that
the dead had been buried, and the wounded
cared for—which was not true for a week
"afterward." Really, this is a charming ad
mission of wilful and deliberate falsehood
on the part of a hero ; a seven days’ false
hood, which a truly grand man would have
scorned to utter. The accusation of Presi
dent Johnson, in the Stanton controversy,
has cumulative evidence, for he who spoke
falsely to Beauregard would not hesitate
to prevaricate to Johnson.
What a contrast does such a commander
present to General Lee ! Who would not
rather, a million of times, be the stainless
President of Washington College, with
honor, truth and soberness written upon
his godlike brow, than he who aspires to
the purple over the wreck of his country
and with the divorce of virtue.
Poor White Trash.—To strike a freed
man or punish him corporally is a sacri
lege; but cruel and merciless laceration of
white defenders of the glorious Union is
praiseworthy, according to Radical ethics.
Insolence in a negro must be endured, but
here is the way insolence in a white man is
suppressed:
“ A corporal named Henderson, attached to
the garrison at Columbia, 8. C., was recently
tried by court martial for striking Colonel
Guenther, while on duty. He was found guilty,
and sentenced by the court to be reduced to
the ranks, drummed out of camp, his head to
be shaved, to forfeit all pay, and to be impris
oned for three years at hard labor in Fort Ma
con, and during the term of his imprisonment
to wear a ball weighing thirty-two pounds at
tached to a thirty-six inch chain.”
A Reverend Knave.—The Rev. James
11 ari.an, Senator from lowa, has written a
letter to a friend—“ My dear Mr. Forney,”
perhaps—in which he sturdily opposes giv
ing the vote to “ educated knaves ami con
fessed traitors.” By this phrase he strikes
at the Southern whites who refuse to de
grade themselves. Having, in an episto
lary manifesto, disfranchised the larger and
more respectable classes of the South, who
happen to be Caucasian, he thus sneezes at
the black suffragans.
“ I know it is dangerous to clothe ignorant
men with political power, and the colored
men, recently in slavery, have not had an
opportunity to obtain ‘ book learning.’ ”
He “ knows it is dangerous to clothe ig
norant men with political power;” but,
Reverend as he pretends to be, he does not
hesitate to tempt the danger. The fact is,
the Radicals are disgusted with negro suf
frage and would willingly abandon it, if
they could survive without it. But the
domination of party prevails over every
other consideration, and so, priest and levite
cast conscience to the dogs rather than let
go their hold upon the loaves and fishes.
Sensible.—The New York Herald ex
patiates upon the folly of Gen. Schofield,
in trying to curb the extreme passions of
the Virginia Convention. It points out a
great danger to Radicalism, thus :
“Radicalism will have to modify its nigger
programme, or presently to choose between
the loss of the whole of its power in the North
and the loss of the nigger. It will then have
to rem in theS madness of Cuffee; but he will
by that time have gotten beyond all restraints.
He will demand more than the maddest parti
san will dare to even promise, and, ins demand
being refused, he will revenge himself by cast
ing his vote on the other side and acting in
concert with the people of his State against
Radical rule. Such is the inevitable future,
and the Conservative element has only to keep
cool and bide its time.”
Ay, the hammer they use against us will
hammer them to pieces at last—or good
bye, Cufff.e !
Gen. Meade and the Test Oath. —The
New York World thus alludes to General
Meade's Test Oath Order:
“ General Meade is evidently of the opinion
that the test oath question 1 may be ’ left for
decision till that constitution is ratified. The
blunt statement that in the event of such ratifi
cation and the election of the Assemblymen,
the Legislature ‘is required to convene and
adopt the proposed amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States, designated as Ar
ticle XIV, before the State can be admitted to
representation,’ "becomes amusing when we
consider that several States now represented in
Congress have acted as they pleased in the
matter, and that two States have rescinded the
action of preceding Legislatures, which adopt
ed this proposed amendment merely as a party
measure.”
