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the weekly constitutionalist
WEDNESDAY MORNING. MAY 13, IS6S
ROBERT RIDGWAY.
While Joe Brown ami the latter day
loyalists were up to their throats in seees-j
sion and blatant about the infamous Union i
and the unutterably infamous Yankee, a '
distinguished publicist of \ irginia, Robf.ri
Ridgway, preserved a fidelity to the I nion
which, through the bitter years of war,
never ceased or diminished. However many
nyty have differed with him, they always
credited him with honesty of purpose and
intrepidity of faith. When the war had
terminated and its authors proved recreant
to their solemnly proclaimed mission, the
restoration of the Union and tne Constitu
tion—when they drifted from preservers
into tell destroyers, Mr. Ridgway stood
aloof from them as he had stood aloof from
the Confederate leaders, and resolutely
strove to win the Radicals back to a sense
of justice and honor. He failed in this, as
a matter of course, but his record is, at
least, pure of reproach, so far as the integ
rity of personal convictions are concerned
Beside the vaporings and mock loyalty of
ex-Confederate Captains and Governors,
the brave utterances of Robert Ridgway
are worthy of a place. He has written a
letter to the people of Virginia, prior to
his departure from the State, from which
we extract. Speaking of negro rule, he
says:
“ Is it not monstrous and horrible, beyond
example and beyond conception, that the
Radical party should have put the law-making
power of the South in the hands of a race that,
in its native country, never met in convention
for any other purpose but to roast and eat its
enemies ?
“ Was there ever so wild and fantastic, and
withal so serious and dangerous a farce enacted
on this earth before, in any age or in any land,
anywhere beneath the circuit of the sun ? To
witness such a spectacle, amid the boasted
light and glory of the nineteenth century, is
enough to mantle the face of Christendom
with a burning blush of shame and indigna
tion.”
He is naturally disgusted with the South
ern turncoats and thus portrays them :
“ The white portion of the party is infinitely
meaner, more unprincipled, vindictive and
brutal than the same party at the North. There,
its leaders, at least, are men of talent of social
influence, and of personal respectability. Here,
on the contrary, they are the very scum and
dregs of society.”
He does not despair of the Republic,
sadly as it has been debased, but rather
discerns a silver lining to the cloud that
hangs over us. He predicts a signal and
decisive revolution among the Northern
people and believes the “ gale that sweeps
from the North in November next will
bring us all the welcome assurance of de
liverance and peace.” He concludes that it
. is impossible in any country where intelli
gence is diffused, and where the ballot is
free, such an arrogant, malignant, unprin
cipled and reckless political organization
as the Radical party can long exist. It has
effected untold mischief in the past, and it
will doubtless survive long enough to ac
complish much more. But, if Truth and
Justice are still realities on earth, it will
soon pass away, pursued by the scorn and
detestation of good men the world over,
and embalmed in the execrations of history'
forever.”
PRESIDENT-MAKING.
The great difficulty in the way of De
mocratic unity is the hostility existing be
tween what are known as the War and
Peace wings of the party. The former, very
naturally, dislike to confess the late un
pleasantness a blunder or a crime; the lat
ter proclaim that present events prove the
conflict to have been both, and nothing but
false pride prevents the misguided tools of
Abolition from abandoning a point which
is utterly devoid of principle. Os course,
we lean fervently to the side of the brave
Peace Democrats and trust that they may
be enabled to triumph even without the aid
of the war faction. But, striving to quell
all acerbity and bias, we further trust that
the differences prevailing may be amicably
adjusted, without wounding the self-respect
of either contestant for supremacy in the
approaching National Convention. In the
event of a split, it is highly probable that
Chief Justice Chase will be run as a Con
servative candidate, in order to catch the
votes of moderate Republicans and such
Democrats as plume themselves upon the
righteousness and beneficence of the late
struggle of arms. If it were a matter of
'pure principle, and if, too, the people
were no/ so generally corrupt, a grand
and blameless man, like Charles O'Conor,
might gloriously compromise the dis
cordant elements now so unfortunately
in play. But, as the game stands,
availability and policy rule the ro Ist, and
we are forced to confess that the strategy
employed by all parties looks much more
like a vehement contest for victory, leaving
principle to come in at hap-hazard. If poli
cy is imperative and the people gulls, why
not shake hands over Hancock and Pen
dleton ? This programme comes nearer
to placating both rivalries than any other
now prominently mentioned, and should
serve to bury the hatchet.
