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TEE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST
WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 29, IS6S
TO OUR FRIENDS.
Clnb Hates for the Weekly Constitution-
The year 1868 will be one of the most
momentous in the political history of tins
country. A great contest—one that is to
shape the form of government ami fate of
the people for many years—will be (ought
ami decided. On the one side, we behold
the forces of Despotism, arrayed under
the Radical banner; on the other side, the
defenders of Constitutional Liberty, mar
shalled under the glorious ensign of De
mocracy. While the Negro and the Public
Debt will be matters of contention in the
North, the acts of the Unconstitutional
Convention will engage the attention of
the South. The grand struggle for the
overthrow of Radicalism will pervade all
sections and shake them with a convulsion
equal to that of 1860-61.
In view’ of this tremendous drama, it will
be our constant aim to keep the readers of
the Weekly UoNoiirurioNALisT fully
posted on the partisan issues of the hour, as
wel' as the current news of each passing
week. Pledging ourselves to this great
duty, we confidently’ anticipate a generous
support from those who wish us success in
our efforts to maintain and protect their in
terest.
That every one may’ be enabled to sub
scribe, and receive the benefits of a live jour
nal, we offer the following liberal terms to
Clubs ;
1 Copy per year - - - • $3 00
3 Copies per year - - - - 750
5 Copies per year - - - - 12 00
10 Copies per year - - - - 20 00
We trust that every subscriber to the
paper will aid us in adding to our list.
THE MODUS OPERAND!-
If the Express Company and its myrmi
dons succeed in electing their Governor, it
will probably be brought about after the
Arkansas fashion. Sharp and quick Hul
bert is by no means mealy-mouthed on
the subject, and undoubtedly’ an Arkan
sas traveler of the modern school. To give
a plain statement of what may, under cer
tain circumstances, be expected from the
unholy 'coalition now warring against us,
we furnish certain data from the trans-
Mississippi Department.
The registration in Pulaski county, Ar
kansas, stood thus:
Negroes -. 2,402
Whites ; ...... 1,404
Total 3,806
At the recent election the vote was re
corded as follows:
For the Constitution 4,937
Against the Constitution 987
Majority for the Constitution.. 3,924
It will be seen by this table that the ma
jority for the constitution is actually greater
than the combined registration of whites
and blacks. Gen. Gillem, the comman
dant, has promised to investigate and pun
ish fraud ; but while he puts his hands in
his pocket and glances wonderingly at this
Pulaski outrage, the trooly loii are organ
izing a Legislature and electing Senators to
Congress. We shall curiously’ watch the
astute Hulbert, and see if he has an audac
ity equal to his prototype beyond the great
river. If his discretion should valorously
shrink from so unblushing a manipulation,
he has another trick to learn from Arkan
sas, if, indeed, he did not suggest to Arkan
sas the progressive mode of figuring detail
ed above. He can, if permitted, keep the
polls open in Burke and Richmond coun
ties until returns have been received from
all other counties, in order to insure a per
fect fitness in his report to Gen. Meade.
In Arkansas -this method was practiced
with immense success, and bids fair to
eventuate in Congressmen from that recon
structed State of whom Butler and Blod
gett may be proud.
Are we to have an Arkansas farce and a
tardy’ General in Georgia? We hope not.
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Acting upon the belief that Andrew
Johnson’s deposition and Benjamin
Wade’s usurpation are matters of certain
occurrence, the New York Herald advises
ex-President Davis to remain in Canada
and forfeit ids bond, rather than return to
the bloodthirsty embraces of Wade and
his courts organized for conviction. The
Mobile Register proposes that the five mil
lions of Southern whites subscribe a suffi
cient sum to release Jefferson Davis
from Horace Greeley and his other
bondsmen, “so as to enable him to escape
judicial murder without any compromise
of honor.”
We think it a good suggestion, for it is
not wholesome for Mr. Davis to remain in
the clutches of Wade or Greeley.
Appropriate.—At a public school
exhibition in Michigan village, one of
the visitors made a brief address to the
pupils, on the necessity of obeying
their teachers and growing up loyal
and useful citizens. To give empha
sis to his remarks, lie pointed to a large na
tional flag, spread on one side of the room,
and inquired: “Boys, what is that flag
for ?” A little urchin, who understood the
“ situation ” of the house better than the
speaker, promptly, answered ; “To cover
up the dirt, sir.”
