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The Augusta News-Review - January 11, 1973,
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NOSTALGIA WAS THE ESSENCE OF TWO DAYS IN AUSTIN
AS THE OLD WARRIORS OF THE 1960 s CIVIL RIGHTS
MOVEMENT MET WITH THEIR OLD EX-CHIEF, LBJ. OF
COURSE, THERE WERE A FEW AVOWED DISSIDENT
MILITANTS TO GIVE SPICE TO THE REVERIED
RETOSPECTION.
The young blacks at the conclave were restless and refused to
accept the fundamental and pragmatic advice of the liberal
political leaders. The place was Austin, Texas at the opening of
the Lyndon Baines Johnson’s Library. The occasion was the
public presentation of the former President’s civil rights papers.
Snapping dogs, electric prods and the dignified Dr. Martin
Luther King leading a protest march were the themes in
retrospect. The highlight of the meeting was when Ex-President
Johnson recited his famed speech of the 1965 Selma crisis,
putting emphasis on the beloved marching song, “We shall
overcome.” That brought the crowd to its feet loudly applauding.
It was a grand two-days convocation for the ailing LBJ, who
highly enjoyed the reminiscing of the past glory of his “Great
Society”; before the Vietnam war, and the burning of the cities
that destroyed the glorious days of racial advancement. Mr.
Johnson’s doctor advised him not to make any speeches, but to
no avail; he told his friends: “that the store of documents hold
most of his very heart and soul.” His short formal speech
continued, “1 appeal to /ou to make a compensatory effort in
behalf of all blacks, to :ace the awesome task of being black in a
white society. The giand-old man of the “Great Society closed
with these remarks: “Whit.es stand on history’s mountain, but
blacks are still trapped in history’s hollow.”
Even at this time tension within the small group of young
blacks began to raise its ugly head. Rev. A. Kendall Smith
demanded that the anti-establishment members be given a hearing
also. At this point the “common cause” of the 60s was giving-way
to the divisiveness ot the impatience of the younger breed.
The former Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, Earl
Warren’s speech was wildly acclaimed and the manifestation of a
shared experience, not just for two days, but of the previous
decade. Those who had spent most of their professional lives
promoting the cause of civil rights could agree only on one goal;
that a new “agenda” was needed, one that would resurrect the
old coalition of minority interests that had maintained the
Demorcratic Party in or close to, national power since the New
Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt; and which now has been
badly battered by President Nixon’s landslide re-election.
After a brief battle of charges and counter-charges, CORE’S
head man, the noted separationist Roy Innis joined the bearded
militant Rev. Kendall Smith for equal time at the microphone to
ad-lib a blistering appeal to blacks to get themselves together, and
agree upon a program of demands, and take it to the President.
There was deep suspicion that the black cause had gone out of
style in American politics.
CHALLENGING THE YOUNGER AND MADDER BLACKS
WHO ARE COMING TO POWER, BECAUSE OF THE
JOHNSONIAN ERA TO HELP TRANSFORM WHAT WAS
KNOWN AS THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT INTO A CAUSE
THAT WOULD BRING BACK PAST BLACK PROGRESS.
But this plea upset the young black at the symposium, and
threw them into disarray. Senator Hubert Humphrey, the happy
battler did not bite his tongue in telling the dissidences, about
ultra-conservative mood of the nation at this time. He declared:
“It seems clear that any political appeal that appears, rightly or
wrongly, as favoring one group or class of people over another is
going to be rejected by a majority of the American electorate.” “I
would argue,” he continued, “that the civil rights movement got
into trouble when more and more people came to see it as an
effort to give blacks a special break that was afforded no other
group in American society. We know this perception is wrong.
But it exists, whether we like it or not.”
(BROADEN THE CIVIL RIGHTS SPECTRUM)
“As I see it,” the old veteran of human rights urged, “we must
identify the struggle for civil rights, as an all-embracing struggle
for the rights, privileges, and duties of all Americans.” In other
words, Mr. Humphrey was suggesting to the new black leaders,
and those others at the dedication, that in order for blacks to
build upon the gains of the 1960 s and achieve new ones, they
must broaden their horizons beyond purely black interests -- or
those of Chicanos, Indians, and Puerto Ricans, for that matter.
They must seek out common ground with the more traditional
components of the Democratic Party.
There just aren’t enough blacks, Chicanos, Indians, and Puerto
Ricans to < orm an electoral clout. What is needed is the creation
of a min- ity coalition; that will identify, a good many times,
with the leasonable majority.
To some of the younger blacks, this suggestion implied
appeasment. Yvonne Brathwaite Burke, newly elected
Congress-woman from C: ~>rnia violently rejected the
proposition. “I see this as a ans of getting back the Wallace
people, the hard hats, the M uy people, and Middle America.”
