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Radical Congress—Extra Session.
Washington, July 13.—House. —
Mr. Julian asked leave to introduce a
resolution ordering a reconstruction of
the committee report on the bill fori
feiting lands granted to the Southern
States for railroad purposes, stating
there were five millions acres of the
best lands in the South in the hands
of rebel corporations, which poor men,
white and black, should have for
homesteads.
Mr. Wood objected.
Mr. Julian moved to suspend the
rules. The rules were suspended by
a vote of 99 to 35, and the resolution
modified so as to embrace only Missis*
sippi, Alabama, Florida, Arkansas and
Louisiana, and then passed.
The Senate Reconstruction bill was
reported with several amendments. A
rambling debate ensued, during which
Mr. Logan, of Illinois, said he had no
sympathy with any man who went bail
for Jefferson Davis. He asserted, and
Mr. Greeley could publish it, that
there never would have been any trou
ble in trying Davis, either in a civil or
military court, except as Logan might
organize. He himself would have
been the court, and there would be no
Jefferson Davis. He would to-day, if
he had the power, hang Jefferson Da.
vis and every one of his Cabinet offi
cers. The only man in America who
had nerve enough to hang traitors was
•Juarez.
Mr. Stevens moved the previous
question, and the bill as amended was
passed and sent back to the Senate.
The House then took a recess till 8
■o’clock.
One of the House amendments to
the Senate bill is to the effect that the
opinion of no civil officer of the Gov
ernment, shall bind the Distviet Com
mander or hris subordinates, and ano
ther is that all State officers must take
the iron-clad oath. The bill, in its
present state, .contains fourteen sec
tions.
Senate. —Mr. Chandler called up
• a resolution directing the Committee
on Foreign Affairs to inquire how
many Mexican soldiers were executed
after capture. He said that Maximi.
lian’s operations were part of the re.
ibellion ; had it succeeded the decree
of ’66 would have been inflicted on
Union soldiers. Maximilian signed his
*own death warrant in signing that de<
•cree. He ought wot to have died by
the bullet; the officers capturing him
should have hung him to the first tree.
That this was not done proved the
Mexicans a chivalrous people. The
course of this Government toward
Mexico was cowardly.
Mr. Johnson spoke favorably of
Masn'milian.
Mr. Nye denounced him as an agent
-of Napoleon to assist the rebellion. He
‘eulogized Juarez.
Mr. Howard thought Maximilian
met a deserved fate. Thq jqncStion'
•was postponed.
offered a bill authoriz
ing the Secretary of War to raise tour
regiments, and appropriating a million
and a half for frontier defence.
Washington, Jnly 13.—A large mass
of correspondence between tho Admin
istration and Gen. Grant and the Dis
trict Commanders, have been made
public, but as the issues involved are
all decided by the bill telegraphed to
'night, it is not thought worth while to
burden the wires with it. Tho corres
pondence shows that Grant was strong
ly inclined toward the latitude claimed
by tho commanders under the old bills.
A bill passed the House today ap
propriating 81,675,000 for reconstruc
tion. During the discussion Mr. Kid.-
ridge spoke about the extravagaut Dis
trict Commanders, alluding to Gen.
Sickles as a greater harlequin than the
commander at Now Orleans, and had
read by the Clerk a newspapor article
speaking of the display made by Sickles
riding round Charleston in a coach and
four. Mr. Dinghain replied that it was
fitting a man who had lost a leg in de
fence of his government should ride
in a coach and four.
Nothing important in the Senate
to-day, except the passage of the
Reconstruction bill, which goes to the
president.
Mr. Raymond has been nominated
jfor Austria and Mr. Bancroft for
’Prussia.
•It is now positively known that the
Department will wait further develop*
mients bofore formally moving in tho
'.Santa Anna case.
The Reconstruction bill, signed by
the proper officers of the two houses,
ilias been presented to the President.
Maximilian and his Jailor. —Tito
•Observador, of Matamoras, states that
when Maximilian learned the scntance
passed upon him he offored a million
■dollars to Gen. Ribadazcira, the keep
er of the prisoner, to bo allowed a
chance to escape. Ribadazcira reques
ted a written promise from tho Arch
duke, and when ho obtained it showed
the document to Gen. Escobedo. Gen.
Escobedo gave orders at once that in
case ho attempted to escape any of the
guards might shoot him on his (Esco
bedo’s responsibility.
