Newspaper Page Text
The Augusta News-Review<)ctober 20,1984
Mallory K. MilienderEditor-Publisher
Paul Walker Assistant to the Publisher
Georgene Hatcher-Seabrook general Manager
Rev. R.E. Donaldsoi Religion Editor
Mrs. Geneva Y. Gibson Church Coordinator
Charles Beale Jenkins County Correspondent
Mrs. Fannie Johnson Aiken County Correspondent
Mrs. Clara WestMcDuffie County Correspondent
Mrs. Ueen Buchanan Fashion & Beauty Editor
Linda Starks Andrews Columnist
Roosevelt Green Columnist
yy IrbyColumnist
Philip Waring Columnist
Marva Stewart Columnist
George Bailey. Sports Writer
Carl McCoyEditorial Cartoonist
Olando Hamlett Photographer
Roscoe Williams Photographer
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On Black issues
Who am I?
Part II
There is a thesis that chattel en
slavement was a psycho-historical
trauman, of such magnitude, that
it negatively affects the psyche of
Blacks 5-6 generations removed
from this particular form of en
slavement.
On it sface, this argument would
appear extremely weak to some.
However, when viewed within the
context of job discrimination, our
welfare, and educational policies,
it is clear that ther is a cold and
calculated continuance of the ego
dimunition of Black Americans
toward self-destructiveness.
Some examples of our tendency
toward self-destructiveness are: 1)
the high incidence of Black-on-
Black crime and violence; 2) the
riots of the sixties when Black
frustration and anger at the long
tern systematic denial of our rights
as citizens was turned inward as we
destroyed our own communities;
and 3) the alarmingly-high in
cidence of Black illiteracy (47 per
cent) stemming from a lack of
motivation to learn rather than
from an intellectual inability.
The Black psychologist Dr.
Na’im Akbar, who is one among
many who support this thesis,
believes that chattel enslavement
should be viewed only as the star
ting point for understanding the
psyche of today’s Black American.
When we are able to recognize
the ways in which our present
behavior is influenced by attitudes
forced on us for survival
generations ago as a result of our
legal dehumanization due to chat
tel enslavement and our nation’s
ego-destructive policies that have
continued, only then will we be
able to free ourselves,
psychologically, from what Dr.
Akbar calls the “plantation
ghosts” that currently are crip
pling us in varying degrees.
Since the passage of the civil
rights legislation of the sixties,t
here has been a tendency among a
number of Blacks, reinforced by
so-called liberal whites, to
diminish or ignore the significance
of the intent and fact of the chattel
enslavement of our ancestors.
It appears that some Blacks, in
their efforts to be a part of the
mainstream, remain silent or even
agree when members of other
ethnic groups compare the ex
periences of their colonial and
pioneer ancestors with those of our
chalenged-enslaved. forefathers
A major part of that intent was
and continues to be —a deter
mination to establish a basis for
white superiority or supremacy as
a justification for exonomic and
psychological exploitation.
There are, in actuality, no
grounds for comparing the ex
periences of any other gorup with
our three hundred years of chattel
enslavement. The Constitution of
the United States, read by every
school child in this nation, clearly
defines the less than human status
of the enslaved Black.
Article I
“3. Representatives and direct
taxes shall be apportioned among
the several States which may be in
cluded within this Union according
to their respective numbers, which
shall be determined by adding to
the whole number of free persons,
including those bound to service
for a term of years, and excluding
Indians not taxed, three-fifths of
all other persons.
What appears to be well inten-
Page 4
tioned but nonetheless more
sophisticated efforts to dilute the
psychological significance of intent
of chattel enslavement and the
continuance of that intent is found
in some recent studies of the period
which provide information about
the existence of family units in
spite of the destructive intent of
that enslavement and about the
heroic but necessarily secret efforts
of our ancestors to pass on their
culture and value system to their
offspring.
While it is gratifying to learn
that our ancestors sought in in
numerable ways to preserve their
humanity and to resist the brain
washing efforts of the slave
master, at the same time we have
to recognize that their courageous
efforts were effective only within
severely circumscribed limits.
Consider the psychological
truma induced by knowing that, at
any time during your life, you can
be separated from your loved ones
by simple will of the “master”;
that if you are a man, your value
lies largely in your physical
strength and your capacity to im
pregnate; that if you are a woman
your value lies primarily inb eing a
breeder to be impregnated at the
“master’s” direction or pleasure
to produce more chattel; that your
inner feelings and knowledge of
your own humanity are denied at
every turn by the attitudes and ac
tions of the white world; and that
you are extremely limited in power
to determine your own destiny
within society.
This careafully induced sense of
powerlessness, helplessness and in
feriority were necessary for the
preservation of chattel en
slavement.
Dr. Akbar points out that, in
varying degrees, our sense of in
feriority is deeply embedded
even now.
