Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

you may collect the fallacy of your reasonings, but the full error, of this proceeding may not be perceived until your country feels its due ef fects. These remarks may seem hard and may be, too late. Miserable became the state of our nation, both within, and without, when Mr. John Randolph failed in his wise and pat riotic attempt to postpone these resolutions Our own constitution violated in its principles and our national honor sacrificed in the estima tion of all other nations, who are independent at the shrine, I will not say of depravitv, nor at the wish of France, but of political ignorance and local and individual interests Our unarmed and unprotected trade for the welfare of which you are injuring the agricultural interest, may now he paying for the want of congressional sagacity on every sea kin all climates We are only buoyed up by the hopes that this experi ment may be successful from Englands peculiar situation, and that its operation is long delay ed. This very delay stamps its imbecility and denotes the lack of clear judgment. Does it not augur a doubt as to its efficacy? You have by the ditguised tenor of your proceedings, now left your constituents the novel and pious pow er of offering up to the Supreme Being their prayers, that in there days of political jeopar dy, He will by his omniscience rectify your glaring departure from the right road of sound legislation; and that he may have disposed the hearts of those yon have been tenting to wards peace, and a friendly understanding.— As Britain is now in the days of her adversi ty, and not in the hour of her insolence, I pvav that he may impress on her haughty mind, those principles of calm wisdom you seem to have abandoned, in the full tide of national commercial consequence. The only wretched gratification that 1 cart perceive left you, is to h; f’attcrlingly extolled for your virtuous and spirited Independence in the French Monileur, and afterwards to be echoed and re-echoed in some of our own continental Gazettes. Ni cholson's Act may be so far triumphantly no ticed in Napoleon’s next Expose, as to deserve the term " Gallo ” instead ol Anglo. Ameri , being iicMuwed on us, and some of you may feel a titillating ‘/‘e m scat e/uoi when you hear that it had reached the Imperial Bc/udoir, to use an apt term of Mr. Thos. M. Randolph, which aptness must be an apology for quoting it, though I may not fix the same meaning to it as he does. Yet useless wishes or prayers alone are not my lot. From the motives be fore avowed. I shall, with the feeble faculties the same Being has given me, pursue the plan of investigation I set out with. I know the hazard and am fearless of consequences. All I desire is, that my thoughts, thus openly com nnimcated may help to save my country from thraldom and ruin. The administration may take what steps with me they please. They shall not change the settled purposes of my soul. Perverted principles may be resorted to Let my fellow-citizens read and understand before they condemn. Let them happily an ticipate the pressure of ill consequences, by re moving the cause—which cause they shall not c#aiit such means as I have of finding whilst I have life. Whatever the hostile rivals of Europe ntSy say of the law of nations, and let 'Vi m snilt' it as they please, to suit their interests, atthe', expence of honor and justice, we surely can not give up any one of its great principles, af ter our continued and elaborate appeals to it, under three distinct administrations, from 1793 to the present year. Its prominent fea tures declare its parents the laws of nature, and ol revealed Religion. Self preservation is the most signal of natures rights, before savage man becomes social. When lie does the same, right in the aggregate is converted into public force, and those who are vested with it, must use it for the same object, qualified by a sence of social moral and religious duty, as the individual did before he became a member ol society. Hence arises the great duties of the governors to the governed m relation to in ternal and external affairs. It was necessary for me to state this almost abstract proposition now. When communities become sovereign and independent, they will have foreign con nections and relations. Commerce and the thirst for improvement have multiplied them. Rivalry, ambition and avarice create hostile dispositions and which the Civilians of Eu rope the compounders of and commentators on the Jus Gentium have to their immortal honor labored to mitigate and reconcile.— Treaties and conventions have been the result; where they do not exist, their opinions have till late years much prevailed. As foreign re lations between nation have become more complex, another of its principles is, that when a commercial nations has a right to be placed on as friendly a footing as any other nation with a third and a neutral power, the latter has not a right during a war which aims at utter destruction, to lay partial restrictions as will prejudice the first, and not only be an emolument to, but aid the ruinous views of her hostile rival. These two principles are truly correct in the present singular situation of France and England let us take a glance at each of them, and then make the application. If the ambition of the former were confin ed alone to continental aggrandizement and the formation of New Dynasties and federative establishments on land, immediately surround ing hfcr; and if she had not professed herself of half the great outlets of trade on the European