Trouble Ahead —Complications with
Mexico. —A Washington telegram, of
tbe Bth inst., says : “Official dispat
ches receieved by the Government to
day show it is not improbablo that
serious complications may arise out of
the conduct of the Mexicans in taking
Santa Anna off of the Virginia, and
insulting tho American flag.
t&F" Punch slanderously says : The
£un is called masculine, from his sup
porting and sustaining the moon, and
finding her wherewithal to shine as
she does of a night; and from such a
family of stars besides. The moon is
feminine, becauso she is constantly
changing just as a ship blows about by
every wind. The church is feminine
because she is married to the State,
and Time is masculine, because he is
(•rifled with by the ladies.
jlou%nt flEntarjmse
(SEMI-WEEKLY,)
L. C. BRYAN, : : : : Editor.
THOMASVILLE, GA.:
TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1867.
RAIL ROAD MEETINGS IN
MITCHELL AND BAKER
COUNTIES.
We take pleasure in announcing that
the citizens of Mitchell county have
called for a meeting at Camilla, on
Saturday the 3d day of August, for the
purpose of taking stock in the South
Georgia & Florida Railroad. A meet
ing will also be held at Newton, in Ba>
ker county, on Monday the sth day of
August, for the same purpose. The
Hon. James L. Seward and Col. S. B.
Spencer of Thomasville, will be present
at both meetings, and will address the
citizens of those counties upon the
merits of the South Georgia & Flo
rida Railroad. We hope those gentle
men will ccntinuo on to Albany, and
bring us more good tidings from the
other end of the road.
HON. H. S. PITCH.
In another place we publish a card
from this gentleman, explanatory of
his remarks against the Freedmen’s
Bureau, in his speech at Thomasville,
on tho 4th of July. It will be seen,
that while he objects to the language
and the comprehensive sweep we gave
to his declaration, yet Mr. Fitch bears
us out fully in the main points of our
report of his speech. We arc content
with his limiting his epithets to the
“subordinates” of tho Bureau, for we
may, on this point, have given too
much scope to his remark; but we
could not so easily forget the shock we
received by the termination of a most
eloquent period in a “set of d—d ras
cals.” The audience will bear us out
in tho fact, that Mr. Fitch was most
assuredly “ hurried” into the use of
this language. We have no quarrel
with him on that subject, however,
and forgive his violence to literature
and refinement on the score of high
wrought zeal battling in a good cause.
REGISTRATION.
Wo had tho pleasure, on Saturday,
of meeting in our sanctum, Capt. A.
B. Clark, President of the Board of
Registration for tho 7th District, com
posed of Thomas, Brooks and Colquitt
counties. Capt. Clark is a polite and
intelligent gentleman, kind and con
ciliatory in his views, and disposed to
COftfirre himself strictly to his duty in
tho discharge of tho duties of the office
of Register, lie reports completion
of tho registration in Brooks, and says
lie was much gratiGed at the kind treat
ment he every where received at the
hands of the intelligent citizens of
that county. Tho Board will now pro
ceed to Colquitt county and leave
Thomas for the last, for the better ac
commodation of the larger planters of
Thomas, who are at this time busy in
their crops. Duo notice will bo given
at each precinct in the county and also
in tho paper, ot the time at which the
Board will commence registration.
HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
The Ordors granting Registration
to certain parties Rescinded.
To Henry S. Wctmorc, Pro’t Board
Registration, Savannah, Ga.:
No suoh instructions nro authorized
as you announce in tho Savannah pa-’
pers. You will be guided by tho law
and previous printed instructions, lto
call your advertisement.
By order of Major General Pope.
J. N. Meuse,
General Inspector Registration.
Approved : G. K. Sanderson, Capt.
and A. A. A. G. 3d Mil. District.
Wo copy the abovo order from tho
Savannah Republican , which paper
was coolly ordered to publish it “with,
out comment.” We aro glad to see
that tho Republican treated that piece
of military impudcnco and presump
tion, with contempt and defiance, and
proceeded to censure both the order in
reference to registration, and tho order
prohibiting “comment.” Thanks to
Geu. Pope, (not tfi Congress) there is
an order prohibiting military interfer
ence with newspapers on any pretence
whatever.