We see it most clearly in our
“presistent tendency to think of
dark skin as unattractive, kinky
hair as ‘bad hair’, and African
features as less appealing than
Caucasian features...our lack of
respect for Afro-American exper
tise and the irresponsibility of
many African American experts....
“The fact that we remain as
consumers and laborers, rather
than manufacturers, planners and
managers; has a lot to do with the
sense of inferiority. The continued
portrayal of Afro-Americans as
clowns, servants, crooks and in
competents maintains this sense of
inferiority.
The limited number of powerful
and dignified images of African-
Americans in the media and the
community as a whole, reduces our
sense of seelfrespect. This is a con
tinuation of the slavery patter
ns....”
A psychological truism is that
only people who are enabled to
love thmselves or think well of
themselves, can seek to preserve
and improve their lives rather than
destroy them.
These are the people who when
confronted inwardly or otherwise
with the question “Who am I?”
can truly and proudly declare that
“I am somebody!”
Within this context, we can see
that this ego-strengthening truism
does provide a key to overcoming
some of the crippling “plantation
ghosts” that continue to plague us.
A major premise of the national
Assault of Illiteracy Program
(AOIP) is that we must literally
See Who Am I?, Page 6
&IAGK IMG.
To Be Equal
First step to an urban
policy
by John E. Jacob
One major issue that should be
central in this election campaign is
the development of a national ur
ban policy. Talk of such a policy
has been in the
air for two
decades, but
we have never
had a
developed, co
ordinated pol
icy designed to
stem urban
A
decline.
Such a policy is essential, not
simply because so many large,
older cities are under stress, but
also because the boom has ended
for many large, older cities are un
der stress, but also because the
boom has ended for many of the
newer, fast-growing urban cen
ters which must accommodate
large populations without an
adequate infrastructure.
The uncoordinated way we deal
with urban issues is reflected in the
makeup of Congressional commit
tees that must deal with legislation
affecting cities. Bills go to a wide
variety of committees, ranging
from Banking to Public Works,
none of which has as its primary
constituency the nation’s cities.
Now, pending legislation would
create a Houaw Select Committee
on Cities. Such a Committee could
help focus national attention on
urban needs and integrate urban
issues into the context of national
policies.
Going places
Congratulations to
James Kendricks
by Philip Waring
Warm congratulations from this
corner to Augusta Blueprint and
Microfilm Company on winning
the U.S. Department of Commerce
Minority Busi
ness Develop
ment Agency
“Retail Firm
of The Year.”
Along with it
went a presen
tation by the
president at the
- ■>»-. j IB
White House. All of this is a “fir
st” for the Augusta area.
What’s behind a small Black
owned firm coming up in little oyer
a decade with $38,000 in first year
sales to a current take of almost
one million? Well first is hard
work! Then comes high quality
work coupled with efficiency,
good company organization and
lots of service and courtesy to
customers.
Another valuable ingredient is
staff teamwork, cooperation and
high morale. Large doses of above
mentioned qualities can often beat
out a much larger business concern
as witnessed by both local and out
of town customers.
James Kendrick is a native of
Three out of four Americans live
in cities and it is in the cities where
plant shutdowns have had the most
devastating effect; where Blacks
are most highly concentrated;
where teenage unemployment is
most serious; where a host of other
national problems have the
greatest impact.
It is in the cities too, where cuts
in food stamps, housing aid, and
other programs that invest a
human resources have been so
devastating.
A Select Committee on Cities
would examine the effects of
federal programs on cities, assess
urban infrastructure needs, and
analyze employment training
programs, tax structures and
demographic trends to weigh their
effect on urban America.
The Committee would also
specifically be charged with
reviewing the Marshall Plan’s
rebuilding of postwar Europe to
determine its applicability to
present urban problems.
Two decades ago, Whitney
Young called for a Domestic Mar
shall plan that would do for the
cities what the original Plan did for
our friends and even our former
enemies in wartom Europe.
Europe’s economic revival can
be traced to the help given by the
Marshall Plan, which also helped
America through expanding trade
and markets for our products.
A Domestic Marshall Plan could
Sparta, a graduate of Augusta
College and has made a worthy
contribution to business and civic
life. He’s vice chairman of the
Human Relations Commission,
and was cited along with Father
Peter Thomas, with our Black
History race relations award
earlier this year.
Then there’s George Nipper,
James’ brother-in-law, who is vice
president and co-founder of the
firm. Nipper supervises overall
production and internal service
operations while James does ad
ministration and community
relations. I am indebted to both
and their fine staff for technical
assistance rendered me and the
print- production for the Augusta
Black History Committee.
As I plan to have my forth
coming Blacks Who Helped Build
Augusta resource book written and
published in Augusta, I’ve been in
conversation with Mr. Kendrick on
this.
George Nipper, an Augusta
native is active member of Husan
nah Baptist Church, while James
attends Wiliams Memorial CME.
Both have lovely wives and fine
children.
well have similar results, with
stronger urban economies, expan
ded employment, and a healthier
nation.