continent and seeks at obtaining all of them, my positions (unanswerable in themselves) would not have the uncommon force they from thcncc derive But avarice keeps pace with ambition and becomes more insatiate as the most brilli ant wreaths of victory adorn her brows. Her laurels must be tipped with the gold as well as her bayonets be crimsoned with the blood of ail people near or remote. Commercial rich es and grandeur by land and sea must await her. Her high destinies demand that the most distant countries shoald fitel her power, be tributary to her, and by some means or other (without iter exertions of peaceable and honest industry) pour their inhabitants wealth into her coders. Where her armies cannot march, in tuit, intrigue and threats are to pave the way tor national submission, by previous mental degradation. The great Napoleon, secure at Taii 1 , with all around him, watches with an eager sr.d restless eye. Upheld by national imbition, advised by prefoi'r.d minsters, and snpprrted lr« the most contummate warriors, he undeviathigly plans new acquisitions. He calculates the future fate of countries and states far off, that his maritime antagonist will not Jet him approach, or which by her prow ess he is iorced to yield to others or to her.— He is trying to sapp her power by prevenring the consumption in foreign lands, and of course the growth at home of her manufactures, and thereby impair her shipping and commercial interests, her great bulwarks. He hopes the day will soon arrive when he will confine her to the trade of her ow n dominions and colonies. He is laboring hard to subdue the one, and conquer or lessen the others. All powers, far and wide, will be essayed to aid further his views, some to participate in the plunder and others under the specious pretence of making commerce universally free. All allurements will be thrown out. Interest and glory will be ex cited. Rivalry and hatred will be stimulated or encouraged to join in the alliance, ro com plete the measure of his great revenge against the only people of Europe who appear too high minded to yield; too wise to be seduced, and too warlike and powerful even to be subdued by France, (with him at her head) whose physical strength is now at least, in compari son to theirs, as five to one. Had you wanted proof of these extensive ambitious chemes, I should have thought that only a short review of European politics since he became the sovereign of France, under the title of Jim and afterwards sole Consul, would have furnished sufficient before the treaty of Amiens. You no doubt have seen his peace offering letter to George the 3d Did not the language it is couched in, awaken strange ideas in some of your minds, whether you were then members or not ? When you became such, did the duty of enquiry cease ! When the prelim nary articles of that treaty took place, were not the sentiments of an European writer on other subjects fully verified as to this point ? “ It is always in the intervals between t>ne “ great period and another, in seasons of in “ sincere nominal peace, that the French en “ larged tneu .. Had you compared those articles with the definitive treaty, and observed their variance, there is not a man who claims to himself the political knowledge of the representative of a free people, but who must have seen the object of French ambition. It is true that the peti tions sent to him pending the definitive negoti tions fsom the manufacturers of France may have created a just and wise incentive to re strain the consumption of British manufactures in his owii dominions, and to encourage those of his own of a similar kind. But why did he sacrifice the wines, brandies, silks, cambrics, fruits and other articles of taste and fashion! as well as of use, to prevent the introduction of English articles into France. His refusal un der any modification to renew the commercial treaty of 1787, shewed towards Great Britain a latent hostile disposition during a period of mere nominal peace. During thfc patched up armistice, fit npt the n;*ne of peace) you certainly mtMMb|gapivcd; that he was I ti lii-, i sent under Masis, surv-. V 4 at vul nerable for themß(elves. Two hundred cadets, and a number of artillerists and mattresses sent in disguise by him on the suggestion of a celebrated French partisan of ficer in Hindostan, (who waited on him at Par is for the purpose, after the treaty) to Pondi cherry, to organize and support tlie Mahrattas against the English possessions, may have es caped you, but it did not their government in India. When, having completely vanquished the French republic (a triumph far greater than Marengo and Austerlitz added together) he declared himself Emperor of France and King of Italy, and added Holland, Switzer land, Venice and Genoa to his dominions, did he not declare it was the better to ruin the com merce of his rival To you, gentlemen, tem pory delegates of the only democratic republic now upon earth, 1 shall instance the overthrow of states bearing the nearest resemblance to our own. In every country where his arms or influence have gone, from the Baltic to the Adriatic seas, has he not prohibited her goods and manufactures, under the pleasing hope thar she must sink. Why has he lost two thirds of the Spanish and French navies, and is still hazarding the remainder; since the re newal of hostilities ? To make mankind believe that he is in earnest, that he will, like Peter the let of Russia, discipline his officers and men # by defeat, and hold out to the Asiatic and Ame rican world, the idea, that he will yet be a na val