American liborty exists but in nanio,
but while tho chief of the military
chooses to give lifo to the glorious old
Constitutional principle, lot tho press
exerciso it to rebuke and hold up to
scorn and contempt, the shameless aots
of “upstart shoulder straps.” Wc are
gratified to sco that, tho Republican
docs not support the inccndinry con
fiscation radicalism now trying to or
ganize in Georgia, but lias taken a
bold stand lor reconstruction on con
servative ground. Its denunciations
of tho faction loaders of the Radicals
in Savannah and elsewhere, who are
busying themsolvcs getting up the
“war of races” by giving evil advioo
to the colored people, havo proved
truly refreshing, and wo havo no doubt
done much good in the country.
Has“Thc Registration in Brooks 00.
stands as follows:
Precincts. White. Colored. Total.
Quitman, 321 298 519
Grooverville, 54 213 267
Dry Lake, 47 55 102
Ttillokas, 65 110 175
Morven, 71 89 160
Fifteenth. 74 85 159
Total, 532 850 1,382
Colored majority, . . . 318
ALVIN B. CLARK,
Prcs’t Board Reg. 7th Dist.
A CARD.
Savannah, Ga., July 13, 1867.
L. G. Bkyan, Editor Southern Enterprise.
Sib In your issue of the 9th instant,
under the caption of “Hon. Henry S. Fitch
and the Freedmen’g Bureau,” I find the
following sentence attributed to me, as ad
dressed to the colored men of Thomasville,
namely: “They (the freedmen) could not
be free, until they get rid of the Freed
men’s Bureau and the set of d—d rascals
that control it.”
This is scarcely the style of invective I
have been accustomed to a 'opt or admire.
I should bo sorry to believe tlrnt 1 had been
hurried, even in the excitement of an ex
temporaneous speech, into the utterance of
so unbecoming an expression. One thing
is certain, I made no such sweeping accu
sation against the personal integ ity of the
Bureau officers as the above sentence and
context would imply. A charge of that
character would be even more absurd than
unjust.
The very head of the Bureau, Gen. O. O.
Howard, is pre-eminently honored for his
virtues, as well as his valor, and among
his assistants in Georgia, I am glad to
number many of my friends—gentlemen
whose well-earned reputation I would take,
great pleasure in defending, but certainly
never thought of assailing. My remarks,
so fur as they had any personal applica
tion, were intended for those unworthy su
bordinates, who, “dressed in a Hyde brief
authority,” pervert their office to political
and speculative purposes. A class of de
linquents much more numerous than a kind
hearted optimist might imagine.
I did maintain and still do, that tho Bu
reau itself is an illogical anomaly, and in
direct antagonism to the recognized free
dom of the negro. The man that is at li -
orty to vote for his own candidato, should
be at liberty to make his own contract—
the citizen intelligent enough to partici
pate in the affairs of government, is intel
ligent enough to manage his private affairs.
I did advise the freedmen and still do,
that their first duty, after tho education of
their children, was to exercise their con
stitutional privilege of “petitioning fora
redress of grievances,” and demand of
Congress the abolition of that unnecessary
and humiliating guardianship, known as
the Freedmen’s Bureau. Until that is done,
they are not freemen before the law or so
ciety, but mere political tools in a quasi
state of servitude.
I remain, very respectfully,
HENKV S. FITCH.
ENCOURAGING LETTER.
A letter has been received by a
gentleman in Thomasville from an in
telligent and inuflential gentleman in
Albany, speaking most encouragingly
of the disposition of tho people of
Dougherty county toward our South
Georgia & Florida railroad enterprise.
If the strong county of Dougherty will
unite her strength with that of Thomas,
there will soon bo no room for new
stockholders. Let tho Dougherty
friends of tho road move forwurd in
the matter and bring it directly before
the people, that they may t"!co part in
tho election for Directors.
SENATOR WADE’S AGRARI
ANISM-
Senator Wado has written a loiter,
in whlfth he denies that ho advocated
an “equal distribution of property 1 ” as
ho was reported by tho correspondent
of the St. Louis Democrat, in a spcceli
at Lawrence, in Kansas. The Demo
crat, however, prefers to credit tho
statement of its correspondent, rather
than Senator Wade, and so they have
made up an issue of voracity. The
truth is, Ben Wado said what he was
charged with ; but finding himself uni
versally condeninod, as the Democrat
says, is now trying to “wrigglo” out
of it.
Notes on tho Situation.--No. 7.
BY 11. 11. HILL.
"lie late civil war did not end by
any formal treaty of poace. The IJui.
ted States, though recognizing, by all
the departments of their Federal Gov
ernment, tho Confederate States as a
belligerent party, would not recognizo
tho right of making a treaty by their
enemy lost a sort of seperation or in
dependence should bo implied.