The National Intelligencer very properly
observes that “ the time has come when
every patriot must be prepared, if neces
sary, to renounce all personal preference
and prejudice, as a means of promoting the
public good.” We believe that the South
is willing to yield many of her grudges for
the general weal. It will be a hard case if
the two factions of Democracy are not
equally magnanimous and patriotic.
Poor Sambo.—A Radical paper says
Bullock's election will bring tens of thou
sands of white settlers to Georgia. May
be so, and then may’ be not. But, how
many negroes voted for Bullock with such
an understanding?
WENDELL THE TRUMPETER.
Wendell Phillips, apparently satis
fied of the demolition ot Andrew Johnson,
has. according to his usual custom, blown
a sturdy blast on his trumpet for a new
gathering of the clans whose oracle and
pioneer he claims to be. Step by step, this
man has predicted the progress of Radical
ism, and, though sometimes a trifle too im
petuous for the laggard souls who consti
tute the majority of the trooly loil breth
ren, he abides with patience until they
come up to his points of fresh aggression.
He has brought them up gradually to the
attempted removal of the President and
brooks no thought of failure in that re
spect. Nay, so sure is he of Mr. Johnson’s
overthrow and expulsion, that he already’
treats the President as a gentleman of a
former generation, and issues a manifesto
presaging the inevitable future destiny of
the faction of ruin. He says :
“ After impeachment, the safety aud future
of the Republican party demand the embodi
ment into law and platform alike, of the prin
ciple of equal national citizenship—the same
in Michigan as in South Carolina. It must be
remembered that the administration which
Gen. Grant will draw around him, and more
than that, the influences and associations sure
to affect his policy, jvill not be of the sort like
ly to be affected by what ‘ practical ’ men sneer
theories, ideas, fanaticism. IPe must get ow
main work done now and during the ten months
of Wade's administration —which it is expected
will follow his trial. Every day proves the
truth of this. Men ot the Fessenden type,
grumblers of the Grimes sort, well meaning
politicians like Wilson, will have more to do
with affairs than, others. But they in their
turn will be ovcrslauabed by the West Point
ers—not of the red tape school, it is true, but
of the abler sort. Grant’s administration is
much more likely to seek diversion for the
people in a semi-aggressive ‘ manifest ’ destiny
sort of policy, than it is to gather the tangled
and broken threads of our internal policy, and
so weave them over again in the national loom,
that they shall come out a perfect web, glow
ing with beauteous colors and instinct with the
radical harmouies of Liberty, Equality and Fra
ternity.
“ Let us have one and one only rule of citi
zenship throughout the length and breadth of
the land.
“ Chicago must be made to feel the pressure
of the necessity referred to. The platfoim to
be adopted there must demand the enactment of
equal suffrage. Congress must be required to
enact a law that will accomplish this, or it must
submit an amendment to the Constitution estab
lishing it. The South will be there, in the per
son of her delegates, white and colored, to de
clare that without such declaration and enact
ment by the Republicans in national conven
tion assembled, there will be no security for
them or their party’ in the South.”
Wherefore, the next jump forward will
be universal negro suffrage and negro
equality for the North as well as the South.
Here is a good rock for the party' of great
moral ideas to split upon. If it fail to re
cognize the unadulterated Ethiopian, it
may lose his tremendous Southern vote ; it
it should succumb to the unqualified em
brace of Sambo, it may sacrifice the Cau
casians of the West who have gone to the
verge of the pit, but have not the courage,
to take the- “ damning leap.” It will be a
matter of interest to watch the squirmings
of the Chicago conventionists under the
lash of Wendell Phillips, who has, in
good season, warned them by a blast of his
trumpet, that they shall eat black bread
or go to bed supperless.
True as Gospel.—A correspondent of
the Charleston Mercury charges that
Seward is the author of all Johnson’s
troubles. We have, for years, believed that
this bad man was the Evil Genius of his
country and of all men with whom he came
in contact. The Mercury correspondent
says :
“ He is hand and glove with Grant, and if
Wade comes in, may possibly manage to retain
his place. His friendship with Thad. Stevens
is of the most intimate character.”
