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THE COURANT.
Published JFCVery Thur^ilHy,
< ARTKRXYILLE. GEORGIA.
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Carter*rille, Ga.
Official Organ Bartow Connty.
DOCTOR AND MRS. W. H. FELTON.
* OCTOBER 15, 1885.
Tiik Atlanta Constitution asserts that
one member of the Railroad Commission
was in sympathy with its unreasonable
and unjust war upon the Commission.
If we have a traitor to the people upon
that Commission it should be known.
Who is he? What is his name? rf this
is an unjust charge, like the “Bryant
coalition lie,” then the malligned and
slandered Commissioner should see that
these liars and slanders ars brought to
justice. The peculiarity and facility
with which the Atlanta Constitution in
sults and slanders people who differ with
it should he brought to a check. If one
of the three Commissioners is a traitor
show him up or iet the defamcr perish as
he deserves.
Wk think the unkind criticism on Mr.
Tate, of Pickens, is unjust. Such open
charges against a member should be ac
companied by the proof.
Con. Everett, of Polk, is one of the
most intelligent and efficient members of
our General Assembly. He is an honor
to the splendid county he represents.
Thk vote on the railroad bill shows
the people whom to trust and w hom to
shun. Our liberties are too sacred to be
trafficked off' for money, position or
power with the railroads.
Messrs. Peeples, of Murray, Spinks,
of Paulding, Lumpkin of Dade, Milner
of Cordon, and Walker of Floyd, have
each and all stood by the people in the
late struggle with the railroads.
Coi.. llackett of Catoosa, is one of
the most valuable members of our Leg
islature. Honest and incorruptible—
with a level head on all questions of pub
lit: interest, he deserves to be honored
and rewarded by the people of Georgia.
■■ .. +
The brave light for the Commission
was not the leadership of any one man.
All united heart and hand to protect the
people from the domination of railroads.
There was no money on their side of the
light it was pure and simple patriotism.
Judge Harrell of Webster county, is
one of the ablest and most valuable
members that ever served Georgia in her
General Assembly. Asja constitutional
lawyer lie has no superior in the State
and his perpetual vigilance over the
money of the tax-payers entitles him to
the gratitude of every Georgian.
Our old-time friend, Mr. Wheeler of
Wivikcr, will return home from this ses
sion with the consciousness that lie has
served his State as wisely and as success
fully as any member of our State Legis
lature. Long may he live to oppose the
wrong and advocate the right.
Skxator Glenn of Walker, and Sena
tor Rankin of Gordon, have fully met
the expectations of their friends during
this session of our General Assembly.
Any constituency in the State would
have been honored by the ability and pa
triotism they have displayed upon all im
portant questions.
Wk are heartily glad that the old Sev
enth, with two or three exceptions, has
shown such a patriotic spirit in the late
vote sustaining the Railroad Commission.
In our opinion if a popular vote was ta
ken to-morrow ninety-nine-hundredths
of the masses would sustain the Com
mission and rebuke railroad extortion.
Mk. Bkrskk of Monroe, Mr. Terrill
of Meriwether, Mr. Reagan of Henry,
Mr. Arnheim of Dougherty, Mr. Hawks
of Sumpter, Mr. Harrell of Decatur and
Mr. Russell of Harris, are young men
who have endeared themselves to the
people of Georgia by the ability and zeal
they displayed in defeating the Senate
bill abolishing the Commission.
If anything was needed to show the
people of Georgia what a great evil they
eseaped in defeating the railroad con
spiracy, the proof is given in the furious
attacks made on Gov. Smith and Maj.
Wallace since this deieat. For heat, ii -
temperance, impolicy and injustice,
the leader in the Macon Telegraph of
Monday exceeds anything we remember
to have seen. This sort of thing will re
coil on their own heads. Maj. Hanson
is a gentleman, but he is allowing other
parties to break him down and run his
paper. Tins attack on Gov. Smith and
Maj. Wallace will do more to open the
eyes of the people of Georgia than any
thing that has been said or done in the
Legislature. To denounce a man for
doing his duty, his sworn duty, and to
deprive him of his office, is something
old Georgia is sure to resent. It is very
apparent now that the railroads intend
to alter the commission, as they could
not repeal the law; indeed, it is openly
stated in Atlanta at this time, that they
intend to have a Commission favorable
to the railroads on this subject. We shall
say more next week.
To our merchants: The business sea
son is now upon us, and a lively one it
promises to be, too. It stands to your in
terest to lay in your stationery before
you are too* busy to attend to it. Our
presses are entirely new, our type is new
and of the latest and prettiest designs,
and it is impossible to execute an infe
rior job in the office. Nothing looks
illrtier than a badly printed letter head
from old, mashed up type.