Wo must, therefore, look to the
grounds of difference which brought
on the conflict; to tho declaration by
the United States of tho purposes of
the war as made at tho beginning and
during the progress of the war, and to
the conditions or stipulations of sur
render, for tho torms of poaoo, and tho
consequent rights of tho victor and tho
obligations of tho vanquished. 'For
we must admit that tho doctrines of
the issue, as insisted upon by tho Uni
ted States, and tho purposes and do
uiands of tho United States in making
and carrying on the war, and the terms
of surrender, were agreed to by us in
tho act of surrender, and, therefore,
make tho law of the peace for both
parties—boing thus demanded by one
party and conceded by the other.*
The Sonthein States insisted :
1. That tho Federal Constitution
was a compact, to which tho States
wore partios as soporato and indepen
dent Statos, and, therefore, were par
ties with tho right, hy virtue of their
seperato sovereignty, of withdrawal
from tho oompact when, in tho judg
ment of the State withdrawing, her in
terest or safety required withdrawal.
2. That the administration ol tho
common government by a soctional
party —sectional because organized on
principles of avowod hostility to a
right of property held by tho citizens
of tho Southern States and recognized
in the Constitution —would endanger
tho interest and safety of such States ,
aud, therefore, justified tue exercise of
tho right claimed to withdraw.
Many in tho South believed this right
to withdraw would bo conceded by
the party then coming into power in
the Uuited States, aud that, tlicrofore,
tho secession would be peaceable.—
They wero encouraged to believe this,
becauso this doctrine, though now and
for years advocated at tho South, did
really originate in New England and
first camo as a threat from that quarter
of the Union; because, also, many of
the prominent organs and leaders of
tho new party did concede tho right,
and some declared if tee Southern
States chose to exerciso i, they should
do so in peace.
But this impression pnved to be a
very fatal mistake; and tis very cer
tain that the United Stales, and every
department of their government, in the
beginning and tbrougboit the dura,
tion of the struggle, anl until after
the final surrender, did deny, in every
official form, both the right of with
drawal, the validity of tie attempt to
withdraw, as well as tbosufficiency of
the case made lo justify the attempt.
Thus the right of a State to with
draw from the Union becimo the great
leading question of differmce between
the parties to the conflict as made by
all the official records, and was the
main question to be decided by the
conflict. The South insis*d the Union
was dissolved; the Norfi denied it;
they joined in battle t( decide the
question. Now let us sie the official
proof that this was the iriginal issue
In Mr. Lincoln’s list Inaugural
Address we find the bllowing lan
guage :—“lt follows frou these views
“that no State, upon its own mere mo
tion, can lawfully get out of the
“Union ; that resolves aid ordinances
“to that effect arc bynlly void.” * *
“I, therefore, consider ffiat, in view of
“the Constitution and tho laws, the
“Union is unbroken, and, to the ex
tent of liiy ability, I slall take care,
“as the Constitution itself expressly
“enjoins upon me, that the laws of tho
“Union shall be faithfully executed
“in all the Stubs
Here, two things me plainly asser
led by the Executive power of the
United States: 1. Tlat the Union is
not and cannot be brolon by the sep*
arate States ; and 2. (That this doc
trine shall be maintained.
In July, 1801, the Congress of the
United States, with alnost cut re un
animity, resolved
“That this war is not waged, on our
part, in any spirit of Oppression, n or
for any purpose of conquest or subju
gation, nor purpose of overthrowing or
interfering with the rights or estab
lished institutions of the States; but
to defend and maintain the supremacy
of the Constitution, and to preserve the
Union, with all the dignity, equality
and rights of tho several States unim
paired ; and, as soon as these objects
aro accomplished, the war ought to
cease.”
Now, let us analyze this resolution
and wo find that it asserts three very
distinct propositions :
1. It declares what is not the pur.
pose of the war: It is not “in a spirit
of oppression,” nor for any purpose of
conquest or subjugation.
2. It declares what is tho purpose
of the war: “To defend and maintain
tho Constitution, and »o preserve tho
Union, with all the dignity, equality
and rights of the several States unim
paired.”
3. It declares when the war shall
cease: “As soon as these objects are
accomplished the war ought to cease ;”
that is, as soon as the Constitution is
maintained and the Union preserved
with the dignity, equality and rights
of the States unimpaired, the war
ought to cease.