If this is so, and we do not doubt it, how
blind and bigoted must Mr. Johnson be.
Seward played Lincoln tc his death and
he has effectually cut the claws of John
son. And still, the poor old lion hugs him
with his mutilated paws !
Commendable Honesty.—The City
Council of Baltimore have expelled three of
the members of the First Branch. Their
crime was corruption in connection with
the issue of bonds to a railroad. Their
names are Oster, Charles and Bullock.
The Gazette says:
“ The miserable pretexts on which the dis
graced members sought to justify their conduct
were treated with deserved contempt, and we
trust a lesson has been taught to all such polit
ical adventurers which will deter them from
like speculations in the future and protect the
honest people of the city. The course of the
First Branch in thus repudiating and punish
ing acts which were considered legitimate un
der Radical rule, entitles it to the warmest
thanks of the party which placed it in power.”
Probable Change.—ln view of certain
emergencies, it is believed that the Na
tional Democratic Convention will be
called at an earlier day than the 4th of
July. The Congressional Democratic Com
mittee unanimously recommend the change,
and other associations have moved, or are
•moving, in the same direction.
A New Sobriquet.—The Alta Vela busi
ness, in which Butler and Bingham play
ed so conspicuous a part through the in
strumentality of Mr. Nelson, has earned
for them the title of “ Guano Managers.”
So, Ben Wade will owe his elevation to a
well-known commercial manure.
Among the Proudest.—Butler stated
in the Senate that lie had signed the Alta
Vela papers “ early in February." But the
documents proved that he signed them on
the \Hb. of March. No wonder Butler
likes the Southern renegades. A fellow
feeling makes him wondrous kind.
The Party of Perjury.—Blodgett’s
visit to Washington must have throyyn the
apple of discord into the Radical camp.
His friend Butler has been severely used,
lately, and now poor Senator Fessenden
comes in for a share of malignant abuse.
The gentleman from Maine said openly’ and
boldly that he “ will not perjure himself to
please party’ friends.” Whereupon, the
Radical journals enfilade him with volleys
of hot shot, shouting over each discharge
of ammunition, “Renegade,” “Traitor,” etc.
In their impetuosity, they’ forget one im
portant item, viz : that, taking his remark
as a text, prior to voting, they admit that
Fessenden can only’ appease party vio
lence in one way—the way’ of perjury.
A Blaspheming Saint.—No one has any
great respect for Tiiaddeus Stevens’ mo
rality, though he is a shining light in the
church of progress. But the Christian ad
herents of Radicalism—if such there be—
must have experienced certain nervous sen
sations over passages in his late tirade.
Speaking of President Johnson, the old
sinner said he was “ baser than the betray
al of Judas Iscariot, who betrayed only a
single individual." According to the Hon.
Manager, the Redeemer of Mankind must
have been a rather inconsiderable person
age.
Presidential. —The Norfolk Journal
thinks it a matter of madness to nominate
Pendleton as the champion of a Restored
Union, because he pronounced the Union a
failure after Gettysburg and. Atlanta. Judg
ing by r the samples of 1865-’6B, we think
Pendleton quite right in his judgment.
There never has been, there never will be
reconstruction in any true sense, unless the
people return to some of those first princi
ples of Republicanism which Pendleton
never abandoned. Hence, as a candidate
of genuine Democracy he seems to us the
very best man in the ring.
Gen. Hancock and Mrs. Surratt.—
The National Intelligencer says Gen. Han
cock, thousfh commander of the depart-,
ment in which the execution took place,
had no more to do with the trial and mur
der of Mrs. Surratt than the Khan of
Tartary. Mr. Stanton, Mr. Holt, General
Hunter and General Hartranf were the
persons most directly concerned in that
sorrowful affair, and as they are all Radi
cals, doubtless glory’ in the shame of their
respective parts.
A Spoon-Thief Tortured.—Mr. Nel
sOn’s refusal to lend Butler the Alta
Vela papers, unless he returned them, was a
just compliment to the Vast Rogue of the
nineteenth century. The New York World,
commenting upon this episode, says:
“ Knowing that his practice has always
been never to return the property’ of others
credited to his hands, Butler refused ‘em
phatically to receive them on such condi
tions.’ We thought the conditions would
be too much for him.”