Bill Heads, Letter Heads, Note Heads,
etc., nicely printed and put up in handy
tablets, at The Cockaxt Job Office.
Lobbying in Georgia.
It is openly charged that the railroads are
using money, oodlesof money, to bribe the mem
bers, and that they have hired the press all over
the State. Do you reckon there is any probabie
cause for such charges? Have our people come
down to the like of that? Is lobbying for pay a
business like it used to be during the Bullock
reign? Has General Alexander a big fund sure
enough that be is using tq kill the commission?
—Bill Arp in Constitution.
The Courant saw no money paid to
any member of the Legislature, and even
Kingsbery failed to offer the Courant
his little bribe which proved such a per
suasive factor with many of the newspa
pers of the State. But our neighbor Arp
is behind the times when he ask3 if any
lobbying has been carried on in Georgia
since Bullock’s regime. Bullock was a
fugitive from the State iD 1872, and a
full-fledged democratic administration
and democratic Legislature was in pow
er. There were not as many outside
evidences of lobbying in 1872 as there
have been in 1885. It took four years to
bring out the facts of 1872, they not
being revealed until 1870. It may take
longer than four years to bring out the
facts of 1885. Our readers may ask what
were the facts of 1872. Gov. Brown ad
mitted that lie paid twelve thousand dol
lars to certain newspapers—he gave their
names and stated the amount he paid to
each. The object of this bribe, he stated,
was to influence public opinion and the
Legislature. The balance of the twenty
one thousand dollars he paid to certain
lobbyists to ‘talk up’ the lease to the
members of the Legislature, and the dis
tinguished Senator says his hired tools
did it most effectively. He only placed
one restriction upon them, and that was,
they were not to buy any liquor for the
member they were endeavoring to honey
tuggle. For small favors, God be
praised. To relieve Neighbor Arp’s
ignorance and innocence, we will tell
him the Atlanta Constitution received
five thousand dollars of this fund as its
share of the lobby money. As the Con
stitution is now known to be fat and
flourishing, we think it ought to pay
Neighbor Arp fifteen dollars per week
instead of ten dollars per week, to help
them fight the Commission and apolo
gize for the monopolies of the State. It
looks rather hard to grease a fat sow and
let all the poor shotes root for a living.
Our neighborly solicitude for Mr. Arp
induces us to urge him to ‘pitch in’ while
the pot is supposed to be boiling and
bubbling over with good things.
Brother Arp seems to be more familiar
with Bullock’s peculiar style of lobbying
than he is with Gen. Alexander’s far
reaching scheme for controlling all leg
islation in behalf of railroad monopolies.
Even lion. N. E. Harris, of Bibb, seems
to be ignorant that Gen. Alexander lias
any connection with the railroads of the
country, or that he was ever connected
with an association, the avowed object of
which was to strangle all new railroad
prospects, and to influence the execu
tive, the legislative and judicial depart
ments of all the States in the Union in
favor of railroad rapacity and oppression.
We give, for the information of Mr. Arp
and all other innocent parties, the fol
lowing extracts from letters written by
Mr. Fink (Trunk Line Commissioner)
and Gen. Alexander, vice-president of
the Louisville and Nashville railroad,
and, according to Gov. Brown’s state
ment, the largest shareholder in the lease
of the W. & A. Railroad.
Gen. Alexander writes to the ‘crank’
who Hon. N. E. Hurris says managed
this association, in these words:
“Should you wish to advance nly name
with any one who does not know me,
Sir. Albert Fink, I am very sure, would
give me such endorsement as would an
swer, as he recommended me two years
ago to be his own successor.”
Mr. Albert Fink responded in these
words:
“Gen. Alexander has been connected
with railroads for many years, and he
stands yery high as a railroad manager
and a gentleman ; he was formerly vice
president of the Louisville and Nashville
Railway Company; he has written much
on the railroad problem and very sensi
bly. Yours respectfully,
Albert Fink.”
Immediately the ‘crank’ announces
Gen. Alexander as the president of the
association which was organized to in
fluence governors, legislatures and
courts in favor of railroads against the
people by the infernal force of gold.
Gen. Alexander is now government di
rector of the Pacific railroads, and
draws, we understand, ten dollars per
day and his travelling expenses as re
muneration for his services to the United
States Government, which employs di
rectors to see that these Pacific railroads
pay their dues to the government, and
to protect the people against unreasona
ble and unjust discrimination in freight
and passenger tariffs. “When the wick
ed reign the people mourn.”
Next Year’s Campaign.
It is only an uninformed man who insists that
there is not going to be a big time in politics
next year. The truth stands out that the Inde
pendents and Republicans are going to kick up a
big racket. Just as certain as 18S6 comes, Dr.