Ten days afterward tho Congress
again declared, on motion of a New
England Radical, their “fixed deter
mination to maintain, the supremacy of
tho Government, and the integrity of
tho Union gs all these United States.”
And, with the single exception of Mr.
Breckinridgo, this resolution was unan
imous in the Senate.
Quotations of like character could
he multiplied until there should bo no
end of tho books that should be writ
ten, but these which I havo made
aro so clear, so explicit, so official,
nnd make tho single purpose of the
war on tho part of tho United States
so distinct, that I could not make it
more explicit by a thousand additional
proofs. That singlo purpose, at that
time, was to defeat the, validity of sc
cession andpreserec the Union of all
the States.
Now, I have conceded, and here re*
peat, that either party, during tho
struggle, may increase his demands, or
cnlargo his purposes in waging tho
war; and these additional demands or
purposes being proclaimed and made
known to the other party before the
surrender, while “his men and arms
remain,” may bo claimed as among
the results deoidod by the war, and as
making part of tho terms of peaoo.—
Such demands, it is true, must be rea
sonable, and sncli purposes must bo
within tho laws of war. For instance,
either party, within tho time pre
scribed, may demand the removal of
tho cause of the war so that it may
not produce a renowal of tho conflict ;
or, in case of an unjust war or of un
necessary or unreasonable prolonga
tion of the struggle, may domand the
expensos of tho war; or, in case of re
bellion, may insist on excepting from
tho amnesty tho authors of tho distur
bance to be brought to legal trial; or
if a cruel ami barbarous nation were
to give distinct notice to rebels that
they must expect no quarters; that
they must consider, in case of surren
der, that their lives or property or
botn aro forfeited, the world might be
shocked aud humanity made ashamed;
but tho rebels ought not to complain,
for in that case they are notified they
must submit to tho declared will of
the conqueror, and ought to fight to
extermination. But as such demands
are unusually cruel, they ought to be
made known before the surrender,
with unusual distinctness, lest the
weaker party, relying on Qie law of na
ture and humanity, to save something
by not fighting to extermination,
should be entraped into a surrender
which accomplishes what they inten
ded by surrendering to escape.
I repeat, the only demand made by
the United States in the begining was,
that the people of tho Confederate
States should “ lay down their arms,
retire to their homes and obey the
laws,” because thereby the United
States sought to accomplish the only
purpose of the war, to.wit. The de
feat of secession and the preservation
of the Union.
The question is, did the United
Stater, during the war and before the
surrender, make other demands or
avow additional purposes and make
them known to the Confederates?
I have been unable to find any oth
er, and believe no other man is able to
find any other, legitimate or official
demands or declared purposes.
I find many individual threats, and
I find also acts of confiscation, suspen
sion of habeas corpus and such like
acts, but then they are declared to be,
what indeed their very natures make
them war measures —to end with the
war, and to make no part of the terms
or law of peace' They were adopted
as means to accomplish the one great
original purpose, to force us to lay
down our arms, and thus preserve the
Union. * Mr. Ijincoln did promise a
liberal exercise of the pardoning pew*
er, from which it may be claimed to
imply lhat he would except some from
the amnesty, but he could only except
them for a legal trial, and I suppose
even Mr. Lincoln did not doubt the
result of a fair legal trial, unless of
someone who made war on the United
States before the secession of his State.
For though the result of the war did
decide that secession was void, yet, as
intent is the essence of crime, it did
not and could not decide, that one
who honestly believed that secession
was legal, was bound to know it was
void before the decision made it so. —
And, though the result establishes that
secession is and was and must remain
void ; yet “he who honestly beleivcd,
at the tirn: r that secession was either
a Constitutional or revolutionary right,
or that h»allegiance was due to bis-
Slate when secession was asserted, or
who believed tho coercion of a State
was a crime, could not become a crim
inal by acting on his honest belief.—
But if a man, before the secession of
his Slate, made war on the United
States by seizing her forts or other
wise; or, if while holding an office un
der an oath to support the Constitu
tion of the United States, he used the
functions of that very office, by overt
acts, to destroy the Union, such a man
was a traitor and might, with some
show of reason, have been excepted
from the amnesty and reserved for
trial. I think, however, true wisdom
and a peaceful future required entire
amnesty for all the past, and careful
abslinenco from all oppressive acts in
all tho future.
During the war, Mr. Lincoln, as
President of the United States, issued
his proclamation, emancipating slaves
in certain States and parts cf States.