The Difference. —Forney says An
drew Johnson was elected President by
John Wilkes Booth.
Wade will probably' be elected by Beast
Butler.
The curious in analysis can determine
the difference in leverage between an en
thusiastic assassin and a cold-blooded
spoon-thief.
A Strong Dose. —A correspondent of
the Tribune writes that an Arab doctor re
solved some copies of that journal into
pulp and administered small doses to his
patients.
The New York Express furnishes the
obituary' of these unfortunates—died of
black vomit.
The South Carolina Reconstruction Scandal-
The constitution framed for South Caro
lina by the Congo Convention is a beautiful
piece of political mechanism. Paupers have
heretofore been always and everywhere very
properly excluded from the elective fran
chise, but by this instrument the pauper
population is made the voting power of the
Commonwealth. Property-holders and tax
payers are either disfranchised or placed in
such a hopeless minority that they are
voiceless in the government, while the
negroes vote without fear of challenge for
every' office, and by their overwhelming
majorities carry with ease every election.—
The capitation and dog tax are the only
two for which the negro would be liable,
but as he has no property for the sheriff to
attach, there is no way to enforce payment
except by making default a bar to the bal
lot. And so it was at first arranged; but
foreseeing the effect of such a provision in
reducing the negro vote, the convention
amended by ordering that no one should
forfeit his right to vote by reason of failure
to pay the said tax. And this specific tax
per capitum is to be applied to the support
of negro schools—schools in which the
white population cannot participate, in
which they have no interest, and over which
they have no supervision or control, and
yet which they alone will be required to
support. Towards this fund the negro vo
ter is not obliged to contribute one cent,
although he will be, under his party lead
ers, invested with the exclusive control of
its disbursement. The honest and un
bought white men of the State, including
with scarcely an exception all the original
Union excluded either by legisla
tion or intrigue from the ballot and from
holding office, and are forced by the bayo
net to submit to any and all the exactions
which an irresponsible mongrel Congress
and Legislature may impose upon them. —
And this in the land of liberty and under
the stars and stripes! Can the Gem of the
Sea, the misgoverned and unhappy Emerald
Isle present anything worse than this in
all her sad history of grievous wrongs ?
South Carolina, under such reconstruc
tion, is eminently worthy (?) an early admis
sion into full fellowship with the noble
States of the North ! With Radical Bureau-
Commissioner Scott as Governor, by League
manipulations and negro votes; |with a
negro Legislature; with the notorious ex
rebel Bowen to represent its metropolis in
Congress, and all its offices filled by negroes
or renegade whites who would not be in
trusted in any decent community North
with any position requiring moral probity
of character, her star is ready to be added
to the flag, but it is a black star in the clus
ter, and should so appear. And this is
Radicalism1 — N. Y. JKorfci.
[From the New York Herald.
The Alta Vela Affair—Letters of Judge
Black to the President on the Subject.
I have just seen the secret correspondence
between the President, Jerry Black and
other parties, relative to the much talked
of Alta Vela rumpus. It is very long, but
quite interesting and spicy. Among the
letters I find Judge Black’s letter of with
drawal as one of the counsel for the Presi
dent in the impeachment trial, and two
others bearing on the subject. They are
as follows:
letter from judge black to the pre
sident.
Mr. President: Your determination to
determine nothing for the relief of the own
ers of Alta Vela makes it impossible for
me to serve you longer as counsel in the
impeachment case. They cannot allow
their rights to be trifled with, and I cannot
advise them to submit in silence to the out
rage perpetrated upon them. They must
seek elsewhere for the justice you deny
them. I am sure you will admit that I
have never urged this upon your attention
until you had a full opportunity of examin
ing it, nor asked you for a decision until
you expressed the opinion. that the title
was just and legal. Mr. Seward’s little
finger, it appears, is thicker than the loins
of the law. He and the thieves whose in
terests he has guarded so faithfully are
welcome to the short-lived victory they
have won. My retirement from your cause
will not probably diminish the chances of
its success. When you first expressed the
desire that I should be one of your counsel,
I gave some reasons why it might be better
for you that I should not consent. Upon
Messrs. Curtis and Stanbery these consider
ations had some weight, but you overruled
them without hesitation. If you will re
flect upon them again you will probably
see that you have no reason to regret my
present decision to retire. But to me it is
a cause of sincere grief that I cannot aid
in the struggle you are making for truth,
justice and the Constitution of your coun
try. Ido most devoutly believe that the
now made accusation against you by the
House of Representatives is unfounded in
fact and law, and that.your defense must
be regarded as conclusive by every impar
tial mind. I know it will be presented with
consummate ability.