The Right Man in the Right Place. —
The Rome Commercial says : Judge L. D. Bur
well was removed from office as manager of
election on Monday morning last, and a man
now under indictment before the. jrrand jury
of Floyd county for hog stealing, / . ?ed iu his
stead. Judge Burwell has been one of the
managers of elections in Rome for the past ten
years ; has always maintained the highest in
tegrity of character, and stands unrivalled as a
man of honor and a Christian gentleman. We
regard bis removal as an outrage upon the good
people of Rome and vicinity, and until some
satisfactory explanation for the course pursued
is given, we shall deem those instrumental in
his removal as participants in an unwarrantable
piece of treachery, instituted to practice fraud
upon our people in the election now going on.
Blodgett's Advocate.—The Washing
ton correspondent of the Cincinnati Com
mercial (Rep.) thus sketches a notorious
spoon thief and insuiter of Southern ladies:
“ General Butler is not a believer in a demo
cratic form of government. He has called
popular government a farce, and counted the
number of years that he would give it to run.
He believes in the coup d'etat, the empire, the
strong military hand —the very things, in short,
which he is indicting Mr. Johnson for doing in
mere intent Here, then, we have the specta
cle of a man, in the name of all the people,
taking, perhaps, one of bis favorite steps to
wards annihilating the popular government.”
Better Luck Next Time—Perhaps.—
The Tribune is at half-mast for Michigan
and the recent Democratic victories. It
admits that all the Republican States have
defaulted, but will be “ all right in Novem
ber.” The National Intelligencer thinks dif
ferently, and says: “In our judgment, the
whole West will rise up in its might and
condemn these destructivesand plunderers,
who have brought distraction and ruin
upon the country, with a voice and a vote
that will astound and overwhelm Radical
ism.”
Cunning Butler.—The guilt of Blod
gett is more frightful than any oue sup
posed. The Postmaster General very cheer
fully, in a cross-examination, offered to tell
Butler all he knew about the case in
which Blodgett’s alleged perjury was ven
tilated. We read that Butler declined to
hear any explanation. Butler may be
proud of Blodgett, but he was too cun
ning to permit revelations. Is Blodgett
proud of Butler ?
Wonderful Influence—What must
be thought of the tremendous j*jwer of a
military Mayor, who, far from the scene of
riot, or hidden from view, is credited by his
satellites with quelling disturbance a dis
turbance which, but for him, had never
been brought about ?
A Trooly Loil Senator.—Ben Rice,
U. S. Senator elect from Arkansas, is a
fugitive from Kentucky and the squandciei
of a client’s money—in other words, a
thief. Here is a man whom Butler will
welcome “ among the proudest.”
Draining it Out.—The lower house of
! the Ohio Legislature has passed a measure
l disfranchising all persons having a “ visi
ble admixture” of negro blood.
THE CONFEDERATE DEAD.
The floral tribute to the Confederate dead
will possess unusual significance, in view
of the recent elections and their abhorrent
surroundings. Those who strew flowers
over the graves of departed heroes will feel
that the quiet dreamers in the dust are far
happier than those who still walk the
rugged paths of a distracted world. Our
martial countrymen failed in their high
emprise, but gained a blessed release from
the woes the living are compelled to endurp.
For them the wreath of wild flowers, for
us the crown of thorns.
The following verses, from the pen of a
most gifted lady of Augusta, will speak the
sentiments of ail true men and women.
They cannot fail to stir the pulses with
unusual thrills. We have read them with
emotions not easily allayed, and never to be
utterly lost while tyranny survives, liberty
has an aspiration, or fame a martyr:
Dixie.
I heard long since a simple strain ;
It brought no thrill of joy or pain,
Nor did I care to hear again,
Our Dirie.
But time rolled on, and drum and fife
Gave token of a coming strife,
And called our youth to soldier life,
With Dixie.
• It breathed of mingled hope and fear;
It banished peace, brought discord near,
And cost each mother many a tear,
That Dixie.
For gathering legions marched away,
And garlands maidens wreathed each day,
To crown them for the fierce array,
In Dixie.
The husband parted from the wife,
And from the aged, his staff of life,
In some fair boy, whose head was rife
For Dixie.