But this, itself, was declared to be a
tour measure only. Afterward the
Congress had proposed to the States
an amendment to the Constitution,
abolishing slavery everywhere. But
the States had not ratified it. It wai,
therefore, only a proposition undeter
mined at the time of the surrender.
After the surrender the slave States
accepted and ratified this proposed
amendment, and thus, hy the act of
tho slave States after the surrender,
this amendment became a portion ol
the Constitution. Therefore, the abo
lition of slavery may in fact, though
not in legal strictness, be countod as
ono of tho things decided by the war,
and as being part of tho law of peace.
It is a noticeable fact, also, that al
though Mr. Lincoln included the ac
ceptance of emancipation as part of
the terms at the conference in Hamp
ton Roads, yet neither lie nor ticn.
Grant, nor any other power, alluded
to this as part of the terms during tho
negotiations for, norat the time of tho
acceptance of, tho rurrender. The
only conditions of the surrender were
to submit to the laws, and not take up
arms again against tho United Statos.
What, then, did the war decide,
and what, by that deoision, is tho law
of peace ? Hero it is, and here is all:
Secession is void ; the Constitution
is maintained ; tho Union is preserved,
with all tho dignity, equality and
rights of tho several States unimpaired,
with the singlo exception of tho aboli
tion of slavery through the consent of
the original slave States.
And when our people, after tho
surrender, took an oath to support tho
Constitution of the United States and
the union of tho States thereunder,
they swore to support tho above decis
ion, and nothing more.
Tho meeting of the Conventions in
those States, to conform their Consti
tutions and laws to the change brought
by the abolition of slavery, was proper,
and a result of tho agreement to eman
cipate. The appointment of provis
ional civil officers by the President to
enable those conventions to bo called
and to act, was proper machinery to
accomplish the {ond. Further than
this no reconstruction was ever need
ed or was legal or proper. But for
the abolition of slavery the States
would have boon restored to their old
Constitutions and government, as they
existed at tho time of secession.
Every proposition in these Military
Bills has been originated since the
war; not ono of thorn was demanded
duriug tho war, or was made a condi
tion of tho surrender. There is not a
respectable publicist or law-writer, an
cient or modern, heathen or Christian,
which can be quoted to sustain them.
By every such authority tho attempt
to prescribe new terms after tho sur
render is infamous —is a breach of
tho peaco ; is anew declaration of war,
and is a most perfidious abandonment
of the most sacred of national obliga
tions iu the tace of mankind.
Nay, more; these Military Bills aro
disunion bills. Those who propose
them are disunionists; those who ad
vocate them are disunionists, those
who consent to or accept them arc dis
unionists. And they are disunionists,
too, not, like tbe secessionist*, on a
principle—-asserting a simply doubtful
right; but they are disunionists in the
teeth on the very decision of the war
itself; and disunionists who do not
seek to accomplish their ends in an
open, manly way, but who destroy the
Union under protenoeof preserving it;
who trample on the Constitution un
der oath to support it; who continue
the war after resistance has ceased ;
who fight an unarmed people, and not
their own impoverished victims.
* Note.—The reader will observe
that 1 do not claim the doctrines and
purposes of tho Confederate States as
constituting any of the terms of the
peace. These were all defeated in the
fight and were abandoned by the sur
render. Tbe official declarations and
purposes of tbe United States, as avow
ed before the surrender, were the
terms to which the Confederate States
agreed to submit by the surrender,
and with which the United States arc
bound to be satisfied; and, thus, they
form the law of peace. Yet, a Geor
gian, one boasting of tho honors con
ferred on him by the people, in a late
speech at Milledgeville, tells os we are
out of (he Union according to our own
position! ‘When we surrendered,
after a gallant fight, we were, upon our
own declaration, a conquered fofeign
State—subject to the will of the eon*
queror V’ as though that very surren
der did not defeat our declaration, and
make good the declaration of the con
-queror that qui secession was void, and
that we were not and should not be
out of the Union as a foreign State.—•
One of our own teachers, who tells us
his children are to I’ve among us ma
king, in the same breath, our will and
and the will of the enemy alike our
law, if, hy such contradictory positions,
he can harm us in both cases l Such
perfidy is surpassed only by the slander
that Mr. Davis “made strong efforts to
get u perpetual su-pension of Habeas
Corpus,” and by the bitterness
which quotes the conclusion ol the
petition for IlabcUa Corpus—the mere
formal conclusions of all such papers
—as evidenco of humiliation or incon
sistency on- the part of Mr. Davis'!•—
And yet he exclaims, a3 if his motive
was suspected and needed confirmation:
“What interest, then, can I have in
misleading you V
A great writer gives us an account
of a very similar speech which was
made long ago by one who had been
“often honoredand after quoting
the speech, adds this comment:
“So spake the false dissembler iinperceired
For neither Man nor Angel can discern
Hypocrisy, the only evil that walks
Invisible, except to God alone.”