W. H. Felton, who has lately been warmed in
the bosom of the Georgia Democracy, is going to
cause trouble to the party, and he is going to
have John E. Bryant for a first lieutenant.
There are certain individuals who are interested
in denying that fact, and they squirm under the
charge, but the truth will appear in time and the
people maj' as well be informed on the subject,
in advance. It is going to be charged by Felton
and his friends that the press of Georgia does not
represent the Democracy of the State, and that
the men who are now at the head of affairs are
the tools of the corporations. There is no doubt
on earth about this, for it has been intimated al
ready . With that cry for his stock in trade and
with his issue further made up of anti-whisky
anti-chain gang, etc., Felton will go to the coun
try and array the country people against the
town people. In his speeches in the Legislature
the doctor has played on one string about half
the time, and that string has been “the farmer
out yonder at the plow.*’ John E, Bryant don't
work for nothing and he has been organizing the
negro vote of this district for two months. There
is no risk in predicting a very bitter fight for
next year and one in which the worst passions of
tile people will be appealed to by unscrupulous
demagogues.
The above, from the Savannah Times,
is the second effort of this shameless
sheet to injure and defame others by
unblushing falsehoods. It has lied so
persistently upon this matter that it is
barely possible it may have persuaded
itself that an untruth is acceptable to the
corporations and monopolies which pay
it to lie.
The creature who does this dirty work
in Atlanta is well known in the State as
the man who will do anything for pay.
We have his name, and the public
shall have his character. Having traded
so long himself with Bullock and Bry
ant, and having been a principal actor
for many years in every dishonorable
and dishonest scheme about Atlanta;
having offered and sold himself in every
Democratic and Republican market in
which he could find a purchaser, it was
natural that he should slander and fal
sify. We know the man who from At
lanta instigated all these dispatches
about coalition between the Independ
ents and Republicans to defeat the Sen
ate railroad hill —a hill which was born
in corruption and nurtured by the most
disreputable agencies.
The Savannah Times has enjoyed the
reputation of being an honorable news
paper. It now asserts it has the proof
that Dr. Felton is in collusion with
John E. Bryant to break up the Demo
cratic party and make himself Governor
of the State. Now, we demand the
proof, and if it is not forthcoming then
the editor of the Times must, in conjunc
tion with its “Atlanta prompter,” en
dure the infamy which they merit.
Was It a Junketing Committee?
The Albany News and Advertiser de
sires to know if the recent Falligant
Committee which was carried in a pal
ace car over the State to inspect the rail
roads of the State and report to the Gen
eral assembly upon the importance of
abolishing the railroad commission was a
junketing committee on a junketing tour,
or not? We will attempt to gratify the
laudable curiosity of our Albany con
temporary. We must picture a mag
nificent palace car standing at the ear
shed in the city of Macon. It is furnish
ed most luxuriously—sleeping berths,
refreshment stands—indeed, everything
which can stimulate and satiate the most
refined and cultivated taste. The rail
roads of Georgia have exhausted their
ingenuity and tapped largely their $70,-
000,000 of capital to fit up a palace car
worthy of the gentle spirits who are to
occupy it.
The following is the schedule of time
prepared for this elegant company of
gentleman who start on time from the
city of Macon to inspect the roads which
are oppressed and impoverished by the
commissioners:
Leave Arrive
May 19—Macon 9am Columbus— Ipm
“ Columbus... 2pm Eufaula 6pm
“ 20—Eufaula 9am Albany Ipm
“ Albany 3pm Blakely 6pm
“ Blakely 6>£pm Albany 9pm
“ 21—Albany 6am Thomasville.. Bam
“ Thomasville 10 am Waycross Ipm
“ Waycross ..I:3opm Albany 6 pm
“ 22—Albany 7am Maeon via E.
TV4 G 11 am
“ Macon 12 m Brunswick .. Bpm
“ 23—8 runs wick
via B if; W. 9am Jacksonville. 4pm
“ Jackson vile. 7pm Savannah .. 6am
Remained in Savannah May 24, 23, 26, 27
“ 27—Savannah... .9 am Augusta 2pm
“ 28—Augusta ..7:4opm Atlanta Ipm
“ Atlanta via
W& A 2pm Chattanooga 7pm
“ 29—Chattanooga
via ETV&G Bam Austell Ipm
“ Austell 1 pin Birmingham 7pm
“ 80—Birmingham 2pm Atlanta 9 pm
“ 31 —Atlanta
June I—Leave Atlanta for Tallulah Falls and
return to Atlanta.
Remained 1 hour in Columbus.
“ 1 night in Eufaula.
“ 2 hours in Albany.
“ % hour in Blakely.