AN ADMIRABLE ADDRESS.
Os all the addresses to the people, during
the present political season, that of the
Conservative members of the Virginia Con
vention is the best. We call attention to
it as just such an appeal as the times need,
and one that is quite as applicable to Geor
gia as to Virginia. It is wholesome read
ing for whites and blacks; a graphic pic
ture of the great crime of the century ; a
forecast of the future that may’ well cause
the hearts of good and true to thrill with
high resolves anil dauntless action.
The reader will easily’ substitute Georgia
for Virginia in the text, the concluding
passages of which we append :
“It is a strange spectacle that a large
portion of the American people, however
embittered by the antagonism of civil war,
should be willing to see members of the
same family pass, even temporarily, under
such a yoke. It is one of the noticeable in
cidents of the age that, in what claims to
be the most enlightened country in Chris
tendom, a frenzy- like this crusade for ne
gro suffrage —so resembling the delirium of
the French revolution—should take posses
sion of the public mind. To us at the
South, the absolute indifference with which
the people of the North contemplate the
application now being made of this sys
tem at the South is a matter of astonish
ment.
“ That the ’negroes of the South can es
tablish themselves in any permanent supre
macy over the whites we do not, however,
accept for a moment. If it shall be the
pleasure of Congress, as it has the power to
l do, to put upon us a constitution which
they have invited us freely to pass upon—a
! constitution giving the negroes tenfold the
! power they have in Jamaica —we shall in
i terpret it as the decree of God for a sharp
and decisive settlement of the controversy
bet ween the white and black races on this
continent. It will fearfully embarrass, but it
will not destroy the white race of the South.
. The white race of the South cannot be de
! stroyed. When the negroes are put over
. us, then, at least, we shall put forth our
; strength. We shall offer such inducements
to white immigration that these sparsely
settled States must rapidly fill up. The
negro will be overwhelmed with numbers,
and it will be too late to make any’ terms.
It is perfectly’ evident that Providence de
signs the territory' of the United States as
-the theatre of a great white empire, whose
power and whose civilization shall exert a
controlling influence in the history’ of the
future. That the three or four millions of
blacks here can interpose any’ barrier to the
realization of this destiny is plainly’ chi
merical. The only question is, shall the
changes which impend in the South be
gradual or violent ? With peace between
the races, the whites of the South might be
saved from much that await them under
the Radical programme ; and the blacks,
while remited tot their proper position in
society, would be saved from rapid extinc
tion as a race. The settled and determinate
antagonism of the races (which will be in
' augurated at once by such a Constitution
as this) precipitates immediately- the begin
ning of the end. Virginia, racked to the
utmost capacity of endurance, will be the
first to throw to the surface the disease
which has so long preyed upon her vitals,
and though for some years the pitiable vic
tim of a disgusting eruption, will ultimate
ly be restored to health, to vigor, and un-
I tainted blood.
“In protesting against the establishment
’of negro supremacy, we plead for both
: races; for the whites, that they may be
spared, depressed as they now are, the ut
ter prostration of further violent changes
in their social system; for the blacks, that
in the name of humanity they shall be al
i lowed a fair opportunity to save, or at least
i to delay, the doom of their race.
“ In conclusion, making no hypocritical
I professions, we affirm in sincerity and in
truth that the people of this State desire to
be restored to the Union, and cherish no
purpose of disloyalty’ to the Government;
that they long for the re-establishment of
kindly relations between all the sections of
the country; and that they entertain no
other feelings or purposes than those of
kindness and benevolence towards the ne
groes.
“The negroes behaved well during the
war; and we can trace all of the disorder
and criminal misconduct into which they
have fallen since to the pernicious teach
ings of those white adventurers who are
using this ignorant and credulous race to?
their own selfish and rapacious purposes.—
It left alone to deal with the negro, the
whites of Virginia would honestly endeavor
to afford the amplest protection to his
rights of person and property, and to make
every provision for his intellectual and
moral culture. But when it is proposed—
for the palpably base purpose of aggrandiz
ing a party—to deliver over the property,
the social order, the liberties of the whites,
to*the vindictive and licentious rule of the
negro, every instinct of duty, every senti
ment that can animate a man to exertion,
call upon the white people of Virginia to
repudiate and resist such unparalleled op
pression.