She declared, “No matt: now you slice it, what is really being
said is that sor . of the commitment to blacks is being
abandoned.”
To others, the suggestion held, merit but left them
dumbfounded. Julian Bond, the handsome Georgia state
legislator, delivered an eloquent speech on the plight of black
people in these United States; he recognized the need for blacks
to form coalitions with others. But when someone in the
audience asked Mr. Bond for a strategy, he replied, “I don’t
know.”
Richard Hatcher, the mayor of Gary, Indiana, did a little
better. Sure, the 1970 s will require a higher degree of
sophistication on the part of the blacks to find common ground
with other groups.” Other participants were Rep. Gonzalez of
Texas. Burke Marsliall, deputy dean of the Yale University, spoke
for the white ethnics, Vernon Jorda - * r *’ e Urban League, and
elder stateman Roy Wilkins, spoke tor the moderate black
society.
BLACK POWER
is in the voting box this vear.
Page 2
I L-J Speaking I
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SI By
fu Roosevelt Green, Jr. gg
The new year should bring on fresh efforts to solve old social
problems. However, there is no indication that “business as
usual” will not again be the approach for 1973. America is in a
very tragic moral stance as the leader of the so-called free world.
Democracy has never been on trial in such a critical planner as the
present.
The Viet Nam war reveals the ruthless nature of this country in
a highly hypocritical fashion. The “peace is at hand” lie that was
told to the gullible American electorate helped to re-elect a
president who is insensitive to anything but racism and power.
The war continues with no end to this conflict in sight. The
continuation of that war and the current massive bombing
campaign widens the scar on the soul of America. Sensible
Americans must demand an end to America’s role in that illegal
and immoral war.
America is becoming increasingly facist with a military like
state becoming more of a reality. The systematic extermination
of so-called Black “militants” who use rhetoric rather than reason
is greeted with silence by so-called civic rights leaders. White
policemen are in competition with Blacks in the killing of Blacks
each week. Police brutality is becoming an increasing problem for
all Blacks of various economic groups. Black communities across
the country are over patrolled and under protected by policemen.
Blacks who get involved in demonstrations and other overt acts of
resistance to racism will find increasingly that they will be victims
of violence and suppression. The irony of the police - Black
community relations is that white politicians spout law and order
slogans to justify white policemen leading the effort to foster
Black genocide. The killing of policemen brings cries of
“conspiracy” and shouts for legislation to make the killing or
murder of policemen a federal crime. The needed increase of
policemen’s salaries and training is never considered as crocodile
tears are shed about the lives of policemen. The lack of Black
policemen in top level positions is glossed over in favor of public
relations approaches that is doomed for failure. Blacks are not
fools and will not be deceived by police-community relations
games. Policemen are generally the victims of power plays and
schemes by white community power structures. Policemen
cannot solve community race relation problems that demand the
attention of white community leaders. Force is not the answer
since violence engenders more violence.
There is a tremendous need for quality Black leadership that
will concern itself with the basic progress and development of
Black people. Many of our present day leaders find it easier to use
rhetoric or to become silver rights leaders. We must study our
communities and their problems so that realistic programs and
strategies can be developed. It must be remembered that the
white system with its power and money “cools outs” over our
leaders. We must not blame the leaders too much but must
demand that they produce for us or step aside. We need many
Blacks in many policy making positions and just one or two
Blacks speaking for the total Black community.
Richmond County Commissioner Ed Mclntyre should have
been elected chairman of the Richmond County Commission.
The fact that he is Black means that he is not “qualified”
according to many Augusta white leaders. However, he is overly
qualified by virtue of education and training plus experience to
hold that position. He is a fine man who may one day become
chairman of that governmented body when the
Augusta-Richmond County Community becomes more mature in
race relations and equality. Let us give Commissioner Mclntyre
more support and consideration in the future. He is in a powerful
position and can do much for the Blacks and whites of this
community if he is given the chance.
It is further revealing to note that the new Augusta city
administration and the office of District Attorney are in the
process of appointing persons to key policy and service positions
for the community. It is this writers and other’s sincere concern
that Blacks will be appointed to some of the important positions.
Since Blacks represent fifty or sixty per cent of the Augusta City
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populations, Blacks ought to be represented at all levels of city
government in proportion to our numbers. One or two window
dressing appointments are not sufficient. Adequate representation
is also needed in county government.
It is amusing to note that whenever a Black person calls
attention to the kinds of problems and issues raised in this
column, he becomes a “radical” or “Black Militant.” The radical
and militant labels are tacked on to Blacks and others as away of
not dealing with the issues being raised. It is certain that if many
whites could suddenly become Black and assess this country,
state, and city from a Black perspective, we would see much more
violence and many more “radicals” and “militants.” Any sensible
and knowledgeable Black person can not help but become
militant and radical when viewing the many dimensions of
powerlessness and the Black experience. It is best to refrain from
using the militant and radical labels.