And so our treasures, one by one,
All by the battle-field were won ;
They heard at morn and setting sun,
Our Dixie.
But seen Death c’aimed the young and brave;
Valor or beauty could not save
Our darlings from a soldier’s grave,
In Dixie.
Their blood Sowed on the fresh green hill;
It mingled with the mountain rill,
And poured through vales once calm and still,
In Dixie.
The ocean caught the crimson stain,
And moaned and moaned that troubled main,
For those who would not come again
To Dixie.
The living rallied to their stand;
Their war-cry was theii “ Native Land,”
■ But sadder from the lessening band
Came Dixie.
Yet still it roused to deeds of fame,
And made immortal many a name,
And never caused a blush of shame,
Our Dixie.
The dying boy its music caught:
“ I do not die in vain,” he thought—
Freedom by death and blood are bought,
For Dixie.
Sleep on, young soldier, with thy dream ;
Well did’st thou die with that bright gleam
Os hope, to shed its parting beam,
For Dixie.
There’s many a sal heart living now,
Would rather in thy young grave bow,
Than see his country laid so low,
Sad Dixie.
I draw the veil; each stricken heart
Must mourn its own lost ones apart;
In every eye a tear will start
For Dixie.
We may not hear that simple strain
Ever wi'hout a thrill of pain—
Our dead c.-me back to life again,
With Dixie.
And if I were a generous foe,
I'd honor him, whose heart's best throe
Leaped to that music sad and low,
Our Dixie.
H. C. B.
Augusta, February 22,1868.
Attempt to Secure General Butler
a Place in President Johnson’s Cabi
net. —General Butler, it appears from a
letter addressed by one of his staff to Hon.
Lewis D. Campbell, on the 19th of April,
1865, was anxious at that time for a place
in President Johnson’s Cabinet, and urged
the removal of Secretary Seward or Stan
ton to make room for himself, even while
Mr. Seward’s life was yet in danger from
the assassin’s knife. The letter is as fol
lows
Washington, D. C., April 19, 1865.
My Dear Sir: The greatest crime ol
centuries has thrown the robes of Mr. Lin
coln upon the shoulders of your good
friend, Mr. Johnson, about whom we differ
ed slightly when I was at your house.—
You will agree with me, I think, that some
change in the Cabinet ought to be made,
and probably will be. You also agree, I
suspect, that Butler, for any place, especial
ly War or State, is about the best man in
the country. Presuming these things, 1
write to ask that you make the best demon
stration you can to that effect. You can
write Mr. J. a letter that will be of great
weight with him. You can induce other
good men to do the same; and, perhaps,
after setting the ball in motion at home,
you could come here in person. I wish you
would. lam certain you would do a pub
lic service, and greatly oblige Butler and
his friends. I am confident I shall hear
from you in a substantial effort.
Faithfully, yours,
J K. Herbert.
Hon. L. D. Campbell.
P. S. Why not see Taft, Hoadley, and tne
friends we met last year in Cincinnati?
J. K. 11.
On the back of the above letter is writ
ten this memorandum: “ Wade, Chandler,
Carter, Julian, and such as they, are doing
all they can for General B.”
Daring Robbery—United States Bonded
Warehouse Broken Open—Twenty-One
Boxes of Tobacco Stolen.— Somejtime last
night a party of burglars effected au entrance
N. L. Angier’s bonded warehouse, on
Forsyth street, by drawing the staple to the
United States lock with a crow-bar, and un
locking the private lock with a skeleton key.
The entrance is at the side door, where the
goods were taken out upon the street and load
ed upon a dray. They succeeded in getting
twenty-one boxes of tobacco, of the best
brands. Smith & Richmond loose seventeen
boxes, and Meador & Bros, four boxes. The
whole loss is estimated at SBOO. No clue to
the robbers has yet been found.
1 [ Atlanta "3d.
Our New York Correspondence,
New York, April 18th, 1868.
There is some mystery about the stories
of the probable acquittal of Mr. Johnson.