“ Every Northern State which has voted
on the subject since the close of the war
has rejected negro suffrage. Ohio, on a di
rect issue, no later than last fall, did so by
a majority exceeding fifty thousand. Kan
sas, Minnesota and Connecticut, had pre
viously done the same thing. The late
Constitutional Convention of New York
deliberately recoiled from deciding the
question. And Michigan, hitherto so over
whelmingly Republican, has just voted
down her new constitution by a majority
of thirty thousand, because it admitted the
negro to the polls. The census shows that
there were only some 35,000 negroes in
Ohio in 1860. There could have been only’
about 7,000 negro votes in that State, had
they been enfranchised—(this in a commu
' nity where the white vote is nearly 500,000)
I —an inappreciable influence. In Michigan
there are only about 500 male negroes
twenty-one years of age. The white voters
number more than 165,000. And yet this
State, where a Republican Governor was
elected in 1866 by a majority of 29,038, re
fuses by some 38,000 majority to let 500 ne
groes vote.
“The proposition in Virginia is to let
100,000 votes, to make them all eligible to
office, to give them a majority of twenty
one on joint ballot in the Legislature, to
give them the local control in the counties
and towns, to exclude a large number of
the whites from the polls, to render nine
hundred and ninety-nine white men in
every thousand ineligible to the Legislature
or any State or county office, and to lay. the
tix (it may’ be so stated) exclusively on the
whites ! Is it necessary to say more ? Can
injustice take any grosser shape than that?
Was ever people summoned to resistance
by so peremptory a call ?
“It is difficult to realize the situation
which we have reached in the South. The
mind is stupefied at the initiation of negro
domination. It is a waking nightmare,
whose horrible shadow cannot be pierced
by’ the struggling faculties—a spell that
neither the senses nor the reason can dis
solve. The only escape from such a fact is
that which the stout and the resolute
always discover from the storms and floods
of an unpropitious fortune. Resolved to
swim, they breast the tempestuous waves
with heroic hearts and sinewy arms, unter
rifled and undiscouraged, confident, that if
but true to themselves, they were not born
to be drowned. In such a spirit, should
tiie white people of Virginia buffet with the
rude surges that break over them in this
moment of adversity; in such a spirit should
they- beat down the heaving bosom of the
dark flood in which they struggle; in such
a spirit should they’ wrestle with the swift
and swollen current of this revolutionary
period, which has submerged all the ancient
landmarks, has subverted the foundations
of the Federal Government, has swept away
the sentiment of constitutional liberty at
the North, and is now raging like a howl
ing waste of waters over the lately fair and
lovely vistas of the South.”
Scott’s Monthly.—We arc of the opinion
that this Magazine, despite the hardness of
the times, continues to improve from month
to month. The April number, just received,
is quite full and interesting in the way of
original and selected articles. A crisp ami
well-written protest against the course of
many Gedrgia campaign papers is, from the
scholar’s point of view, a dignified and just
rebuke. But in dealing with such enormi
ties, as constantly arose during the canvass,
it was almost beyond flesh and blood to
parry the thrust of a bludgeon with Mi
nerva’s distaff. In the days of pure repub
licanism, all the niceties of dialetics came
properly into play ; in this epoch of shams,
circumventions of God, brutish substitu
tion of force tor argument, the vindictive
triumph of mob-rule and general improbity
—a rougher usage may have been demand
ed of those who employed such a -’yiie of
action. John Randolph’s satire was none
the less withering for its classicism ; and
yet, it had to be frequently stopped in its
eloquent insolence by the more homely wit
of Ben Hardin—a wit that the eccentric
Virginian compared, in its mercilessness, to
the “ ragged and awful gashes of a kitchen
knife sharpened on a brick-bat.”
