The Times and state's right advocate. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1833-1833, January 15, 1833, Image 1
SO. 1. thi: ti *ii:n $ JA iJS’3 WII I, be publie'n'il one.' a week, in the Town of M lleilitr. ' 1 ,’ riIREIS DOLt.AItS per annum, if paid in advnice, or Fillß DOLLARS, a. .ho e >,l of.hc voir. ,u ... \,lverlUeinems eisi-rtrd at it: seal rates: thus. „„t'without .» specified numb, of u.si ru.,ns, will he pi.U- V heil until 'rdorod out anil enured aoeordntnly. Sales of I and, by Administrators. Kx'-ul ' -.rr Uttardi.ins, are r. - • j t ; v i aw , to be hold on the first Tuesday in the month between ihe hours of ten in She forenoon and three in the a moon, , u t | lP court-house in the county in which the uronertv is situate. Notice of those sales must he given in a Duhlte iaaette sixty days >revious to the day of sale. Sales of neirroes must he at public auction, on the first Tuesday of thetU'iitlh, between the list'd hours of sale, at the plaee, of linldte sales in the county where the letters Teatamentary. of Administration or Guardianship, may have beeimranfnl. irst vivimr sixty days notice thereof, in one <>! the |> thlic yrntettes «f this State, and at the door of tint court-house, where such "sales are to be held. N'otieefor the sale of Personal Pr Dertv must he given in like manner, orty days previous to he our .t'*;»!<’• N.'iiooi'ih lMr.ors an 1 Urrditnr* ..fan nuisih* puUUsho \ for X mc< that nppli- C ation will ho matlo to !h** 1 * *rt >f OrJimrv far lo tvo !*• sell Land. mu*t ho »uh!isho I fimr N tiro for lo;i\v i.jsell Neirroov* mu«t ho p»ih 1 t*»i \ - r months-, betore any nrdf* absolute irill ho n. i.|.* »horo mhy the Court. poi:tr¥. “With a poet’s hand.and n prophet’s fire. He struck the wild warbling of his lyre” .\apuSoon a t rest* CT J. riF.RPONT. His falchion \vnv«>d . lon* the Nile, His host he led through Alpine snows : OYr Moscow's towers, that blaxM the while, Hid caste iiag unrolled, and froze ! Here sleeps he now alone ! not one. Os all the kings whose crowns he gave, Bend o'er fiis dust: nor or son Has ever seen or sought his grave. Behind the sea-girt rock the star That led him on from crown tit crown, Has sunk, and nations from afar. Gazed as it faded and went down. High is histc’nb; the ocean Hood, Tar, fur below, by storms is curled; And round him hea.v, while high he stood, A stormy and unstable world. Alone he sleeps; tho mountain clquil That night hangs round him, and the breath Os morning scatters, is the shroud. That wrapt the conqueror’s cluy in death. Pause here ! Tho far off world at last Breathes free: the hand that shook its thr nos And to the earth its mitre* cast, Lies powerless beneath those atones. Hark ! omes there from ths pyramids, And Iro'ni .Syberian wastes ofsnow, And Europe's hills, :i voice that bids Tho world bo awed to mourn him ? No ! The only, the perpetual dirge That's hejrd here, is the sea-bird's cry— Tho mournful murmur ol the surge. The cloud's deep voice, tin? wind’s low sigh. The J'aUZoFicld. Til charge isgivet—trumpet« sounding, Urge the warriors on their way-; Forword their fiery coursers hounding Eager for the battle fray. They glitter an the sun’s bright beams. Their standards roared in pride: They como they come, as torrent streams ■Roll o’er tho mountain's side. They moot, they meet —foes of ages Sons of sires who met to die mac’ll one as the battle rages, Hoars their blood for vengeance cry. V ith ervos as firm, and hearts as bravo, Sons their fathers* weapons wield ; They follow where the banners wave, Welcome Death, but scorn to yield. They fall, they fall, sire* arc childless— Fondest wives are widow’d now ; Death with Glory’s laurel’s wreathes Cypress round the blood-staitiM brow. The strife ie o’er—the sun Ims -set On hands of fallen Iwrocs ; V ho proudly rode in martial state, When first its beams arose. 11 IX. TOW.W hFESX’?3, On RytuTo It t»s© In lion in Seuni?. •Mr. President :—I could hardly expect, under the most favourable circumstances, to oiler any thing interesting to the Senate; much less can I hope, admonished as i am, from indisposition and a restlessness on ihe part of the Senators to record their votes, that my remarks will bo acceptable. Without further apology, I will proceed to the dis cussion of the question under consideration. To the original resolutions sent from die other branch of the Legislature, a substitute has been offered, and the motion of the honorable Senator from Monroe, is to receive that substitute in lien of tho original Resolutions. Gentlemen who have preceded me itithis argument, have admitted with much candor, that the question under discussion involves princi ples °f deep interest to the people of Georgia. .None w,can feel more deeply th ur myself, tho impor tance ot the present question. Nona Sir, can at tach more importance to a wise dcteiminntion by the Senate, upon the measures upon your table than myself: l may be permitted to remark, that circum stances have rendered it no longer practicable for this legislature to remain inactive, however unwil hag, ordinary gentlemen may be to assume the deep responsibility imposed by an action upon measures | fl ia character like those under consideration, yet the crisis has arrived when rcsponsibilty, howevor-great, should loose its terror, and every gentleman whetli- ? r a public functionary or private individual, should look to the preservation of his country, and with a rankness worthy ti e occasion, proclaim his senti ments. Mr. President—Before I proceed to review the pr°' isions of the original resolutions introduced in . •°| Representatives by Mr. R\*m. I trust 1 may be indulged briefly to reply to some remarks of an ex traordinary character, falling from the Honorable ‘ nator from Morgan. From the observations ot at gentleman, to iiim was assigned the delicate as , not only of denouncing the resolutions, hut de ounemgthe pretended spurious manner in which the •solutions found their way in the other branch of l - '<*gislature. I will not, for a moment, attempt Hi STATE* H RIGHT ARVGC'ATE. l»l?I\ri;i> AM> I>| lil.lsni;]) I*Y .11 Vn.YADI Kit J. fiLADR, AT TIIUGK BODLAKN VKK AA\| tl. ' M r. vl-vkr nssr.viN <.r any tiii»3 ~Tu.ru iikinu oim r.nnii. ws shall sail i snsit mkk ai>h*ics».”