“ 1 night iu Albany.
“ 2 hours in Thomasville.
“ H hours in Waycross.
“ 1 hour in Macon.
“ 1 night in Brunswick.
“ 3 hours in Jacksonville.
“ FOUR DAYS IN SAVANNAH.
“ 1 night iu Augusta.
“ 1 hour in Atlanta.
“ 1 night in Chattanooga.
“ iy t days in Birmingham.
1 night in Atlaflta.
Journey to the Falls.
Total number miles traveled, about 2,243
“ “ days out 12
“ •' # hours out 288
“ “ hours at rest lBB
“ “ hours in motion.. 100
Average speed per hour travelled about 22>£
miles.
It will be seen from the above how
rapidly they were carried, around Geor
gia, Alabama, Tennessee and Florida, in
elegant ease. We can see the intelligent
face of the Senator from Chatham as he
points out to his colleagues the indubita
ble evidence of the “arbitrary powers”
of the Commission; and we can hear his
musical voice as he exclaims, “Gentle
men, we need no more; this Commission
must go;” and we catch the response of
the exhilarated members of the commit
tee and the attending railroad magnates
as all exclaim : “The Commission must
go!”
It will be seen that they tarry nowhere
until they reach Savannah; one hour in
Atlanta, one night in Augusta, one
night in Macon, and so on, until uuder
the guidance of their compagnon de voyage
they arrive at the delectable city. There
they linger for four days. We have of
ten been impressed with the description
of Lot’s escape from Sodom. The in
spired writer represents him as leaving
very reluctantly. It is said he “linger
ed.” He lingered until the angels had
to drag him from its delightful palaces
and attractive amusements. Its wine
cellars, its fragrant Havana segars, its
claret punch, its splendid drives over
shell-roads, etc., we are not surprised
that Lot lingered in the delightful city.
So our junketing committee, when they
reach the most refined and elegant of
Southern cities, are disposed to linger.
They lingered four days amid the hospi
talities of the great Central Railroad
Company. The balance of Georgia did
not hold out sufficient inducements to
our committee to tarry long, therefore
when the Central railroad said the Com
mission “must go,” our committee is
equal to the occasion and respond the
Commission shall go!
Every bottle of Shriner Indian Vermi
fuge is guaranteed to give satisfaction if
used according to direction.
Our job office is the best equipped in
North Georgia, and additions are being
made daily.
THE COXTEDERACY.
Recollections of the Civil Service of the
Confederate Government.
BY HENRY D. CAPERS.
CHAPTER VII.
An examination of the regulations
found in the preceding chapter will fail
to convince any one at all accustomed to
the systematic order of business affairs,
that there was a single exaction made
which would accomplish in the least par
ticular, the personal dignify of an official,
or that would place a restraint upon the
employee not demanded by the interests
of the public service. The opposition to
the enforcement of these regulations was,
in my opinion, not from a disposition on
the part of an v official to avoid the per
formance of duty, but simply from the
fact that the habits of the objeetor form
ed among the associations of a people
who, from their infancy, were accus
tomed to freedom from all restraint, were
such that he rebelled at the very sugges
tion of a master, however made. This
was noticeable not only in the civil ser
vice, but in the military organizations of
the confederacy. To command was so
much the nature of our people that it
was, of all things most repugnant to
their natures, to be commanded. Obe
dience to law as an abstract virtue might
have been, and was frequently, eulogized
by those whose spirits were ready to defy
the constituted authorities of the law at
the least provocation. Hence our army
was once styled ‘a convention of officers.’
Once having announced his regulations
to the subordinates of his department,
Mr. Memminger not only conformed his
official life to them, but was inflexible in
their enforcement. No political or social
influence could save a recalcitrant or
negligent official. This was distinctly
evidenced in the case of a gentleman
from Virginia who held a clerkship in
the secretary’s office. Shortly after the
announcement of the secretary’s rules,
this gentleman gave expression to his
criticism in a communication to a Rich
mond newspaper, in which he very im
prudently, but, as I believe, not wilfully,
made puh’ic certain business transactions
of the department. As soon as it was
ascertained that Mr. Popham (for this
was the name of the gentleman) was the
author of a communication to the press,
he was at once notified that his services
were no longer reauired. In vain did
repentant regrets and the appeals of in
fluential friends reach the secretary, or
seek to secure the intervention of the
President.
It is by no means a necessary inference
that in the routine of our official duties
we were denied the pleasures of such so
cial interchange as serve to make the
spice of what otherwise might become
an insipid and prosy fife. On the con
trary, there were times when our social
contact brought out the finest expres
sions of wit and a fund of good humor
which I often recall with the greatest
pleasure.