The Georgia eompaign has been a singu
lar one; it was also a rough-and-tumble
encounter. Had the contest been between
men of the same race and interests, differ
ing only’ on points of policy’ which were
purely intellectual, the case would have
been different. But the intolerable out
rages of Radicalism and its spawn could
not be reached by soft wrath, and very
much is to be forgiven to those whose tone
and temper changed from Timon at Athens
to Timon in outlawry. We have endeavor
ed, as far as possible, to be parliamentary,
however severe. Those who have tran
scended the bounds ofdelicate speech, have,
at least, the palliation of exceeding provo
cation—a provocation that might make a
saint over-fervid in ejaculatory prayer, or
the best of gentlemen translate mehercule
into a spasm of— damn.
Southern Farmer.—We are indebted to
Mr. Francis S. Holmes for a copy of the
Southern Fa> mer and Market Gardener, an ad
mirable compilation for the use of planters and
horticulturists. It is the latest and best publi
cation of the kind, and has received the warm
est encomium from the Agricultural Society of
South Carolina. Its management is systematic,
its explanatory narrative concise and practical.
The wisdom and experience of the country’at
large are grouped together with skill and point.
It has received the warm encomiums of the
Charleston Agricultural Society, and cannot
fail to prove a valuable vade mecum to the
tillers of the soil. An excellent treatise on
rice and cotton culture is appended to this
edition.
Copies of this book can be procured by ad
dressing “Holmes’ Book House,” Charleston,
S. C. Price, SI 50.
A Modern Haman.—Forney, says the Rich
mond Whig, who has clamored so savagely for
the impeachment of the President, is now un
der impeachment himself. A Senatorial com
mittee is to investigate the mysterious disap
pearance of $40,000 public money in the cus
tody of this c/iwa/ier (Tindustrie. Forney says
the money was stolen by his uncle, old Mr.
Wagner. The old man denies it. It is evident,
from what occurred in the Senate about the
matter Wednesday, that Cameron, who knows
both men, and is a good judge of rogues, be
lieves that Forney is the thief. If the investi
gation is faithfully made, it seems likely that
Forney, who bawls daily for the execution of
the President, may find himself dispatched first.
We commend to him the perusal of the history
and fate of Haman.
Hypocrisy.—Michigan rejects negro suf
frage by 35,000 majority. Yet Michigan
helps 34,000 negroes to impose on South
Carolina what she has trampled to the
earth at home.
“ Ironical.”—The best specimen of Mr.
Henry J. Raymond’s satirical style can be
found in the Address of the Philadelphia
convention.
The best example of his irony can be
found in his subsequent sneaking back into
the Radical conventicle.
The man who used to speak one way in
Congress and vote another way, uses irony
of such hypocritical temper that friends and
enemies are alike puzzled to explain whether
Raymond’s earnestness is irony or his
irony earnestness.
Neither Radicals nor Democrats trust
this man and he is despised everywhere as
a political trimmer, a nimble Proteus whose
rhetoric, like his record, is false, fleeting
and insincere. Hence his nick-name of
“ Little Villain ;”“ little” because his vir
tues like his vices are infinitesimal, sly
and mean—a cheap compromise with “ good
God” and “ good devil.”
White or Black. —Some few days since
an office holder, not elective, in an up coun
try city, enquired of a Conservative gentle
man :
“ As I cannot hold office without join
ing the Radicals, what would you advise
me to do ?”
“ That,” replied the Conservative, “ is a
question easily answered. There are but
two parties in the State—one of the white
men, and the other ot the negroes. You can
decide for yourself whether you are white
or black !
Irish Catholics and Negroes.—The
following dispatch to the New York Herald
tells its own story :
“ Harrisburg, Pa., April 2d, 1868.
“ The discussion on the Registration Law
bill caused an intense excitement in the
House this afternoon. Mr. Hickman, in
the course of his remarks, asserted that an
intelligent negro was superior to an ignor
ant Irish Catholic, and should have the
preference to vote.”
Butler and Forney.—These worthies
have received mysterious warnings. But
ler’s message ran thus:
“ Butler, prepare to meet thy God. Hell is
your portion. The avengers of blood are on
thy track.”
The Beast consoles himself that “ threat
ened dogs live long.” Forney thinks the
present era of quackery is favorable to con
demned ducks.