power in spite of Aboukir and" Trafalgar. I have on former occasions hinted at transac tions nearer heme, the truth and manner of which you and the administration as yet only know or have tested I refer to them no mat ter who ; they have afforded you that light you denied us, or were more palatable to you than you thought they would have been to the people. It is strange, “ ’tis passing strange ,” that your views appear not have crossed the atlan tic, so as to have comprehended our foreign relations in all these momentous aspects, direct ing the exterior affairs of an enlightened, enter prising and intrepid nation, you seem to have adopted the maxims of the successors of Con tuscius in China. If they suit us in yonr opin ion, tell us so. Convince us that it is our inte rest, and that our safety requires we should be a people to ourselves, and we’ll set about the arduous task to effect it. Do you begin first and remove the seat of from the Potomac to the Missouri. But rest assured, gentlemen, that it is and will be for a long period of years, that these states amidst the European old or new gov ernments, must have from habit, choice, ne cessity or interest, great dealings and dear connections, draw many of their maxims and be more or less controied by their power or police. W e may not alway be reaping a rich warlike harvest, without drawing a sword.— Let us not place ourselves in that melancholy state, as to find corses in a general peace. May I, if you have not observed it, be per mitted to allude to the account of the French Emperor’s late duties on Cotton-Wool and To bacco, and of his having monopolized in his! own hands, the whole retail trade in die lat- j ter article. Will the office of Farmers ventral ° r be restored ? Will not the Gazelles or the l-' tenor tax on Salt be revived I As this is a po-1 litical as well as a commercial view of cur re- , lations, need I press on republican statesmen i his hereditary despotic empire, his hereditary dynasties (all in his own family, dependants or connections) his legion of honor shortly in its grand dignitaries ro become hereditary. Do you recollect his letter when First Consul to Gen. Angereau, French commander in chief in Holland, hinting how necessary it was to be on his guard against the confusions in the debates of popular assemblies. I quote from memory, but recollect the substance? Do you know that t re trial by jury in political offences, is suppressed, that the French HuUeas Corpus act (as estab lished by the Constituent Assembly) is des troyed. that the Liberty of the Press is total ly subverted. Is it not asserted that ia ques tion is introduced as the great support of his thrones, the grand putative security of his life and successions, and the never failing concom itant of power like his. Torture was never introduced into the Roman judiciarv, but with the Emperors. To conclude, does he not grasp the sword, command the purse, wear the diadem, and rule the Crozier Has he not, to use plain language, all possible powers and attributes of government > Does lie not possess the most complete tyranny (restrained alone by his will) over the properties, rights, liberties (civil and religious) and lives of all his subjects ? Such as not any chieftain an cient or modern ever before enjoyed. Having drawn this hasty sketch of the situ ation, policy and views of France, 1 will in mv next, say a lew words about those of the British Isles. A Southern Planter. South-Car alma, August 27th, 1806. "P lll ** Bß *" l *—HHWHi WUMJ FOREIGN NEWS. By the ship Betsey , Cafu. Logan, arriv ed at Philadelphia , in 45 days from Liverpool. LONDON, June 21. A mail from Hamburgh arrived on Thursday. It is evident that the Em peror of Russians exerting all his influ ence to effect a reconciliation betwe«h tlie courts of Stockholm and Berlin; and there is every probability that his great influence will not be ineffectually inteiposed. Certain it is, that the dis pute between those powers has hither to been productive 01 no other hostile operation than the blockade of the Prussian ports in the Baltic; and his Piussian Majesty has, on a variety of occasions manifested a disposition to compromise the quarrel. It is report ed in the German Journals, that the Prussian troops are about to evacuate Hanover, which territory is to be re occupied by the French. It seems by no means improbable, that his Prussi an majesty may tfTtn g Time to the electorate, to obtain 1 tlie suspension of those energetic measures adopted by Our government against the commerce of his country ; but it must be evident, even to the most superfi cial observer, that so far from this tem porary evacuation by Prussia being likely to restore the independence of the electorate to its legitimate sove reign, the moment the Prussians re tire, the whole of that country will be again inundated by French troops; : and in his opinion we conceive ourselves perfectly warranted from the circum stance of the corps of Angereau and Bernadotte, having received orders to break up and proceed thither. Ru mors of a fresh alliance against France have lately prevailed at Vienna; but these are stated in an article from that city to be unworthy of credit; and we have reason to believe they originated in an ineffectual effort made by our go vernment to induce the Austrian Cabi net to enter once more the hostile field ■ against the common enemy. A letter from Ratisbon, says, that a communi cation is shortly to be made to the Di et, on the subject of the projected changes in the constitution of the Ger man empire. It is reported at Ham