Present appearances indicate that they or
iginated partly with his enemies, for the
purpose of bringing Radical influence to
bear upon Senators that may be suspected
of being a little weak in the knees. I have
directed my investigations on the subject,
during the past week, to the inner temple
of Radicalism, in this city, and am assured
that there arc only two Radical Senators,
of whose vote on the final issue, there is
any doubt. These are, Mr. Grimes, of
lowa, an extreme and sanctimonious Radi
cal, but between whom and Ben. Wade
there is a bitter personal feud, and Mr.
Fowler, of Tennessee, who is to marry Mrs.
Stover, President Johnson’s daughter.—
Fessenden, and Sprague, and Anthony, and
Morton, and Ross, and Morton, who have
affected much independence of action, are
all set down as certain to vote for convic
tion. But there was sufficient doubt about
the result to compel Mr. Stanton to an
nounce his intention of retiring to private
life; for an official of less personal populari
ty was never known. It is not impossible
that another “ sacrifice ” may precede the
deposition of Johnson—namely, the retire
ment of Grant from the Presidential canvass
—giving many disappointed Presidential
aspirants a chance in a scrub race for the
nomination at Chicago. The Sun to-day de
clared most truly that the acquittal of
Johnson will be the disbanding of the Re
publican party, and in view of the uncer
tain future to which this would expose
many little-great men, it may be safely as
sumed that “ no pains will be spared ” to
bring about the desired result. I am as
sured that Senator Morgan, of this State, is
perfectly certain of Johnson’s acquittal;
and I am also informed that the bets which
are offered that Johnson will be acquitted
are for the purpose of effecting indirectly
the bribery of doubtful Senators. Those
anxious for his conviction usually refuse to
to take these bets ; but it is said those in
the confidence of doubtful Senators, and
who affect doubt in the matter, readily take
them. In the midst of so many conflicting
statements, we can only wait and watch.
HOW IT WORKS.
The influence of the Freedmen’s Bureau,
which afflicts the Southern people, is not
all adverse to them. As you know, since the
termination of the war, a large number of
people have gone from tne North to the
South with purely industrial and business
objects, desiring to be friendly, and having
no political objects. The administration
of the Freedmen’s Bureau, under the eyes
of these oeople, has not been lost at the
North. Within my own knowledge, two
brothers, who went from a town in Connec
ticut, and were strong Republicans, have
returned good Democrats. They went
among their neighbors and told them that
they have seen fifteen or twenty stalwart
darkies playing at marbles in the sun like
little boys, for hours together ; only leav
ing off to go to the Bureau to get their “ra
tions,” to pay for which enormous taxes
were levied. These negroes, so fed, they re
ported, could not be hired to perform any
labor whatever, and it was simply impossi
ble to get on with any legitimate business
it the South so long as the Bureau, main
tained at enormous expense, maintained
the negroes in idleness. These reports,
freely circulated, added forty to the Demo
cratic vote in a small town ; and there is
reason to believe that such influence is felt
throughout the whole North. Our people
are not constituted to have half the pa
tience with darkey thriftlessness and lazi
ness as you of the South, and when the
truth is brought home to us even the Re
publicans turn from it with loathing and
disgust.
the dickens dinner
comes off to night. It is expected that
about 200 representatives of the American
Press will participate. It may, perhaps, be
noted that none of the Herald staff will at
tend, as that journal has not been friendly
to Mr. Dickens during ids present visit to
this country.
WHEAT FROM GEORGIA.
The Produce Exchange was gladdened
the other day with a sample of the growth
of wheat in Georgia, forwarded by Messrs.
C. A. Williams & Co., of your city. The
wheat Was in blossom, and gave promise of
an early and abundant yield. I must re
new the admonition to your readers, that
the early wheat from the South will proba
bly bring a dollar a bushel more than that
forwarded later in the season. It is semi
officially announced that tne West of Eng
land will want thirty-two millions bushels
of wheat between the first of April and the
first of September; when there were twelve
millions of bushels at sea for her markets.
This is exclusive of the wants of France
and other countries in the West of Europe.