But that speaker himself afterward,
in a soliloquy, gave the explanation ot
all his attempts at deception. lie
said :
“But what will not ambition and revenge
Decend to ? Who aspires must down as
low
As high he soar'd ; obnoxious, first or last,
To basest things.”
Important from Europe.
Paris, July 13. —The French Gov
ernment hearing nothing from its Mex
ican minister siuce the capture of the
city of Mexico, is about sending a
strong fleet to Vora Cruz to protect
him oj resent indignities offered him.
The Tarantula. —Tho Baltimore
Commercial says:
We have been favored by T. 11.
Kelly, Esq., of this city, with a glance
at a curiosity in his possession, from
California, which is almost startling in
tlfe wonderful ingenuity displayed by
the architect thereof the famous
tarantula. This insect, or reptile, wc
would describe to those who havo not
seen it, is a huge and frightful species
of venomous spider, whose long limbs,
bristly covering, and generally revolt,
ing appearance would, wo should sup.
poso, tend to keep at a distance the most
determined entomologist wh o m he
might chance to threaton. Poisnous
to a terrible degree, and subject to no
little romantic speculation as the best
remedy for his bite, he is yet the vic
tim of another sharp practitioner,
against whom, as his especial deadly
too, ho constructs tho fortress in ques
tion. This oonsists of a long gallery,
tunneled in tho hard clay, and ending
in a spacious circular hall or chamber,
to which, when off duty, the tarantula
resorts ; the particular marvel, howev
er, being a nico little door of hard clay,
lined with a silky material, and hung
on a hinge ol the same, which fits so
nicely that it requires some skill to
detect the ontrancc. Chased hy his
enemy, tho tarantula strikes the
“double quick’’ for his den, and slam
ming the door behind him, wc aro as
sured that ho sfeizes hold of it, and
keeps it fast till the seigo is raised.—
Taken altogether we have never seen
a nicer or more striking piece of insect
architecture.
ATTENTION FIREMEN! "
\ SPECIAL Mcetirujof Neptune Fire Coin
puny, will be held on Fridnv, July 19, at
8 o'clock, P. M.,nt the Mayor’s Office, for the
purpose of nmkimf to receive the
Engine- Every member is requested to at
tend.
Hy order of
G- A. JEFFERS,
July 16-21 ForeuiHu.
Gone up the Spout
¥ F yon dont come to the Book Store and get
I Bookt*. nnd nubecribe for *>tne of the many
Papent for which we nre Agent, «m*h an the
Macon Telegraph, dec, Acc., AUk> thoee wish
mg Piano* Tones 1 will have them attended to
in due time b? leaving their names at the
Book Store with a X or V.
J R 8- DAVI9,
Bookseller Auctioneer.
July 16 ts Thomaeville, Gft.
TOWN TAXES.
Books now open for recaiving the
1 Ketnrni-ot the Town Taxes. Office noon
lrom 8 till I'J o’clock, A M., and from “J till 3
o'clock.!* M
\VM. CLINK. C. C
Jnly 9 »w
ADXniSTRITOR * DICEDw,
Far Sale at lM» Olßcc.
[FOR the southern enterprise.]
TO THE MEN OF COLOR OF
THOMAS COUNTY.
Numbf.r 2.