Among the most genial of our bureau
officers was Alexander B. Cletherall,
register of the treasury. To a gentle
man of manner indicating a refined cul
ture, there was an open manly frank
ness, and an easy flow of language which
made his presence always agreeable,
while his bright mind furnished, upon
all occasions such crisp freshness of
thought, and such a fund of sparkling
wit that one at all capable of appreciating
good company always found the com
panionship of the judge a precious cor
dial, as cheering to the soul as the very
best of old wine. He carried his good
humor and happy spirit so gracefully
into the details of the dullest business
transactions that there was not the least
interference with the despatch of official
duties, but one nearly felt stimulated to
greater exertions by his presence. The
signatures to the obligation of the first
bonds issued by the Confederate Govern
ment are those of Judge Clitherall and
my own, supplemented with the initials
of Mr. Charles T. Jones, chief clerk of
the registry. These signatures were not
lithographed, as is the custom these later
days, but made by the individuals with
pen and ink. Judge Clitherall had, for
many years, occupied not only a high so
cial position among the gentry of Mont
gomery, but had won considerable dis
tinction in the profession of law. He
had served the Montgomery district as
judge of the Chancery court, and was
justly regarded as high authority in all
questions on the equity side of the
court. Just prior to his appointment as
register of the treasury, Judge Clitherall
was connected with the provisional con
gress in some critical capacity. Con
versant with the progress made by this
body in framing the legislation necessa
ry to inaugurate the Government of the
Confederacy, the judge had an opportu
nity furnished for the display of his ar
dent patriotism, which he alwavs refer
red to with the greatest self-satisfaction.
This was upon the report of the commit
tee appointed to report a flag for the
Confederacy. As soon as he was aware
of the design agreed upon he procured
the necessary bunting, and had the
willing hands of a few lady friends em
ployed fashioning it to conform strictly
to the committee’s report. A flag staff
was hurriedly improvised and secured to
the most conspicuous elevation of the
capitol building. With this flag fixed to
a rope and the halyards well oiled, Judge
Clitherall might have been seen on the
roof of the capitol eagerly waiting a sig
nal from the legislative hall below. Im
mediately upon the adoption of the re
port of the committee, the signal was
given, and the first Confederate flag
ever unfurled to the soft winds of the
South was gaily waving in the sunlight
of a beautiful March day. The fact that
the new born flag was floating above
their heads soon conveyed to the
Congress, while the news rapidly spread
through the city. In a short time quite
a number of citizens were gathered in
front of the capitol. Clitherall still re
mained by his flag staff a picture of pa
triotic animation. From his lofty sta
tion he called in clear, ringing tones,
“Three cheers for the Confederate flag.”
These were given with a hearty good
will, a cordial greeting to the chosen cn
sign of the newly formed government,
destined to a short career of glory, bnt,
as an emblem of chivalry, the index of
unsullied honor, to live forever among
the proudest and brightest standards of
modern ages. I have, at different times,
noticed newspaper statements, the best
of them not more than a conjecture, pur
porting to give the heraldic, signification
of the Confederate flag, and the reasons j
why the particular device known
in common parlance as the “stars and
bars” was adopted by the provisional
congress. It may not be out of place for
me to present just here the report of the i
congressional committee. It gives the j
lull history of the first flag, and as a his
torical paper Is well worth preserving.
On the sth day of March, 1861, Mr.
Miles, of South Carolina, chairman of
the committee to select a proper flag for
the Confederate States, presented to Con
gress the following report:
“Your committee beg leave to report
that they have given thi3 subject due
consideration and carefully inspected all
the designs and models submitted to
them. The number of these has been
immense, but they all may be divided
into two great classes. First, those
which copy and preserve the principal
features of the United States flag with
slight and unimportant modifications;
second, those which are very elaborate,
complicated or fantastical. The objec
tion to the first class is, that none of
them could, at any considerable distance,
be readily distinguished from the one
which they imitate. Whatever attach
ment may be felt, trom association, for
the stars and stripes (an attachment
which your committee may be permitted
to say they all do not share), it is mani
fest that m inaugurating anew Govern
ment we cannot retain the flag of the
Government from whicli we have with
drawn with any propriety or without en
countering very obvious practical diffi
culties. There is no propriety in retain
ing the ensign of the Government which,
in the opinion of the States composing
this Confederacy, had become so oppres
sive and injurious to their interests as to
require their separation from it. It is
idle to talk of ‘keeping’ the flag of the
United States when we have voluntarily
seceded from them. It is superfluous to
dwell upon the practical difficulties which
would flow from the fact of two distinct
and probably hostile governments, both
employing the same or very similar flags.