Argumentum ad Hominem.—The Louis
ville Journal has the following good hit:
“ A leading Radical politician in George
town, Brown county, Ohio, declared that, al
though he didn’t think that the negro would
make a very good voter, he himself would, out
of regard for his party, grease the animal right
well, pin his ears back, and swallow him. Two
or three nights afterwards a lot of negroes
made a descent on his smoke'-house and stole
his year’s supply of meat. No doubt they
thought that, as he was condescending and
kind enough to be willing to swallow them,
they ought to reciprocate the compliment by
swallowing his bacon.”
A Fellow Feeling.—Benjamin F. But
ler, Beast and spoon-thief, in eulogizing
I his friend Blodgett, said lie “ didn’t doubt
when Georgia was admitted that Blodgett
would take his seat here with the proudest
of us.”
How the busy Bs run . together. It
Blodgett admires his colleague, how
proud the Georgia negroes ought to be of
Beauty Blodgett and Beast Butler.
Probably Not.—Raymond, of the New
York says the “ Southern people are
probably not all fools.” The Northern peo
ple are probably not all villains, but they
have a “ little’villain” in the Times, whose
supple-jack performances surpass the leats
of the Hanlon brothers.
Complimentary. Forney compares
Fred Douglas with Alexander H. Ste- I
phens, much to the disparagement of the
latter.
The man who wrote the Jamieson letter
is a nice judge of morals and men.
[From the Louisville Journal.
‘‘No Probability of Another War.”
• Under this heading the following extract
from a Washington letter of Col. John
Forsyth’s is making the circuit of the
Southern press:
“ The readers of the Register know how I
have been haunted for some time back with
the apprehension that the spirit of the
North was not equal to the duty of defend
ing its liberties against the daring party
that is openly assailing them. Since I
have been here I have eagerly watched the
temper of the public mind and the public
men, and 1 have seen nothing to lay the
ghosts of my apprehension. I have not
met the first man who will admit that the
people will resist (except at the ballot box)
at any, even the extremest point of usurpa
tion.”
This statement no doubt is correct; but
it hardly justifies the heading which our
Southern brethren have given to the ex
tract. A more justifiable heading, we think,
would be: “Certainty of Another War.”
For a people who let it be understood that
they will never resist usurpation by force,
thereby invite intolerable usurpation which,
when invited, never fails to come, and,
when it comes, they must either submit to
it or fight; and we all know that the
American people will never submit to in
tolerable usurpation. What follows? The
certainty of another war, without a timely
manifestation of greater spirit on the part
of the people. Nothing could be plainer.
If the people were even prepared tamely
to submit to everything, their present
tameness would be self-destroying, because
it serves to bring on fresh oppression, in
viting the worst; but, as they are not and
never will be prepared to submit to every
thing, their present tameness is doubly seif
destroying, because it serves to bring on
bloodshed as well as fresh oppression. Let
them continue much longer in their pres
ent complying temper, and no earthly
power can avert another war. And the
terrible responsibility will rest partly on
the people themselves. If they shall de
ceive this revolutionary league into believ
ing that they will indeed submit to every
thing, theirs will be a portion of th? guilt,
and all the ruin. And fearful indeed will
be the ruin.
Forney Impeached.
a big financial leak in the office of
the SECRETARY OF THE SENATE—FORTY
THOUSAND DOLLARS MISSING —DID FOR
NEY OR HIS UNCLE STEAL THE MONEY ?
In Senate on Wednesday, when the defi
ciency bill was under consideration, tiic
following suggestive proceedings occurred:
Mr. Cameron said there had been con
siderable talk of a defalcation in the ac
counts of the Secretary of the Senate, to
the amount of $40,000, and the defaulter
was said to be the financial clerk, a rela
tive of the Secretary. This clerk had been
dismissed, and he (Mr. Cameron) under
stood that this clerk complained that he
had been treated unjustly. He also under
stood that there was a difficulty between
the Secretary and the Sergeant at-Arms,
and he wanted this thing settled. He was
disposed to believe every man honest, but
he wanted to be assured of it. He wanted
to see the books of the Senate for the last
ten years balanced, to see how the accounts
did stand.
Mr. Cragin said the Secretary of the Sen
ate had no control, as he understood it,
over the money of the Senate, and no pow
er to commit fraud. The Sergeant-at-Arms
was the disburing officer of the Senate.
Mr. Hendricks asked for an explanation
of the alleged defalcation of the financial
clerk, Mr. Wagner.
