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willing to adopt either. He expects
in return, that a clear and distinct
provision shall against the
practice. The precise form in which
it mav be done is not insisted on,
provided the import is explicit. All
that is required ts, that in conisdera
tion of the act to be performed on the
part of the U* States, the British go
vernment shall stipulate in some ad
equate manner, to terminate or for
bear the practice of impressment
from American vessels.
It has been suggested as an expe
dient mode, for the adjustment of
this controversy, that British cruisers
should have a right to search our
vessels for British seamen, but that
the commanders thereof should be
subjected to penalties, in case they
made mistake, arid took from them
American citizens. By this the
British government would acquire
the right of search for seamen, with
that of impressing from our vessels
the subjects of all other powers. It
will not escape your attention, that
by admitting the right, in any case
we give up the principle, and leave
the door open to every kind of abuse.
The same objection is applicable to
any, and every other arrangement,
which withholds the respect due to
our flag by not allowing it to protect
the crew, sailing under It.
< If the first alternative should be
Adopted, it will follow, that none of
the British seamen who may be in
the U. S.at the time the treaty takes
effect, and who shall pot havebecome
citizens, will be admitted into our
service, until they acquire, that right.
If the second is adopted the num-
Ifcrof native British seamen who
have been naturalized, and will be
•4idmissable into our service, will not,
It is believed, exceed a few hun
-dred, all others who may be in
the United States at the time the
treaty takes effect, or who may ar
.pivt afterwards, will be excluded.
( Asa necessary incident to an ad
justment on the principle of either
alternative, it is expected that all
American seameq who have been
impressed, will be discharged, and
that those who have been natural
ized under the British laws, by com
pulsive service, will be permitted to
withdraw.
1 have to repeat that the great
object which you are to secure, in
regard to impressment, is, that our
HUg shall protect the crew, & provid
ing for this in a satisfactory manner,
that you are authorised to secure
Great Britain effectually against the
employment of her seamen in the
-service of the United States. This
it is believed would be done by the
adoption of either of the above alter
natives, and the application to that
which may be adopted, of the checks
contained in the law of the last ses
sion relative tp seametv; in aid of
it will always be in the
cr of G. Britain to make regulations
operating in her own ports, with a
view to the same effect. To termi
nate, however, this controversy in a
manner satisfactory to both parties,
the President is willing should other
checks be suggested, as likely to be
more effectual, consistant with the
spirit of our constitution, that you
should adopt them. The strong fea
ture of the first alternative which au
thorizes the naturalization of seamen,
requires their continued residence in
the U. States for five years, as indis
pensable to the attainment of that
right. In case this alternative be
adopted, the President is willing,.for
example, to secure a compliance
with that condition, to make it the
duty of each alien, who may be de
sirous to become a citizen, to appear
in court every year, for the term of
five years, till his right shall be com
pleted. This example is given, not
as a limitation, but as an liustration
*of your power, for to the exclusion
of British seamen from our service
no repugnance is felt. To such ex
clusion the. amicable adjustment of
this controversy with Great Britain
affords a strong motive, but not the
onljr one. It is a growing sentiment
in the United States, that they ought
to depend on their ow# population
for the supply of their ships of war,
and merchant service.- Experience
has shown that it is ar abundant re
source. In expressing this senti
ment, you will do it in a manner to
inspire, more fully, a confidence,
that the arrangement which you
may enter to, will be carried faith
fully ifuo effect, without derogating.
however, from the conciliator spirit
of the accommodation.