I hope you see plainly that I have adopt
ed the only possible mode of relieving my
self from the embarrassments and compli
cations which would be wholly undeniable
if I did not get rid of them in some way.
Yours, &c., J- S. Black.
Washington, March 12, 1868.
LETTER FROM CHAUNCEY F. BLACK TO THE
PRESIDENT.
Mr. President: We are this morning in
receipt of a dispatch from our clients in
Baltimore, which informs us, on the author
ity of a person in the interest of our adver
saries, that Mr. Seward yesterday explicitly
stated to him that the Alta Vela claim was
settled against us and in favor of St. Do
mingo. We are further informed by Mr.
Coyle that last night you gave him to un
derstand that you had no intention of giv
ing effect to the act of Congress of August
18, 1856. If this be the fact, we think we
have a right to request that you record
your conclusions and give us official notice
of the same. We make this application in
order that we may seek a remedy for our
wrongs elsewhere. I only repeat now what
conscience has required us to say many
times before, that we cannot suffer Mr.
Seward’s corrupt combination to prevail
finally over the rights which the laws of
our country and of the world have given
us. We beg that you will communicate
your formal decision without delay, as the
vigor of the robbers makes the loss of an
hour of vast moment to us.
I am, Mr. President, very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Chauncey F. Black,
for Patterson and Murglondo, claimants.
ANOTHER LETTER FROM JUDGE BLACK TO
THE PRESIDENT.
Mr. President : A dispatch in the Balti
more Sun of this morning may be worth
your attention as well as mine, because it
is supposed to come from a gentleman
known to be much in your confidence. It
is so incorrect that I am sure you never au
thorized it. It looks like another of Mr.
Seward’s efforts to make a false defense of
the outrages perpetrated on his country
men at the island of Alta Vela. The whole
statement is false so far as it concerns the
status of the case, the nature of the right
which the American owners possess and
the character of the opposition to it. It is
especially and particularly false in this—
that it asserts the existence of a counter
claim by St. Domingo, whereas, in truth
and in fact, the Dominicans have never at
any time pretended any right or title what
ever ; when formally asked to show their
right they alleged none; they have neVer
since asserted any. They are naked wrong
doers by tlieir own confession; but Mr.
Seward,"instead of vindicating the honor
of his country, keeping the pledged faith ot
his Government, and guarding the just
rights of his fellow-citizens, has taken the
other side, and has been engaged for years
in trying to make a defense for the
Dominicans; and the defense he has
made is so frivolous and unfounded
that they had not the impudence to
act it up for themselves. They were not
shameless enough to adopt it even after he
had made it to their hand. But my object
is now to assure you that although I
thought it your clear duty to protect these
persons as the law requires, by restoring
them to their lawful possession, I did not
ask you to do so as the condition on which
I would appear as your counsel in the im
peachment case. 1 never even referred to
the embarrassments which it might create
until after you had given what I took for
your last word on the subject. I told you,
too, verbally and in writing, that I did not
ask it on the score of personal kindness—
for it was no kindness to me—but as a
matter of justice to the unfortunate men
who were robbed and ruined by Mr. Sew
ard’s proteges. The trouble is that your
decision, or rather your refusal to decide,
places me in a situation where I may be
compelled to do what your counsel cannot
and ought not to do. This dispatch says
the whole subject is before Congress. I
think if Mr. Seward takes that tack he will
do you a great injury. I repeat what I
have said before—that I have the most im
plicit faith in the law and justice of your
defense to the impeachment, and I believe
it will be presented with ability which can
leave nothing to be desired. lam perfectly
sure that your case is not one whit injured
by my retirement from it.
I am, with great respect, yours, &c.,
J. S. Black.
His Excellency A. Johnson.
March 24, 1868. .