Mr. Cragin said last fall it was discover
ed that a defalcation of $40,000 existed in
the accounts bv Mr. Forney. Mr. Forney
called in Mr. Wagner, and after a short
time Mr. Wagner confessed that he had
taken $40,000 from the safe, and that he
had used it for his own purposes. He then
surrendered all the property he had, and
Mr. Forney went on to Philadelphia and
raised the $40,000, and deposited it in the
Treasury so that the Government should
lose nothing by it.
Mr. Cameron asked whether the Senator
had any personal knowledge that the m?ney
had been deposited.
Mr. Cragin said he had seen a certificate
of Comptroller Taylor to that effetit.
Mr. Cameron said it was a very strange
transaction. This old man, Mr. Wagner,
was a citizen of his State, had been cashier
of a bank there and had always borne an
excellent character. When he came to this
city he owed nobody, he had no bad habits,
did not even keep a servant, and it was im
possible to see what he could have done
with the money. He understood since Mr.
Wagner had been removed that he com
plained that great injustice had been done
him, and that he (Wagner) did not take the
money. Now, what he (Mr. Cameron)
wanted was to see this whole thing cleared
up.
Mr. Cameron reiterated his determination
not to vote any more money to put in con
trol of the Secretary until his accounts were
satisfactorily adjusted.
Mr. Dixon said there was a leak some
where with this money. He did not say
that Mr. Forney got it, or who got it, but
somebody seemed to get hold of it.
Mr. Cragin said there were $20,000 of
bills presented now which had not been
paid, and none of the additional messengers
who had been put on had been paid,
although they were in sore necessity.
Mr. Dixon said it was manifest that the
accounts were very improperly managed.
Mr. Thayer said, at the request of the
Secretary, lie would say that the deficiency
in the accounts came to Mr. Forney’s no
tice in November last; that Mr. Wagner
had made a written confession to Colonel
Forney, and Colonel Forney had it in his
possession, and any Senator could see it
who desired. Mr. Wagner had stated that
he had taken SIO,OOO of the money to pay
for some property which he had bought in
Pennsylvania, and which he had been call
ed on to pay for sooner than he expected.
Furthermore, Mr. Forney had paid all this
money into the Treasury, as stated. He
(Mr. T.) made this statement at the re
quest of Mr. Forney.
Mr. Cameron said Mr. Wagner was a
man of accounts, and Mr. Forney was not.
Mr. Wagner claimed that he had been
treated with injustice; he was an old man,
and his fair name should not be blasted in
this way by a person in official station.—
He moved for the appointment of a special
committee to inquire into this matter.
Mr. Buckalew said that while the ac
counts and conduct of their Secretary were
being inquired into, lie would suggest to
his colleague also to include in his motion
an inquiry into the conduct of the Secreta
ry as Clerk of the Court of Impeach
ment, in daily prejudging that case
in the journals under his control, and
whether such conduct is becoming.
Mr. Cameron said he must stick to his
original motion now, but after awhile he
would go with his colleague on the other
I point.
The motion of Mr. Cameron was then
adopted.
The Senate then adjourned.
[From the Columbus Sun.
Intimidation—A New Case for General
Meade.
On Thursday evening there was a large
meeting of white and colored people held in
Temperance Hall, in this place. Wash.
Love, a prominent and intelligent colored
man, had, with his own consent, been an
nounced to address the meeting in behalf
of the Democracy. At the appointed time
lie failed to make his appearance. We have
the most unquestionable authority—viz:
his own statement, through a prominent
citizen, that he was prevented from fulfill
ing his appointment by threats upon his
He was told that if he made the
speecli that he would be treated to the same fate
that Ashburn met. His house was surround
ed at night and he and his family terrified
by Loyal Leaguers.
We call upon Gen. Meade to make good
his words. To instruct his military au
thorities to investigate this transaction.—
This man, Wash. Love, is one of the most
prominent and influential colored men in
this community. He has borne a good
character and enjoyed tiie confidence and
respect of the white men. He has good and
ample cause to remember with gratitude
his white friends. He states that he de
sires to advocate Democratic principles,
and to vote with that party, but he fears to
do so, lest he may be murdered by mem
bers of tiie league. He is not the only col
ored man who has been threatened. Even
at the door of Temperance Hall on Thurs
day night, negroes were threatened by em
issaries of the league, if they dared to en-'
ter, and to listen to the discussion of ques
tions of vital interest to them.