It would be a political and military sole
cism. It would produce endless confus
ion and mistakes; it would lead to per
petual disputes. As to ‘the glories of
the old flag,’ we must bear in mind that
the battles of the Revolution about which
our fondest and proudest memories clus
ter, were not fought beneath its folds,
and although in more recent times, in
the war of 1812 and in the war with
Mexico, the South did win her fair share
of glory, and shed her full measure of
blood under its guidance and in its de
fence, we think the impartial page of
history will preserve and commemorate
the fact more imperishably than in a
mere piece of striped bunting. When
the colonies achieved their independence
of the‘Mother Country’ (which up to
the last they fondly called her), they did
not desire to retain the British flag, or
anything at all similar to it. Yet under
that flag they had been planted and nur
tured and fostered ; under that flag they
had fought in their infancy for their
very existence against more than one
determined foe; under it they had re
pelled and driven back the relentless
savage and carried it further and further
into the decreasing wilderness as the
standard of civilization and religion;
under it the youthful Washington won
his spurs in the memorable and unfortu
nate expedition of Braddock; and Amer
icans helped to plant it on the heights of
Abraham, where the immortal Wolfe
fell, covered with glory in the arms of
victory. But our forefathers, when they
separated themselves from Great Britain
—a separation not on account of their ha
tred of the English constitution or of
English institutions, but in consequence
of the tyranical and unconstitutional rule
of Lord North’s administration, and be
cause their destiny beckoned them on
to independent expansion and achieve
ment—cast no lingering regretful looks
behind them. They were proud of their
race and lineage, proud of their heritage
in the glories, and genius, and language
of old England; but they were influen
ced by the spirit of the motto of the great
Hampden: ‘ Vestigia nulla retrovsum .’
They were determined to build up anew
power among the nations of the world.
They, therefore, did not attempt ‘to
keep the old flag.’ We think it good to
imitate them in this comparatively little
matter, as well as to emulate them in
greater and more important ones. The
committee, in examining the representa
tions of the flags of all countries, found
that Liberia and the Sandwich Islands
had flags so similar to the United States
that it seemed to them an additional, if
not in itself a conclusive reason, why we
should not keep, copy or imitate it. They
felt no inclination to borrow at second
hand what had been pilfered and appro
priated by a free-negro community and
a race of savages.
“It must be admitted, however, that
something was conceded 1 y the commit
tee to what so strong and earnest a
desire to retain, at least, a suggestion of
the ‘old stars and stripes.’ So much for
tne many models and designs more or
less copied from and assimilated to the
United States flag. With reference to
the second class of designs, those of an
elaborate and complicated character (but
many of them showing considerable ar
tistic skill and taste), the committee will
merely remark that however pretty they
may be, when made up by the cunning
skill of a fair lady’s fingers in silk, satin
and embroidery, they are not appropri
ate a> flags. A flag should be simple,
readily made, and above all, capable of
being made up in bunting. It should be
readily distinguished at a distance. The
colors should be well contrasted, and
durable, and lastly, and not the least
important point, it should be effective
and handsome.
“The committee humbly think that
the flag which they submit combines
these requisites. It is very easy to make
J. A. CRAWFORD, Georgia. R. N. HUDSON, Tennessee.
Crawford & Hudson,
CARTERSVIL.LE, GEORGIA.
SALE mid LIVERY STABLE.
East of Railroad, Near the Courthouse.
, OUR TURNOUTS ARE STRICTLY
IIOKSES AND MULES kept on
OUR accommodations for
DROVERS CANNOT BE SURPASS
HICKS <ST BREVARD,
CABINET MAKERS,
Manufacturers of and Dealers in
*
FURNITURE of EVERY DESCRIPTION.
IJN DETiTAKINGr A SPECIALTY.
Can Furnish the-Most Humble Coffin as fell as the Most Elegant Castet.
JOB WORK PROMPTLY EXECUTED.
Shop on Eagt Main Street, Cartersville, Georgia. o!5
It is entirely different from any national
flag. The three colors of which it is
composed—red, white and blue—are
true republican colors. In heraldry,
they are emblematic of the three great
virtues of valor, purity and truth. Na
val men assure us that it can be recog
nized and distinguished at a great dis
tance. The colors contrast admirably,
and are lasting. In eflect and appear
ance it must speak for itself.
“Your committee therefore recom
mend that the flag of the Confederate
States of America shall consist of a red
field with white spaces extending horri
zontally through the center and equal in
width to one-third the width of the flag.
The red spaces above and below are to
be ot the same width as the white, the
union blue extending down through the
white space and stopping at the lower
red space. In the center of the union a
circle of white stars, corresponding in
number with the states in the Confeder
acy. If adopted, long may it wave oyer
a brave, a free, and a virtuous peonle.