It is reported that Senator Fessenden has
said, openly aud boldly, that he “will not per
jure himself to please party friends.” The
more extreme of the Radical papers have al
ready opened their batteries upon him as a ren
egade and traitor. But are they not a little too
fast in drawing this inference from that re
mark ? Do they’ not thereby concede that he
must “perjure himself ” in order to please his
party ? The conclusion strikes us as a good
deal too broad.— JV. Y, Times.
[From the Richmond Enquirer.
National Convention of Cotton Growers and
Manufacturers-
A convention of the cotton growers and
manufacturers of the United States met in
New York on Wednesday. The object of
the meeting is to effect a national organiza
tion to promote the general interests of this
branch of industry, to obtain and circulate
facts and statistics in regard to the growth
of cotton in this country and elsewhere,
and to take steps to watch the legislation
of Congress on the subject. The delegates
represent Texas, Alabama, North and Soutli
Carolina, Maryland, Delaware and the ma
jority of the Northern States.
Gen. Daniel Pratt, of Alabama, was call
ed to the chair. On taking the chair the
General addressed the convention in a brief
but effective speech. He said the South
was disposed to unite with the North as
heretofore. At the close of the war he be
lieved the people submitted to the results
willingly; felt as loyal as ever to the Union,
and were disposed to continue so. But
taking one-half of the property at one dash
distracted the whole people. Many who
were men of wealth had become bankrupt.
But the people submitted without a mur
mur. The negroes were freed aud the debt
was repudiated. The people took the oath
of allegiance and were disposed to be loyal
to the Government. But they felt that Con
gress had hardly done them justice. When
men of education and wealth were disfran
chised and ignorant men were enfranchised
and put over them, they did not exactly’
like it, but still they were loyal and were
willing to unite with the North and be as
free and fraternal as ever they were.
The following committee on organization
was appointed:
Messrs. George P. Tiffany, Maryland ; R.
Clark, New York ; E. R. Mudge, Massa
chusetts, and S. W. Johnson, New York.
The committee retired, and on returning
reported the following: For permanent
chairman, Mr. Richard Gosed, of Pennsyl
vania ; for permanent secretary, Mr. Ar
thur T. Lyman, of Massachusetts.
Mr. Gosed thought the meeting to-day
was calculated to give new life to the cot
ton interest on this continent. They had,
therefore, assembled for the purpose o: or
ganizing to carry out the best interests of
the cotton manufacturers, and when he saw
around him men from Texas and Alabama,
and other cotton-growing States, he thought
that something would be done. One of the
objects of the meeting was to put up cotton
properly, and not put two kinds together.
Another was to meet socially, and get by
conclusions what was necessary. The con
vention was not organized for a political
purpose, but simply for their mutual bene
fit. Heretofore they were as a rope of sand,
completely divided. Some had doubtless
made money, but he hoped for better times
for all.
Mr. Mudge, of Massachusetts, then mov
ed the following:
Resolved, That it is desirable and expe
dient that w’e now proceed to take meas
ures for a permanent organization of a Cot
ton Manufacturers’ Association.
Mr. Mudge supported his resolution by
some extended remarks, in which he stated
that at the recent Paris Exposition Ameri
ca was far behind all European nations ex
cept England.
Gen. Patterson, of Philadelphia, spoke
warmly' on this point. He said that no
sane man would say that America could
not compete with any company in the
world. They wanted no protection, but
they wanted proper legislation ; they want
ed the tax taken oft’ everything except
whisky and tobacco, and they wanted more
consumers as well as more producers.
After a recess, a committee made a re
port, the main points of which were as fol
lows: The name is to be the National Asso
ciation of Cotton Manufacturers and Plant
ers. Terms of membership, §lO initiation
fee and an assessment of §2 per 1,000 for
each manufacturerand §lO for each planter.
Meetings to be held annually on the last
Wednesday in June. The objects of the
association to be the promotion of cotton
interests, and the collection and circulation
of information relating to finance, manu
factures, growth of cotton, and machinery.
In the course of the proceedings, it was
stated that the yarns spun in the United
States equalled any made in Europe, and
that American cotton was indispensable to
English manufactures, in spite of what had
been said of the excellence of East India
cotton.
Among the officers of the association
chosen were the following Baltimoreans:
James A. Garey, a Vice-President; G. P.
Tiffany, one of the Finance Committee; H.
N. Grambrill, on Machinery, and W. H.
Baldwin, a director.