If General Meade desires to find out the
authors of these outrages, lie can do it.—
Under the protection of his bayonets these
men will disclose the names of the scoun
drels who are endangering the peace of this
community, and the lives of citizens. They
are afraid to tell now for fear of the imme
diate execution of these threats.
Light is beginning to break upon the re
cent disgraceful outrages in this place. In
their desperation the Radicals are betray
ing the clue which we trust will lead to
their detection and punishment.
We again demand military protection for
Wash. Love, and an investigation of the
conduct of those who have, by threats and
intimidation, prevented him from a free
exercise of his rights.
[From the National Intelligencer.
The Reliable Witness.
Mr. Rindall, Postmaster General, was next
sworn and testified that he had suspended from
office, as postmaster at Augusta, Georgia, the
Mr. Foster Blodgett, “ trooly loil,” and put on
the stand the other day by the House managers.
He had not consulted or informed the Presi
dent of the case, but he had acted upon verbal
information and upon an indictment, of
Blodgett, “ trooly loil,”/or perjury in taking
the test oath. The orders of removal were pro
duced. Mr. Butler resisted this all the while,
saying that it “was not fair play;” that“Ae
felt bound to take care of Mr. Blodgett,” &c.;
but at last had to give up, and the papers were
read, amid unusual interest, and, of course,
surprise that a “ trooly loil” man should get
into such a scrape.
On the cross-examination by Butler, the Post
master General stated that he had not acted in
this case under the tenure-of-office law, and
could not act under it; he had acted on the
“ necessity” of the case, and bad had no orders
from the President in the matter. The indict
ment was for taking the test oath falsely ; and
if Mr. Butler desired, the Postmaster General
“ would freely tell him all he knew about the
case.” 3 his Mr. Butler declined.
Mr. Butler asked if this “ trooly loil ” man,
Blodgett, had “ been turned out because some
one had found an indictment for perjury against
him.” Now, an indictment is not like a hand
kerchief or a pocket book, to be found and
picked up in the street by a chance comer ; it
is a very solemn business, requiring, under the
United States laws of 17th June, 1862, a jury
who can take the ironclad oath, and a Federal
judge, clerk, and district attorney in like case.
So much for Mr. Butler’s query as to a pre
sentment by rebels. But we understand per
fectly Mr. Butler’s object in thus making light
of perjury or a false oath. He had a very seri
ous and practical purpose in view. Each one
of the Senators then before him, including
Messrs. Cole, SfeJinghuysen, Edmunds, Hen
derson, MottillMad Ferry, had taken the fol
lowing solemn oath, which it was very desira
ble should not now impede what some deem a
party necessity. That oath is as follows :
I solemnly swear that in all things appertain
ing to the trial of impeachmeut of Andrew
Johnson, President JR’ the United States, now
pending, 1 will do impartial justice, according
to the Constitution and laws. So help me God !
Now, if Mr. Blodgett’s little matter was noth
ing, then, by parity of reasoning, this oath to
do impartial justice may also sit lightly on the
conscience. Mr. Butler does nothing without
a purpose.
Before Mr. Randall left the chamber, Mr.
Sherman, of Ohio, submitted this inquiry :
Whether, after the 2d of March, 1867, the date
of the passage of the tenure-of-office bill, the
question whether the Secretaries who were ap
pointed by Mr. Lincoln were included in the
provisions of the act came before the Cabinet,
and what opinions were given on the occasion.
But the Senate threw itself between Mr. Stan
ton and this merciless question, and by a vote
of 26 to 20 refused to let the interrogatory be
propounded.
And this ended the day. It was plain the
majority of the Senate were determined not to
Pet any more testimony go on the record calcu
lated to benefit Mr. Johnson. A good many
Senators had been whipped in. Among those
who still held out yesterday and voted to let
the truth be brought to light, were Messrs.
Anthony, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Ross,
Sherman, Trumbull, Van Winkle and Willey.