May the career of the Confederacy,
whose duty it will be to support and de
fend it, be such as to endear it to our
children’s children as the flag of a loved,
because a just and benign Government;
and the cherished symbol of its valor,
purity and truth. Respectfully sub
mitted.
THE IPIGOPIjK’S VIOi OR Y.
Atlanta Journal.]
The great struggle is over the anti-
Conmiission bill in the Legislature, which
has for weeks engrossed the attention of
the State, culminated this morning in
the House, and resulted in a victory for
the people. The Senate bill failed to re
ceive the requisite constitutional majori
ty. We rejoice over the result, noton
our own account, but on account of the
people whose interests were seriously in
volved iii the matter, and which would
have suffered great and inevitable injury
had the desperate attempt of the railroads
and the colossal coalition which they had
under their control, succeeded in forcing
the issue in their favor. Every unpre
judiced man knows what the real pur
pose of this bill was. Disguise it as they
will, it was a bold attempt on the part of
the railroads to be rid of the Railroad
Commission, and to regain the power
they formerly had to make their own
rates, without the fear of effectual inter
ference on the part of this regulating bo
dy sworn to perform their duty as the
agents of the people through the consti
tution and the Legislature. To accom
plish their purpose to emasculate the
Commission, every agency which unlim
ited money power and unscrupulous dis
regard of'all interests save their own
selfish ones could compass and control
was set in motion, a subsidized or cun
ningly misled press lend its powerful aid
to the scheme, and for a long time the
cause of the people against aggression,
rapacity and the rule of the “bosses,”
trembled in the scale, and the prospect
looked ominous. But thanks to the un
wavering fidelity of the true representa
tives of the people in the House, the
masterly eloquence of their speakers, the
inherent righteousness of their cause,
and the steadlastness to principle of the
little phalanx of the press who refused
to take sides with monopolists and bosses
against the people, the scheme of the
latter has failed and wisdom, justice and
moderation have triumphed. Let it be
distinctly understood that the men who
fought this iniquitous bill are not “com
munists,” nor that they fail to recognize
the great value of railroads, their incal
culable u efulness and their splendid re
cord as developers of Georgia’s material
interests. This is frankly conceded.
But the interests of the people are su
preme, and while benefits are reciprocal,
the creature must not presume to be
greater than the creator. The railroads
attempted to change this prime relation
ship and were defeated, a3 they should
have been. Let us learn a lesson from
this of mutual forbearance, comity and
patriotism. These crises work tor the
good of a people after all.
'The vote was then had with the follow
ing result:
SACRED
TO THE MKMORy OF
Those Voting in Favor of
Railroad Monopolies versus
The People.