It is conjectured that the Atlantic ports of
the United States will be required to fur
nish five million bushels, and it is hoped
that the South, with her early wheat, will
help us materially in performing this essen
tial service to the starving millions on the
other side of the Atlantic.
the confederate cotton loan.
The London Money Market Review, of
April 4th, reports that investments con
tinue to be made in this loan at about five
cents on the dollar, and, it adds, “as the
market for them is limited, a further rise is
not improbable.” The Review proceeds to
show that the issue of the loan was per
fectly legal, and observes that it remains to
be seen whether the Government of the
United States will continue to act in the
same arbitrary manner as hitherto, and
against all law and precedent, in refusing
to acknowledge this loan. The Review goes
on to say:
“Each successive Government in France,
whether Imperial, Bourbon,or Republican,
has recognized the debts of the Govern
ment to which it succeeded. The Italian
Government has recognized the debts of the
various Italian States which it has absorb
ed or conquered, and even the debts raised
by Austria when in possession of Venice
and Lombardy. The Prussian Govern
ment has in like manner recognized the
debts of Hanover and the smaller German
States which it conquered and absorbed.
There ought to be no room for doubt, there
fore, that this loan of the Confederate
States, made with foreign houses, in a per
fectly legal manner, will likewise be ulti
mately recognized either by the United
States or by the Southern States which,
when confederated, contracted the loan.
Were Americans to buy up this loan and
then come to an agreement in regard to it
with their own government, the matter
would be simplified; and this will probably
be the result; indeed it is suspected that a
number of the purchases lately made are
on American account, and it is rumored
that there are orders to buy up the stock
whenever an opportunity offers. In any
case we see no reason to alter the opinion
we expressed before the rise commenced,
that the stock is a good ‘ lottery ticket,’
the purchase of £ll7 10s. of stock for
£6 10s. being attended witli but little risk.
A stock never dies.”
There is a good deal of the usual “ bull ”
lingo in these statements, although they are
all true enough for that matter. But the
legitimacy of this loan does not compare
with that of the debts of the several North
ern States, contracted during the existence
of the Confederacy, which debts Mr. John
sjn and Mr. Seward required them to repu
diate as a preliminary to reconstruction,
thus paving the way and forming the ex
cuse for ali manner of Radical aggressions.
But the time Is not yet for the discussion of
tiie true position of public debts, or of the
proper relation of Federal and Confederate
debts to each other, or to the whole peop e.
There need be no fear of the result when the
time for action shall arrive. Neither i an
kee Radicals nor “ loyal ” Democrats will
prevent justice being done.
business matters.
There is no change in the aspect of busi
ness except agrowing conviction that with
the' termination of the impeachment trial
and the payment of the May Interest on the
public debt (twenty-four millions), a mate
rial decline in the gold premium may be
looked for. I do not see how, with the
present stringency in the money marke ,
such a result can be avoided. The cotton
market is fluttering.
the weather.
It looks like more snow.
SCANDAL.
The Connecticut papers are filled with the
testimony in the case of Mrs. against Rev.
Dr. Judd, for divorce. Several of the New
England clergy and blue-stockings figure
therein in no very enviable light.
Willoughby.
[From the Mobile Tribune.
A National Day.
Let the Southern people adopt a national
day, a day that once a year will remind
them of the great deeds they have perform
ed, a day that will bind them together
through all time as one people.
Our rulers will probably allow us to cel
ebrate such a day.
Other rulers, similarly situated, permit
their subject to have holidays. The English
have not attempted to snatch St. Patrick’s
Day from the Irish; so we presume the
Yankees will leave us in quiet possession
of any day we may select from the calendar
to be celebrated as the national day of the
Southern people.
The day nrust necessarily be a mournful
one. While it will remind us of the great
victories that our soldiers achieved, it will
also remind us that they’ were fruitless vic
tories —fruitless so far as they failed to
achiese the independence of the Confeder
ate States, but not fruitless when it is re
membered that they have given the South
ern people a reputation grander than that
enjoyed by any other conquered people.—
No other nation of modern times has sunk
out of existence leaving her name stamped
upon the page of history in characters so
grand and imposing.