The point of dispute now runs, whether, ly
the party lash used so efficiently in other quar
ters, these gentlemen above named can be
whipped in or not. Most Republicans in pri
vate laugh at the idea that these Senators will
vote judicially, and say significantly that they
will be pretty sure to come into the traces on
one or more of the articles. Certain it is that
from now to the close of this business the
party screws are to be put on ; and if a little
perjury be necessary, consider the example of
that “ trooly loil” man, Mr. Foster Blodgett,
the Abdiel who stood forth amid a faithless
generation, United States judge, district attor
ney and grand jury, though clad in iron all
against him.
Mr. Beecher has been heavily assailed be
cause at- a public meeting in this city some
time siuce he spoke well of the personal char
acter of Gen. Lee. What will these assailants
say about the opiuion of Mr. Lincoln upon Lee,
aud especially when they get that opinion from
a source they must credit so unquestioningly,
viz: a colored woman. Mrs. Keckley, the col
ored servant of Mr. Lincoln’s family, says that
on the very morning of the assassination Presi
dent Lincoln took up a portrait of Gen. Lee,
scanned the face thoughtfully, aud said : “ It is
a good face ; it is the face of a noble, brave
man. lam glad that the war is over at last.”
Looking up-at his son Robert, he continued :
“ Well, my son, you have returned safely frem
the front. The war is now closed, and we will
soon live in peace with the brave men that have
been fighting against us. I trust that the era
ot good feeling has returned with the close of
the war, and that henceforth we shall live in
peace.” Were President Lincoln not dead, he
would, for such sayings and thoughts as these,
be denounced as a first-class, double-dyed
traitor by those who have now the hypocrisy
to pretend reverence for his memory.
\New York Times.
Refused Admission.—At the meeting of the
Homeopathic Medical Society of Boston, the
other day, there was quite an exciting scene re
lating to the admission of Mrs. Mercy B. Jack
son, a practicing female physician in Boston.
The debate was very animated, the opponents ■
claiming that the qi»estion was a serious one,
and quoting from Scripture to show that the
relation of a wife to a husband was the same as
that of the Church to Christ, and that aha
should not be subject to the temptations which
would arise in the course of their profession.
One of the opponents argued that it would
tend to produce effeminate men and mascu
line women, and said that if women are to
engage In medical practice, they should stop
by themselves and confine their practice strict
ly to the afflicted of their own sex. Those who
favored Mrs. Jackson’s admission to the so
ciety, argued that there ought to be no objec
tion if she possessed the requisite ability, and
that if women became members of the society,
germane subjects could be discussed at their
meetings just the same, and that woman’s pre
sence would elevate discussions on delicate
matters. After considerable discussion of this
nature on both sides, the vote on the question
was taken, and the admission of Mrs. Jackson
refused by a vote of thirty-three against thirty
one, which created great enthusiasm among
those composing the majority.
Presidential.—W. G. Ewing, of Quincy,
Illinois, replies to the Stewart Grant circular
that the state of the public in his district is un
favorable to the Presidential aspiratiops Gen.
Grant. Mr. Ewing says:
“ There were a great many soldiers from ‘my
district’ under Grant, and they say that at Fort
Donelson he was drunk; at Belmont he was
drunk; at Shiloh he was drunk ; at Vicksburg
he was drunk. Besides, we think that a man
who will deliberately deceive the President of
the United Stateswill be swift to break taith
with the people.”
Mrs. Andrew J. Polk, of Nashville, Tenn., sues
Hilliad, Summers & Co., for near ly SIOO 000. Be
fore the war Mrs. Polk was owner of a planta
tion and slaves in Mississippi, which were man
aged by her husband. The defendants wore
his commission merchants, and sold the cotton
on the plantation, paying the proceeds to Mr.
Polk. She claims that her husband had no
right to receive the money, and that the defend
ants knew the fact, which they deny. The
suit is of great importenee concerning the rights
of married women in the South, as many plan
tations were managed in this way before the
war.
Leßoy M. Wiley.—We regret to learn that
this distinguished Georgian, long known in
Charleston and New York as a prominent and
successful merchant, died at his plantation in
Alabama on Thursday last. His remains are
expected on the Eufaula train this afternoon,
and his funeral services will be held at half-past
five o’clock, at the residence of Hon. J. J.
Gresham, on College street.
\Macon Telegraph, Mith.