A strong has heretofore
been expressed by the British go
vernment, to obtain of the United
States an arrangement to prevent the
desertion of British seamen, when
in our ports, and it cannot be doubt
ed, that a stipulation to that effect
would he highly satislactory, as well
as useful to Great Britain. It is
fairly to be presumed, that it, alone,
would afford to the British govern
ment a strong inducement to enter
into a satisfactory arrangement of
the difference relating to impress
ment. The claim is not inadmissi
ble, especially as the United States
have a reciprocal interest in the res
toration of deserters from American
vessels in British ports. You may
therefore agree to an article, such as
hath been heretofore authorised by
the United States, which shall make
it the duty of each party to deliver
them up*
Os the right of the U. States to be
exempted from the degrading prac-’
tice of impressment, so much has
been already said, and with such a
bility, that it would be useless, es
pecially to you, who are otherwise
so well acquainted with it, to dilate
on its merits. I must observe,
however, that the practice is utterly
repugnant to the law of nations ; that
it #as never acquiesced in by- any g
and that a submission to it by the
U. States would be the
in favor oFG. Britain, of all claim to
neutral rights , and of ail other rights
on the ocean* V
This practice is not founded on
any belligerent right. The greatest
extent to which the belligerent claim
has been carried, over the vessels of
neutral nations, is, to board and
take.from them persons in the land
and sea service of an enemy, contra
band of war, and enemy’s property.
All nations agree respecting the two
first ai tides, but there has been and
still exists a diversify of opinion as
to the last. On that and other ques
tions of considerable importance,
disputes have arisen which are yet
unsettled. The Empress Catharine
of Russia, a distinguished advocate
of just principles, placed herself in
1780 at the head of neutral nations
in fav<pr of a liberal construction of
their rights, and her successors have
generally -followed her example.—«.
In all the discussions on these topics,
we find nothing of the British claim
to impressment ; no acknowledge
ment of it in any treaty, or. proof
of submission to it by any power—
If instances/have occurred in which
British cruisers- have taken British
seamen from the vessels of other na
tions, they were, as it is presumed,
in cases either not acquiesced in, or
of an extraordinary nature only, af
fording no countenance to their
practice and pretension in relation
to the United States. . Cases of this
kind, if such there be* afford no
proof of a systematic claim in the
British government to impressment,
or of submission to it by other pow
ers. This claim has been set up a
gainst the f United States only, who
have, in consequence thereof, been
•compelled to discuss its merits.
This claim is in fact traced to ano
ther source, the allegiance due by
British subjects to their sovereign,
and his right, by virtue thereof, to
their service. This has been dis
tinctly slated in a late declaration by
the Prince Regent. Knowing the
nature of the claim, we know also
*the extent of the right and obligati
ons incident to it. Allegiance is a
political relation between a sovereign
and his people ; it is the obligation
which binds the latter in return fop
the protection which they receive.
These reciprocal duties have the
same limit, they are confined to the
dominions of the sovereign, beyond
which he has no rights, can afford
no protection, and can of course
claim no allegiance. A citizen or*
subject of one power, entering the
dominions of owes allegi
ance to the latter in return for the
protection he receives. Whether a
sovereign has a right to claim the
service of such of his subjects as
have left his own dominions, is a
question respecting which also a dif
ference of opinion may exist. It is
certain that no sovereign has a right
to pursue his subjects into the terri
tories of another, be the motive for
it what it may ; such an entry, with
ou£ <s£3cnr *f the ether power*
would be a violation territory *
and an act of hostility. Offenders,
even conspirators, cannot be pursu
ed by one power into the territory of
another, nor are they delivered up
by the latter, except incompliance
with treaties or by favor. That the
vessels of a nation are considered a
part of its territory, with the excep
tion ot the belligerent right only, is a
principle too well established to be
brought into discussion* Each state
has exclusive jurisdiction over its
own vessels ; its laws govern in
them, and offences against those Jaws
are punishable by its tribunals only.