The convention then adjourned sine die.
Fowler and Cooper.
strange mixture of love, diplomacy
AND IMPEACHMENT.
A Radical correspondent of the Chicago
Evening Post gives the following bit of
Washington gossip:
Madame Rumor is in fine spirits now-a
days. Perhaps never before in the coun
try’s history had she so luscious a time of
it. The latest ondit is a mixing up of love
with impeachment. Who would have
thought that so grave, so stately a question
could admit into its good graces and sin
gular confidence the tender affection ? We
had not dreamed of such in our philosophy.
You know how many shafts of wit, sar
casm and cruel suspicions Senator Fowler,
of Tennessee, has been subjected to ? He
has been berated and abused wofully, and
the most thorough penetration of the sur
gical probe could, contemplating his con
sistent Radical record, find no other reason
for his recreancy' than mental meekness.—
Poor Fowler! His blunder-buss may have
been a blunder-buss in truth! He is the
pitiable victim of woman’s deceptive heart!
—the willing slave of woman’s lips and
eyes 1
Fowler is a widower —Mrs. Stover is a
widow, and also daughter of Andrew John
son. "Poor Fowler is in love with her over
head and ears. She demands as the price
of her reciprocal devotion his voice and vote
against the impending disgrace of her
father. Natural enough on her part! But
pitiable Senator Fowler! he is the fly in
the spider’s parlor, for little vivacious Mrs.
Stover would no more think of giving the
red-haired radical Senatorial recreant her
heart and hand than she would to Ben
Butler or James M. Ashley, the “ original”
impeacher. Impeachment over, a little
“ lover’s quarrel,” cold words, colder kisses,
and the love which knows him now will
know him no more forever. Moreover,
Colonel Cooper, an old confidante of John
son’s, is Mrs. Stover’s betrothed. At least
this is the established assertion of the col
loquial Madame, and has been so often and
so long reiterated that I doubt not there is
more truth than poetry' in it. Colonel
Cooper is nearer the age of Mrs. Stover, and
he is a clever and genial gentleman, worthy
any lady’s admiration and heart and hand.
Fowler isn’t. Scalpel.
Thomas D’Arcy McGee is reported to have
left his estate heavily burdened with. debt.
Subscriptions are now being taken up in the
Provinces to pay’ these debts, and the Canadian
Parliament has voted to his widow a pension '
of $1,200 annually, and has given each of his |
his daughters SI,OOO. I
[From the N. O. Picayune.
Southern Defects.
That newspaper writer of the South is
not a true friend to the Southern people
who shuts his eyes to their faults and de
ficiencies, or, if he sees them, refuses to urge
upon them a reformation.
It is because we are impelled by a convic
tion of the truth of this that we say to
them now that they are characteristically
deficient in patience and perserverance, and
that for their own preservation and future
success, they should aim m©re and more at
the cultivation of these virtues.
We could prove ana illustrate this, per
haps, not welcome averment of ours, by
many individual incidents and the general
conduct and effects of tlieir past struggles,
both in war and in peace, did we deem it
necessary. They have been gallant, brave,
impetuous, self-sacrificing in immediate
peril, daring at all times, eloquent in
tongue, brilliant in written phrase, burning
in sarcasm and invective, in all respects
have manifested an indifference to danger
and a readiness to resent an insult or con-’
front a direct attack, which has caused
them to be universally regarded as a brave,
high-souled and chivalrous people. Never
theless, in almost all their past aims and
enterprises, they have failed of success. We
speak of them as a class and not of indi
viduals; of their general aims and not of
special ones.
Why is this so? Chiefly, we think, be
cause they have lacked that prudence
which should have checked excessive zeal,
all extravagance of expectation, all vio
lence of language, all bitterness of feeling,
and have prevented the useless wearing out
of the powers of body and mind in gallant,
but hopeless assaults. Therc/s no nation
which bears a higher repute for bravery in
war or courage in all the difficulties of life
than the Scotch ; and yet more than of any.
other is prudence its chief characteristic.
Our people could, therefore, have been vast
ly more prudent and yet have been equally
brave. . .