That is the lasting work that was
achieved by the soldiers of the Confederate
States. The women of the South, led by a
sentiment of which men are incapable,
began the pious work of decorating annually
with flowers the graves of Confederate
soldiers. Three years have made the custom
a national one. It only remains now to
select a day upon which our women will,
once a year, bear flowers to the graves ot
our dead ; a day upon which the beautiful,
but sad, processions will be out in all parts
of our sunny land, from the Potomac to the
Rio Grande.
Let that be our national day.
It has been proposed that Mrs. Forrest,
wife of the great General, name a day that
will be observed as Decoration Day
throughout the South. We have not heard
whether she has done so or not.
The ladies of Louisiana and Mississippi
have by tacit agreement adopted the 26th
day of April as that on which to perform
their sad duties to the dead. On that day
of the year 1865 our last hope was buried
with the surrender of Johnston’s army.
Can a more suitable day be selected for the
sad, national day of a conquered nation ?
The time may come when we can couple
with such a day one that we shall usher in,
not with sad processions of women moving
towards graveyards, but with martial music
and the booming of cannon.
Objections have been made to the 26th
day of April as being too early in the sea
son to afford a full supply of flowers in the
border States. Bnt the cypress and laurel
can be used more appropriately than the
rose and the lily. Let the graves be
wreathed with the emblems of death and
victory—for with victory the dead of the
Confederacy, if not the living, have been
crowned. Our dead went from the world
while the Confederate flag was still waving
in defiance ; they went without a premoni
tion of the sad fate that was in store for
their country; they went with the assur
ance that the cause for which they died
would triumph.
Whatever day it may be decided to adopt
here, is it not well that it be observed as a
general holiday, by suspension of business
and a turn out of the whole population ?
Surely we can afford to dedicate one day
out ot the year to the memory of our dead.
Unpopularity of Grant.—Connecticut
doubles her Democratic majority; Michigan
gives 30,000 majority against the Radical
“ corner-stone” of negro suffrage; Chicago
goes Democratic by 1,000 —a gain of 3,0(>0;
in Cincinnati there has been a gain of 4,000
over last Fall; in Columbus the Democratic
ticket was elected by 1,050 —a gain of 600;
in St. Louis the Democrats elect their whole
ticket and revolutionize their city; in
Albany the Democrats roll up 3,000 ma
jority—a gain of 1,000; in Lockport they
gain 1,000; in ail the Western cities the
same large gains arc apparent; in the
municipal elections in New Jersey the
Democratic majorities are doubled. The
“ ball” that was started in New Hampshire
for Gen. Grant, rolled back on the starters,
and caused a significant whittling down of
their majority, which has been followed up
by the elections elsewhere, and Grant is
shown to be a dead load on the shoulders of
the Radicals.— Hartford Tinies.
The True Reason. —The recent rise in
the price of cotton, it is stated, is not the
result of light stocks in Europe altogether,
but was caused by the change in the
machinery back to the requirements for the
working of the American long staple. It
will be remembered that in order to con
sume the short, fuzzy cotton of the East
Indies, the spinners altered their method of
fabrication, but the experiment was not
satisfactory, it yielded little or no profit;
and after a fair trial a change back to the
old machinery was made. A late visit by
a Southern gentleman to the cotton manu
factories of England, gave him the informa
tion that working the short staple of Bom
bay and other Eastern grown cotton, has
proved too troublesome to be profitable ;
and the American long staple is now once
more the only dependence of the manufac
turers. The demand for our product at this
time is based mainly upon this fact.
[W. Y. Day Book.
A Georgian, from an upper county, while in
Atlanta, encountered a man with a band organ
covered with green cloth. The man began to
turn and the countryman put down a quarter,
which the other immediately took up. Down
went - another, which shared the same fate, and
than another. The stranger, finding his pile
gettinglOw, turned to a by-stander and asked:
“ Mister, what sort of a game is this, anyhow?”