burgh, that Prince Joachim Murat will cede his new dominions to the new king of Holland, and is to be crowned king of Switzerland. The Paris papers to the 13th, and Dutch to the 16th instant, contain no intelligence of any importance, except a confirmation of the capture by the British, of the island of Capri, a spot which Augustus occasionally made his residence for recreation and health, and which Tiberius disgraced by the most infamous debaucheries. The accounts from Naples swell the force which the 1 garrison capitulated to four sail of the 1 line and 1500 men. We have no doubt that the number is exaggerated. Capri is a good station for watching all ope ration? in the Gulph of Naples. If rise in the price of the funds afforded any sure criterion by which we might judge of the proceedings of gov ernment, we should suppose that some progress has already been made in a negotiation for peace. Among the j buyers at the Stock Exchange,"were I some of the known or reputed agents j for the French houses. From this it may be inferred, that thev, at least, are I, ’ persuaded. '.!.rr.e overture has be>:« m»de by tiic i reiich government fur | pacification. The tning is n<\t impos sible ; for Napoleon lias the complete sovereignty of the and before he can execute any ©f his ' foreign projects, the interdict imposed upon him by our navy must be remov ed by some treaty -which may lull this country into a state of false security. Whether overtures have actually been made to our government, we cannot take upon us to state; but we have eve ry reason to hope, they will not be lis tened to, if of such a nature as to in volve the honor or the safety of the country. Vv e understand, that during Lord Yarmouth’s short stay in town, he had frequent interviews with Mr. Fox, at at his Office in Downing-street, a cir cumstance which, in the opinion of ma ny, gives some countenance to the re ports in circulation. In the city, the opinion gains ground, that a pacification is at no great ( 'nf tance. Ihe funds still keep improv ing. At one o’clock the juices were as follow: Consols for opening, 63 1-4 a 3-4 ; Reduced, 63 1-3 a 1-2 ; Omni um for money prices, 6 1-4, and for Ju ly, 6 1-4 a 1-2 ; Exchequer Bills par a 2 discount. June 23. Ey accounts from Paris, received thro’ a respectable channel, we learn, that the government of France lias caus ed an idea generally to prevail in that country, that England has refused to negociate on any terms, unless an or der for the immediate evacuation of Hanover by the Prussian troops, and a guarantee ot the possession of Malta by the English, and ot the sovereignty of the Seven Islands by Russia, were made the preliminaries. On Saturday morning last, Mr. Wil braham, an English gentleman, who, we believe, has been detained in France since the commencement of the war, arrived at Dover. He sailed from Bou logne on Friday evening, in a flag of truce, and was picked up by the Ves tal frigate, which was cruising at some distance from that port. He was con veyed to Dover in tht galley belonging to the Vestal, and-arrived in London on Saturday afternoon about six o’clock. It is said he was the bearer of some dispatches from M. Talleyrand to Mr. Fox. - njraours °* r Peace begin to w-ear It inwrc «cv:-lvc srepett* arid irc shall not pretend to have much infor mation on the subject, and never shall sport with the feelings and expectations of the public, we confess, we art* strono*- ly inclined to look forward to such an event with more confidence than we have hitherto entertained. We lay no stress upon the reports grounded npou the return of Lord Yarmouth ; but the late unexpected arrival of another En glish Nobleman, who has been in a dip lomatic situation, and whose abilities, as well as experience, render him a pro pel medium for negocialion, leads us to think that the French government are more anxious on the subject than we supposed. If this be the case, it is pro : ' J *kle that Franee may be disposed to | make greater concessions than might | be expected after her late extraordinary ! successes. It must be remembered that I I russia, although she in the first in | stance took possession of Hanover, and j proclaimed her right to it uncondition ally, has since publicly announced that her occupation of that Electorate was only provisional. It will also be recol* lected, that the late accounts from Ger- ' many state, that Angcreau’s division of the French array had received orders to march towards Hanover, for the pur pose of re-occupying that electorate Our opinion on this important subject" is in some degree strengthened by the arrival of the above-mentioned gentle man. He reached Dover, we under stand, within eight and forty hours from his departure from Paris, and such ex pedition can hardly be supjx>ssd to relate merely to an exchange of prisoners. We yesterday received Paris and Dutch papers to the 20th inst. and we are also enabled to anticipate the first Sos the Hamburg Mails now due The 1 intelligence in the French and Dutch papers is not very interesting. The new King of Lolland was expected at the Hague aboutthe middleoflast work. His Majesty, we have no doubt has the most implicit reliance upon the affection of his subjects, but he seems to have thought it a measure of prudent pre caution that the garrison of the Hague should consist entirely ofFrettch troops. Letters from Berlin' state, that his Prus sian Majesty has at length formed a determination of bringing* his differen ces with this country to a decisive point, for which purpase/it is added, that he means to transmi; V-' , ? to I on-