Ihe flag of a nation protects every
thing sailing under it in time of
peace, and in'time of war likewise,
with .the exception of the belligerent
rights, growing out of the war. An
entry on board the vessels of one
power by the cruisers ot another, in
any other case, and the exercise ot
any other authority over them, is a
violation of right, and an act of hos
tility*
she British government aware of
the truth of the doetrine, has endea
vored to avoid its consequences in
the late declaration of the Prince
Regent. It has notv-contended
that British cruisers have a right to
pursue and search our vessels for
British seamen..- It asserts only that
they have a right to search them for
other objects; anil being on board
for a lawful cause, and finding Brit
ish seamen there, they have a right
to impresss and bring them away
under claim of allegiance. When
we see a systematic pursuit of out*
vessels by British cruisers, and the
impressment of seamen from them,
not at a port of the enemy where 4
regular blockade had been instituted,
and by the blockading squadron, but
in every part oi the ocean, on our
coast and even in our harbors, it is
difficult to believe that impressment
is not the real motive, and the other
as the for it. But to place
this argument of the British govern
ment, let it be admitted that the en
try is lawful, is it so to commit an
act not warranted, by the purpose
for which it was made. There is a
levity in the argument which neither
suits’ the parties nor the subject.
The British government founds its
right of impressment from our ships
on that of allegiance, which is a
right equally applicable to peace and
war. The right N os impressment,
therefore, from the vessels of other
powers must likewise be permanent
?and equally applicable to peace and
war. It would not however take
this broad ground, lest the injustice
and extravagance of the pretension
might excite the astonishment and
indignation of other powers, to whom
it would be equally applicable. r T«3
claftti it as a belligerent right would
have been equally unjust and absurd,
as no trace of it could be found in
thedßelligerent Code. The British
government was therefore reduced to
a very embarrassing dilemma. To
acknowledge that they could not
suppors the claim on either principle,
would be to relinquish it, and yet it
could rely on neither. It endeavor
ed to draw some from both. A state
of war exists which brings the par
ties together Great Britain Is a
Belligerent, and the U. States a Neu
tral Power. British officers have
now a right to board and search” A
merican vessels, but for what ? Per*
sons in the service of the enemy,
contraband of war and enemy’s pro
perty. This would not accomplish
the end. It is however the utmost
limitofthe belligerent right. Al
legiance which is an Attribute of
sovereignty, comes to her aid and
communicates all the necessary
power; the national character
of the neutral vessel ceases ; the
complete right of sovereignty and
jurisdiction over it is transferred to
G. Britain. It is on this foundation
that the British government has rais
ed the monstrous superstructure.
It is with this kind of *rgumeut that
it attempts to justify its practice oi
impressment from our vessels.
be continued.J
From the Virginia Argus •
UNION. v / ; ,
The crisis has arrived, wfien the friends
ofthis country should, most cordially, unite
hand and heart in a vigoruns and manly pro
secution of the war—Party Spirit must bi
forgotten ——crimination and recrimination
should no longer exist between the federal &
republican parties——Tba. veil ot oblivion
wfi?; a*f dfawn Qrtßjr jttdggff
mrt<i disputes—Let us become one
ii Uvisible, in the support of thtfjifr
«gT and principles which we hold dear ulr
Vhdcpehdeut nation The charge;* rt
ish jvdicy is fully developed —yes, proud
arrogiut, presumptuous Britain, disengage*
from the rest oft Tie world, dreams, in the wild
ttess of intox ca.ed ambition of theconsummio.
of schemes, levelled at the dignity and honor <}
this rising, republic, if not at ourindependenc
itself—ls there a man among os who can rea
the dispatcher of our ministers at Ghenf
without feelings of extreme indignation ! )
there he, he 13 notan American, and merit
the cordial abhorrence of every honorable raa
—ls f bere one among us, who is not tensihi
ahve to the insult offered to our character, &
the British ministry, in supposing, for a me
mem, that we would accept a peace on term
so base, ;so humiliating to freemen, as tho»
proposed by the British Commissioners. 4
cannot be—No man can be s<> void of all seo|
of propriety and honourable feeling.