So it is encouraging that the
legislation that would create a
Select Committee on Cities
specifically includes the mandate
to study the urban implications of
the Marshall Plan mode.
Such a Committee would not be
a panacea. It would be non
legislative; that is, it would not
have legislation directed to it for
approval. But it would still serve to
attract national attention to urban
problems in ways that could result
in legislation affecting cities for the
better, and to set otherwise
isolated bills in the overall context
of urban needs.
That’s an important role,
especially at a time when urban
health is equated with fiscal health.
Some people seem to feel that if a
city is no longer hovering on the
brink of bankruptcy, then it is in
good shape. But fiscal soundness
often hides deteriorating services,
spreading poverty and
homelessness, and a crumbling in
frastructure that chases business
and jobs out of town.
Creation of a Select Committee
on the Cities could well be the first
step in formulating a coordinated
national policy that ends the
neglect of urban America.
Politicians assume and lawyers
deny that Democratic presidents
appoint liberal federal judges and
May it be noted that our CSRA
Business League was alert and on
the ball as they nominated Augusta
Blueprint for tis award several
months ago, and Augusta received
both regional and national award
recognition. I plan a forthcoming
column on the valuable services
and economic leadership furnished
by the CSRA Business League. As
I read through its annual and other
reports a fascinated tale of accom
plishement is pictured. Yes, we
badly need all of our minority
economic development agencies
because as an example, Blacks
operate barely two percent of all
small busienss units in our nation.
Let’s look at the record.
Willie Mays recently pointed out
that Augusta should be in good
hands under Charles DeVaney.
May we note that “Little Willie”
fielded an excellent campaign in
less than three weeks. After the un
forunate events of last spring,
Willie’s campaign was a shot in the
arm for the Augusta Black Com
munity. Let’s all move forward in
the building of Augusta. Much
remains to be done on many fron
ts.
Walking with dignity
Rampant
judicial
ideology
by Al Irby
Politicians assume and lawyers
deny that Democratic presidents
appoint liberal federal judges and
Republicans select conservative
ones.
The current
division within
the judiciary
would appear
to bear out the
conviction of
politicans. An
examination of
the record in
dicates that the views of a
president appointing federal
judges are likely to be reflected in
the decisions handed down by
those jurists.
This is true not only at the
Suoreme Court level but also in
the lower ranks of the judiciary.
That is one reason a president’s
power to make life-time appoin
tments to the Supreme Court and
the rest of the federal bench can
become a significant campaign
issue, as it has in Walter F. Mon
dale’s drive to oust President
Reagan in November.
During its 1983-84 term, a
Supreme Court dominated 7 to 2
by appointees of Republican
presidents reversed two of every
three lower-court decisions it
reviewed. Most of those came
from the 12 regional United States
circuit courts of appeals, and a
majority of the judges on those
courts were named by Democratic
presidents.
The 1983-84 term of the Sup
reme Court was the most conser
vative in decades, frequently
replacing a lower court’s liberal
reading of the law or the Con
stitution with own more
conservative view.
It disagreed with appeal courts,
for example, when it decided to
permit a city to include a nativity
scene in its Christmas display; to
uphold the Reagan’s ad
ministration restrictions on travel
to Cuba; and to approve the ad
ministration’s redefinition of key
term in the Clean Air Act.
Most appeal-court cases are
decided by three-judge panels
rather that the full court. Thus, the
simple fact that there are more
Democratic than Republican selec
tions on an appeal court as a whole
does not provide a firm basis for
predicting that every decision from
a particular court will be a liberal
one.
Nonetheles, two appeal courts
on which Democratic appointees
decisively outnumber GOP selec
tions chalked up the worst win-loss
records before the Supreme Court
this term. The justices reversed all
of the eight decisions they reviewed
from the US Court of Appeals for
the District of Columbia.
That court long a bastion of
liberalism, is composed of 11
judges, seven of whom were
named by Democratic presidents.
But that record was outdone by
the regularity and frequency with
which the high court overturned
the US court of appeals for the
ninth circuit, with 23 judges. The
Supreme Court reviewed 27
decisions of that court, which is
based in San Francisco and hears
appeals from nine Western states
plus Guam and the Northern
Marinana Islands. It found only
one to affirm without
qualification; 23 were reversed
outright.
Sixteen of the 23 judges on the
bench for the ninth circuit were
appointed by Democratic presiden
ts, all but one of them by Jimmy
Carter.
Three of appeals courts
Dominated by Democratic judges
also had poor records before the
Supeme Court this term, the 10th
circuit, iwth 1 to 6 decisions upheld
the eighth circuit, with 2 of 10
upheld, and the first circuit, which
had two of seven decisions, ap
proved.
Only in the last year did Reagan
have the chance to name anyone
to court. Appeals courts on which
there are more Republican than
Democratic appointees generally
were more successful this term.
Leading the list was the seventh
circuit, with two Democrats and
seven Republicnas-including four
Reagan selections. Three of its five
decisions reviewed were affirmed.