That in which they have next chiefly
failed, has been in not possessing “ the gift
of continuance.” They begin with the ut
most enthusiasm, enterprises new here,
which have succeeded elsewhere, start often
with crude ideas of how or why they are
to be adopted, use inefficient instruments
sometimes, and sometimes over-do all that
should be done, push on bravely aud ear
nestly for awhile, but after a brief season
of unrequited trial, give up all hopes of
success and abandon the field in despair;
whereas, if they would learn wisdom from
their failure, moderate their expectations,
reduce the scale of effort to their reduced
means to carry it on, and keep trying, with
even such inferior material, they would
finally succeed in any ordinarily reasonable
undertaking.
We would urge, therefore, that our peo
ple should cultivate a more patient and en
during spirit. Start calmly and carefully
in the right way, and then follow it steadi
ly and unremittingly to the end. We will
never get too much of it. With an over
cautious people there might be danger of
this. With a dogged and unchanging na
tional bent and habit of mind and action,
we might need to have more enthusiasm
infused into our mind. But we have now
so much of this, that our danger lies on the
other side.
When our people learn to quietly and ob
servingly guide themselves by the condi
tion of things as presented to them and
their probable mutations tor evil or good
in the future, when they comprehend the
necessity of using the instruments now in
in their hands, rather than vainly regret
the loss of those which have passed away,
when they adapt themselves to circum
stances and patiently endeavor to adapt
circumstances to tlieir advantage, and
when, having found the way of wisdom
and ultimate success, thev continue to fol
low and work in it, though the rate of pro
gress be slow and the labor difficult and
tiresome, they will have overcome their
greatest enemies, their own impatience and
irresoluteness.
[From the Louisville Courier.
Dying Words of a Patriot and Statesman.
GOV. helm’s WILL —A WARNING VOICE.
The readers of the Courier will be inter
ested in the following extracts we place be
fore them from the late John L. Helm’s
will, on record in the Hardin County Court.
It was written November 15, 1865, after he
had been elected to the State Senate and
just previous to his taking his seat in that
body, and prior to the various Congress
ional usurpations enacted since the war:
“ Assuming it as probable that the Gov
ernment of the United States, by force and
fraud, against and in contempt of right and
justice, of law and the Constitution, State
and national, and all law, civil or moral,
deprive my representatives of their labor, I
place those who have and may remain on
my places at the disposal of my wife and
son, John. I request that such as remain
faithful and obedient shall remain in the
service of the family On such terms as may
be agreed on.
“ I regard this act of the Government,
looking at it in all its bearings and conse
quences, the greatest crime of this or any
other age. In view of the consequences
which, in my honest judgment, would flow
from it, I was fixed and unalterable in my
opposition to the late unhappy and desola
ting war; and now, in the performance of
this solemn act, I thank God in the sinceri
ty of ray heart that He gave that direction
to my mind. No man lived and breathed
who was more devotedly attached to the
union of the States as formed by the com
pact—the Constitution as made by our
fathers—than I was. I hold that it was
formed by the free aud unconstrained will
of the people, and dependent for its perpe
tuity on the virtue and influence of the peo
ple, the fraternal affection of the sections,
and the promotion of their mutual welfare.
I was for peaceful adjustment and against
war, believing, as I did, and now do, that
war would be, and I now believe is, practi
cal dissolution, unauthorized, by the Con
stitution, and against the spirit and genius
of our form of government. The South
was conquered, but in my firm conviction
the North will sooner or later, learn that
they are the whipped party. The race of
intellectual giants has passed off the stage.
The moral tone of the people is gone ; cor
ruption and vice rule the hour and the
day. The mass of the whole people have
lost confidence in the rulers of the Govern
ment ; they place no reliance in its justice
and honor. This is a melancholy picture.
But my mind is made up, that the future of
this Government will have a downward
tendency, and ultimately, and at no very
distant day, willresult in disintegration or
a central despotism.
“ This is an unseemly place to introduce
my political opinions. Ido it to solemnly
impress my family with my opinions, in the
firm hope that they will stand by the form
government as it came from the hands of
our revolutionary fathers, and oppose mo
dern reform. I believe the Abolitionists, ,
as a political party, capable of any crime—
possessing no redeeming quality.”
The World says it is currently reported that
the death of the lamented Cynocephalus was
caused by intense grief and mortification at
having his honored name in any way associated
with that ol a prominent citizen of Lowell.