We; are required to abandon the :akes—t
abstain from the erection of fortificatioftr q
their shores—and to relinquish the fisheries
We are also to establish anew boundary lid
between ihe United States and Canada and til
Indians, wi bin our territory—include the lr
diansin the treaty, as the allies of Englan<
—grant rhe right of navigating the Mississip
pi—and give up a part of the District and
Mjiioe. Header, this is not all—Refer to th;
official documents—you will there see the ar
rogance—the presumptuous arrogance of you*
enemy—if we do not “accept these condition
as the price of peace, we are distinctly tide
that the> will nor be offered again—but thfc
future condi'ion* will be dictated by the stati
of the war, & the views ot the British govern
meut, at the time they may be proffered. •
The long and deep rooted hostility of EnJi
land against this country, her faithless proves
aions. and deceptive conduct need not be tpon
satisfactorily exposed, to evince to the AltSfr
icxn people, that the enemy possesses none
that magnanimity which has been ascribed t:
him—and that we have nothing to expect |[qi
what we can gain at the point of the bayonet;
The cbjeci ion which once existed, with
some deg/ee of plausibility, as to the origiq*
grounds of the war is now entirely removed**
England, waving principles in controversy,
makes new and unheard of demands—she dc
/dares she will not conclude a peace, unlesr
we give up a part of our territory, embracing
a population of one hundred thousand souls-**
and an,immense tract of our: western lands.
Let us then, resolve to sacrifice on the altam
of our country, all party distinctions and feel*
ings-»Forgerting the past, let us look to ths
future only—and present to the world the sub
lime spectacle of a great and frea people,
firmly united in the same cause, and rallying,
with their whole power and resources, around
. the banner of their country— An union <&
sentiment and-exertton like this, wouSd.give a
new character to America, and humWe du
one of her proud enemy—The water,
of England’s glory, bears testimony of the
heroism and sk ill of our gallant tars-—Chihlie
wa, Niagara and Erie have broken the chub
of Wellington’s veterans, and surrounded nj‘
arms with honor. With presages like tl.tes
what have we to dread, when united- ‘as )
band of Brothers ? There is nothing newt
prevent an union of all parties—An evei
which every American should haiV uri.tft raj
, t«Ve, as the precurser of an trtomf
«f this country over her deadliest enemies’
The republicans should ho longer rejlroat
the federalists with any part of their p,a*- co 1
duct—-nor should the federalists, repro.aci * and
republicans——A mutual spirit of concilia it
and forgetfulness should be cultivated—’ ft
time has arrived when all other distinct!* *»
. than those of friend 8b enemy, or whig anti \
ry, should be;done away—This course is f
commended by patriotism ; I doubt- a
but that it will be followed by every ckiift
possessing the feelings of ) v ;
AN AIKERICjUfc,
Extract of a letter from Chinai> j
\ Yau will have received account***
the late political disturbances inChfa
na, between the Viceroy of Canton
and the Supercargoes, with regard
to the re-appointment of Mth Rob
erts, whose death lias terminatedvtty*
atter.
A furious war rages afe present im
the very heart of the country, and
extending to the very capitol of the
empire. This civil wan has been*at*i
tended with various fortunes The,
/superstition of the guide -of the rebel*
army on one occasion saved the Im*
perialists, and occasioned the entity
overthrow of their antagonists ; he
fancied that he saw the red dragoi*
of Ch i na, descending from the clouds,
to seize him ; the howc
ver, too late to save him. and he fell
in the general massacre. There is
one circumstance connected with. [
this rebellion of greater interest bf
much than the inaccurate or exag
gerated accounts of the number*,
that have fallen [in Pekin, whose
gates were closed three days, it ia
stated that a million were slain,] the ;
fate of the battles or the ingenious
punishments that have been inflict
ed on the captives. It is said that
sect has sprung up in China, cor
responding in almost every essential
with the Illumanati: they tup,
pledged to each other by the most
solemn bonds, known mutually by
signs and tokens, and engage witU
as little discretion, as to the means
and performance of all act’s for the-