The basic point to be made in this column is that at some point
we must deal earnestly and honestly with the real problems of
our times. “Safe and conservative” Black leaders working with
devious whites in power positions will not even begin to solve
problems. Rhetoric and thirty pieces of silver will not help this
bitter cup to pass from us. It sometimes seems that greedy and
treacherous people control the destiny of good people. It also
seems that the good people die young while the rascals live on.
We must learn to listen to those who disagree with us and take
hard and reasons calculations about the future. There are more
things that find this country’s citizens together as a nation than
those that separate us.
This writer is more and more convinced that religion or faith in
God offers a viable frame of reference for the way out of many of
our problems. Orthodox Christianity and neurotic religious
obsessions offer little in this context. Neurotic Christian
fundamentalism and religious dogmatism of other religious are
just as futile. What is needed is viable faith in God and love for
humanity. Faith in God goes beyond human reason to the
experience of God that comes when one takes a leap of faith.
This faith insures a commitment of courage and conviction in the
midst of human imperfection.
Finally, a number of issues have been dealt with briefly in this
column this week. However, the final point about belief in God
and love for humanity offers away to transcend many of our
human conflicts. This is no reference to moralistic approaches or
sentimental religions good will. Respect for human dignity and
placing a premium on human life are good alternatives to our
racist society with all of its dehumanizing and depersonalizing
beliefs and practices. This includes our economic system that
causes us to be so competitive and selfish that human values are
exchanged for the almighty dollar.
Our task is to be more humane and loving while rising beyond
ethnic, “racial” economic, creed, and color barriers. Is that too
idealistic and too much to ask?
Peace beyond power
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TO BE EQUAL
CRISIS IN PUBLIC HOUSING
by
Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.
The long-brewing crisis in public housing is about to erupt, as
several major local housing authorities are teetering at the edge of
bankruptcy and nearly forty others may have to throw in the
towel before next winter.
Thus, the public housing program, which provides shelter for
more than three million low-income people and which has proved
itself over the past thirty-five years, may be rendered useless at
the very moment when the need for more housing is desperate.
The crisis has come about because the federal government has
put a lid on operating subsidies to local housing authorities. As
originally conceived, public housing was to be built with federal
aid, but rents were supposed to cover operating expenses. This
arrangement became unstuck in the 19605, when rising costs and
inflation led to rent hikes that threatened to place such housing
out of reach of the very low-income families it was built for.
Congress then passed a law limiting public housing rents to 25
percent of a family’s income, resulting in rent cuts which the
government made up through payments to the local housing
authorities. Such an arrangement is fair and reasonable, but since <
the government has failed to release the funds it is obligated to
pay, many local authorities may go bankrupt.
Basically, they’re left with two alternatives -- to board up their
houses, or to turn them over to the federal government. Either
would be disastrous. Eviction of hundreds of thousands of
tenants and the closing up of sound buildings is unthinkable. A
federal take-over would lead to even higher costs and to chaos.
If the local housing authorities just try to tighten their belts
and save money by cutting maintenance and upkeep, the
buildings will deteriorate and new slums will have been created.
Caught in the bind between the local housing authorities and
federal budget-watchers are low-income families who cannot
afford unsubsidized housing, and who depend upon the system of
public housing as one of the few alternatives available to them.
It makes no sense to abandon public housing now. Congress
has set a goal of six million new housing units for low and
moderate families by 1978. That goal probably won’t be met.
Federal programs to encourage home ownership and to subsidize
private efforts in this field have been shot through with scandals
that may cost far more than the operating subsidies needed to
keep public housing afloat.
Even if subsidies continue to rise several times over, they won’t
cost the government as much as its present subsidies to middle
and upper-income homeowners in tax deductions not available to
low income renters.
Public housing projects have come in for a lot of criticism,
much of it amply merited. But there is evidence that many have
learned from the past mistakes and taken as a whole, the program
houses are more low-income people in decent homes than any
other means yet devised. By-and-large, it has created a pool of
managerial competence rarely to be found in the private sector,
and has become a source of employment, as well as housing, for
many thousands.
While the spectacular failures, such as the Pruett-Igoe project in
St. Louis have been headlined, the many successes of the public
housing program have been relatively ignored. In many instances,
the problems of local housing authorities have had to cope with
are problems created by the private sector, whose refusal to enter
the moderate-cost field leaves low-income families with little
choice in housing. Discrimination too, raises public housing costs
since it forces more building in high land-cost central city
districts.
It is clear that the system of public housing must be saved and
while further experimentation in housing is in order, this valuable
institution should be improved and extended so that decent
housing will finally be within the reach of every family.