In my first number I drew your at
tion to the politicians of the North,'
who pretend to so much kindness to-'
wards you, and come such long dis
tances and spend so much money to
look after your special interests here
at the South, and to give you so much
good and wholesome advice and in
struction, as they sa/1 History informs
us that tlrese,your visiters gre the de
scendants of a grasping, greedy, mo*
ney-loving and unscrupulous set of
usurpers, not at all particular as to
whose property they appropriated to
their own use, or by what honest or
dishonest means they may have come
into possession of it. That they com*
menccd tbeir career in Old England
by a revolution, in which they took
King Charles the First from his throne,
chopped off his head, and then estab
lished anew government UDder one of
their military leaders. Wbwn their
old leader died their government died
with him, and the people of England
put the son of the old king on his
father’s throne again. Then Came uty
an old score for settlement betweenlhu
Royalist Cavaliers and Crop Ears or
Round Heads, afterwards called Puri-'
tans, in which the latter were con
demned by the people into a large baL
ance of political and moral dishonesty,
to say nothing of canting• hy
and they had to See the country. In
an evil hour a portion of them defer*
mined to eia-rgrat-j to the Plantations,
as the States of Noith America were
then ca'led. It is an old saying, that
as the old bird sings tho young oner
learns; and that what is bred hi the
bone cannot be extracted from tfcte
muscle. Dr./Dwight, speaking of the
American- IndiUtf', .fays, he is an In
dian in' his cradle, and remains an In-*
dian to his grave. So it was found to'
be with these Puritans. They were
traitors and usurpers at home in Eng
land, and they wore robbers, plunder* 1
ers and persecutors, as soon as they
came to this country. Their first step
was to come Unasked and take posses.
siov> of the soil, without paying or of
fering to pay the possessors one dollar'
for it—live srest was, to drive out m
annihilate the lawful owners, in order"
that they might keep undisturbed pos
session themselves. SoiiVe of tbe peace
ful and honest Quakers and Baptists
had come over from about tbe
same time. These were also driven
out by these loving and affectionate
Puritans.
Thus these Puritans or Yankees gsrt
a foothold in this country, just as a
gang of pirates would take possession
of a defenceless island. This unscru
pulous grasping disposition is a part
of their nature; it is bred in them, and
they carry it with them wherever
they go. To make money and acquire
property is always uppermost in tbeir
minds, go where they may and do what
they will; and you may depend upon
it, whatever may le their professions
when they come among you, they in
tend to make money out of you first or
last. They como to the South for no
other purpose, tako your Uncle Ben’s
word for it. I will not deny that some
few of them, a very few, have been re
novated by tho Almighty, and turned
to honest and upright purposes; but
the above is a true history of the genu
ine Yankee es ho is in common, I
will tell you something more about
him in my next.
Your affectionate i
Uncle Ben.
(DbitimrjT.
JAJIES C. KOSN, K-q.
A few Jays since wc were pained with
the intelligence of the sudden death of him
whose name heads this brief notice. What
a melancholy reflection!—that in the rigor
of life, ono who was endowed with such
goodness of heart, should, by an apparent
accident, lose his life, breathing his last
bre tli amid the watery waves wliioh a few
moments before excited in him no dread
of danger!
In his efforts to rescue a boat wliioh he
had lost from the shore, at Si.nlmry, Lib
erty county, he was unfortunately precipi
tated inlo the bay and was drowned.
Jambs C. Boss was of a noble, generous
nature, with an intellect bright and flash
ing, full of vivacity and cheerfulness, and
possessing the finest social qualities, which
gave him many warm friends. We do not
claim for him exemption from error. Frail,
erring man, can claim no Btich perfection.
Hu possessed some of the highest virtues.
Ho never betrayed or deserted a friend;
he was brave, courageous and manly. Dorn
in Georgia, and feeling (hat the South was
oppressed, lie volunteereda Southern
soldier in the late unhappy war, and never
shrunk from duty when danger was pre
sent. Character is to be estimated in learn
ing the inward impulses and promptings
which oonstitnte true nobleness, more than
the external evidences, which are fre
quently presented to deceive—resting upon
no real virtue. Our friend never sought
to deceive, but was always frank and sin
cere. His true character was best under
stood by those who knew him best. A
warmer heart never throbbed or ceased to
beat than his. The impulses of his sool
were goodness, reflected in a thousand
ways through the frail tenement that sur
rounded it. He never stained his hea
venly gift (the soul) by invoking its noble
powers to teach the outward man to be a
hypocrite. He was an imperfect type of a
good man. When he moved to do good
«v»l was present. It was not the inward
man. It was sin (the common lot of all)
warring in his members.
God knows how to deal with His erring
children. The great office of mercy reels
with God. Be it ours to hope and prepare,
under a firm and settled persuasion, that
living and dying we are Hie; that life
is passed in Mis constant presence—that
death resigns us to His merciful disposal.
We know not what time death shall call
for us!
“ Leaves have their time to fall.
And flowers wither at the North wind's
breath.
And sure to set—bat all.
Thou hast all seasons for thine own, Ob,
Deatht”
A FEIIND.