B. F. Abbott, of Fulton,
J. F. Baker, of I’ike.
B. F. Bartsdale, of Wilkes,
C. L. Bartlett, of Bibb,
W. W. Beach, of Appling,
J. I. Beck, of Calhoun,
W. P. Bond, of DeKalb,
A. Brandt, of Richmond,
W. G. Brantley, of Pierce,
J. H. Butt, of Hall,
M. V. Calvin, of Richmond,
T. C. Candler, cf Bank%
T. J. Chappell, of Muscogee,*
C. C. Cleghorn, of Chattooga,
G. W. Comer, of Jones,
J. E. Dart, of Glynn,
J. T. Dennis, of Putnam,
Willis Dorminy, of Irwin,
B. C. Duggar, of Fannin.-
W. D. Ellis, of Fulton,
A. W. Fite, of Bartow,
D. B. Fitzgerald, of Stewart,
F. Flint, of Spalding,
J. E. Gardner, of Pike,
W. C. Gill, of Lee,
W. W. Gordon, of Chatham,
C. 11. Greer, of Jasper,
F. P. Griffith, of Oconee,
G. W. Gustin, of Bibb,
T. J. Haralson, of Union,
S. If. Ilardercan, of Wilkes,
N. E. Harris, of Bibb,
W. Harrison, of Quitman,
J' C. Hart, of Greene,
G. Hartridge, of Chatham,
E. C. Hawes, of McDuffie,
It. M. Heard, of Elbert,
J. E. Hightower, ot Lourens,
J. K. Hines, of Washington,
G. L. Humphries, of DeKalb,
W. F. Jenkins, of Putnam,
J. L. Johnson, of Floyd,
B. F. Jones, of Miller,
J. F. Jones, of 'Troup,
J. S. King, of Upson,
li. N. Lamar, of Baldwin,
L. M. Lamar, of Pulaski.
J. I. Langston, of Raban,
J. W. Linesey, of Wi[kinson,
A. Lively, of Surka,
A. Lott, of Coftee,
S. G. McLendon, of Thomas,
J. McWhorter, of Oglethorpe,
R. B, Matthews, of Oglethorpe,
W. H. Miller, of Ware,
I'. B. Montgomery, of Hall,
G, 11. Morgan, of Effingham,
T. 11. Nibleek, of Jackson,
J. Palmour, of Dawson,
B. B. Parker, of Hart,
C. R. Pringle, of Washington,
D. J. Ray, of Dooly,
W. F. Raybon, of Wayne,
Peter Reily, of Chatham,
C. A. Robbe, of Richmond,
R. B. Russell, of Clarke,
I'. J. Scott, of Madison,
John Sims, of Lincoln,
W. 11. Snead, of Berrien,
C. F. Staten, of Echols,
O. B. Stephens, of Terrell,
A. E. Tarver, of Jeffe s in,
J. W. Thayer, of Baker,
W. W. Turner, of Coweta,
J. W. Turner, of Floyd,
P. G. Veazey, of 'Taliaferro,
11. L. Wathins, ot Colquitt,
W. K. Williams, of White,
A. Wilson, Camden,
11, Wilson, of Mclntosh.
Jack Womack, of Clay,
J. 11. Word, of Carroll, •
Y. A. Wright, of Butts —S3.
'Those who voted for the people and
against railroad monopolies are:
J. L. Adderson, of Sumter,
J. R. Alexander, ot iliomas,
j. W. Andrews, of Gwinnett,
L. Arnheim, of Dougherty,
W. G. Ballard, of Campbell,
R. L. Berner, of Monroe,
Wierßoyd, of Lumpkin,
J. W. Brinson, of Jefferson,
W. B. Butt, of Marion,
J. M. Canaday, of Charlton,
N. B. Cash, of Jackson,
Willis Cason, of Wilcox,
A. S. Clay, of Cobh,
R. A. Connell, of Decatur,
J, 11. Corn, of Towns,
]{. W. Darden, of Emanuel,
Thomas Eason, of Telfair,
R. W. Everett, of Poik,
W. 11. Felton, of Bartow,
W. J. Ford, of Worth,
J. S. Franklin, of Elbert*
E. Fagan, of Houston,
J. B. Fraser, of Liberty,
J. B. Goodwin, of Coweta,
J. M. Gresham, of Walton,
A. T. Ilackett, of Catoosa,
L. A. Hall, of Dodge,
C. S. Hamilton, of Montgomery,
J. I). Harrell, of Decatur,
D. B. Harrell, of Webster,
W. M. llawke3, of Sumter,
Levi Hollingsworth, of Heard,
J. W. Hopson, of Brooks,
E. G. Jones, of Fayette,
John Kytle, of Habersham,
M. W. Lewis, of Greene,
J. R. Lewis, of Hancock,
W. R. Little, of Franklin*
S. T. Lolly, of Macon,
R. A. Lovett, of Burke,
T. J. Lumpkin, of Dade,
J. H. Lynch, ofllariis,
J, J. McCants, of Taylor,
J. C. F. McCook, of Chattahoochee,
Israel Maples, of Mitchell,
M. 11. Mason, of Johnson, .
J. T. Mattox, of Tatriall, JBk
T. B. Meyers, ofScnlev,
T. C. Milner, of Gordon,
I. N. Moon, of Cobb,
J. W. Moore, of Hancock,
11. L. Patterson, of Forsyth,
W J Peeples, of Murray,
T J Perry, of Randolph,
W R Pool, of Gwinnett,
E J Reagan, of Henry,
II Reynolds, of Twiggs,
R A Russell, of Harris,
W H Shurley, of Warren,
J N Smith, of Crawford,
M M Smith, of Douglas,
J M Spinks, of Poulding,
J A Stewart, of Rockdale,
A Studdard, of Morgan,
J II Sutton, of Monroe,
J W 'Terrel, of Meriwether,
John Thomas, of Fulton,
E C Thrash, of Meriwether,
W W Turner, of Troup,
R L Usry, of Giaseock,
J M Walker, of Floyd,
T A Ward, of Clayton,
E W Watkins, of Gilmer,
J 1> Webb, of Milton,
R M Willis, of Talbot,
J W Wimberly, of Houston,
J B Wheeler, of Walker—73.
These not voting are —
A J A vary, of Columbia—sick iu bed,
W F Brown, of Carroll,
II Chancy, of Early,
S M Davenport, of Haralson,
J W Harrell, of Lowndes,
J II Heath, of Burke,
BZ Herndon, of Whitfield,
R B Johnson, of Clinch,
J W Johnson, of Screven,
L L Middlebrooks, of Newton,
R o* Bryan,
Carter Tate, of Pickens,
W A Teaseley, of Cherokee—l3.