— lloitACt. to do tree, from the gentleman’s known ninth v in pe netrating the mysteries of the past—l will nbtdenv ih it la- knows less ol the true author ufi those reso lutions than the individual who penned them,'l will Sir. tortile sake ol this argument, suppose that the honorable Senator himself was the author of these r 'so.utions.and that by some strange tatn!i;\, inei de t to o .r nature, he may have lost all relish for Ins own, would it then have been criminal for Mr. ivv ani to have adopted and ushered into existence ii meiplos that might possibly through some untime .l| i oi the gentleman, been doonied'to porpetu al night. 1 hope not,Sir, the resolution, by whom soever penned, i, an immaterial consideration, and wnether this origin is to be traced to the pen of Air. Iv_\ an, or tne most obscure, or exalted personage in our State, are alike unimportant considerations for the Senate. It is the principles contained in the resolutions, and not the author that is bclotv this Senate, and 1 siiaii now proceed to show that the strictures on tne original resolutions, are notonlv unnn rile l hut the result of malignant party spleen, in themselves they embody the only plan that is sale for the people o.the South, and especially tin- citizens of this Slate. Mr. President—what is proposed by .Mr. Ryans resolutions—what doctrine is embodied in them that conflicts with the principles ol the government, the interest ot the people, or the constitutional privi leges ot this legislature— none has been pointed out, none then can exist. But sir, we have been told by •lie honorable .senators from Monroe, Morgan, Libert and Putnam, that these resolutions reflect I upon the majority of the late Convention hold in tl is place. That is true sir I will not affect to nisunderstand the opposition: these resolutions do reflect upon that Convention. They do attach a character to the proceedings of a majority of. that Convention Irom which gentlemen would he happy to extricate their friends; and sir, before 1 leave the subject, 1 promise to shew to the satisfaction ot every candid min I, grave and important as this charge may he, it is nevertheless merited. The next objection urged to the resolutions, is, that they propose to leave to the people of Georgia, on the first Monday m January next, the right of expres sing by their votes, whether they desire a Southern Convention or not, and thirdly they di uouuce .Nul lification, and lastly the resolutions propose a plan by which that Convention may he organized, if tho people of Georgia should desire it.—ln answer to the tirst objection to the resolutions, it becomes ne ecssary to shew the ruin character of the late Convention, held in this place, in order to justify tho charge made in these resolutions upon the Con vention—Sir, is it not known that shortly after the adjournment ot the late Congress, that a gentleman somewhat distinguished in this state, on his return from Washington City, in a sister state, and at a public dinner given him, as a distinguished .evidence of their approbation of his course on the tarifl quos.ton, did publicly advocate tho doctrine of Nul lification as the rightful remedy in relieving the South from her oppressive taxation—and, sir, was not this distinguished individual, aided by the rest less ambition of a disappointed man, who until of late had the confidence of the Executive of the U. States, known to have assembled, and by their in lluenco to have passed certain resolutions in Ath ens hiv! whjgh resolutions, i>y the combined influ ence of these gentlemen and others of less distinc tion, was regarded as tho authority for the organiza tion of a State Convention—And, sir, allow mo to ask the plain question, was not the late Convention convoked under the authority of the Athens reso lutions, which contains this most remarkable provi sions, “That wo as free citizens of tho State ofGcor gin, will no longer kvilmit to a system <>f legisla tion, which is arbitrary, unequal, unconstitutional, and therefore unjust; that it be recommended to our fellow citizens in the several counties, to elect deleo.ytes to a State Convention, to assemble at Millodgevilla <ai the second Monday in November next and to invest them with mu. towers in hk ii.vu’of th? good people of Georgia to maintain, preserve and defend the iuohts and privileges of the. free citizens of this state —This, sir, is the tirst resolution adopted by any portion of the people of Georgia in a runuc rt.At e and einue manner, so fur as I know and believe, calling upon the people of Georgia and recommending to that people to r.i. ei delegates to a State < Vnivenlion. Was not this call. Sir, responded to, and what was the character of the response,—Sir, is it not known to you that public meetings were held in most of tho counties of this slat", for the purpose of taking in to consideration the very recommendation contain ed in the Athens resolution—Whether they wonl I or would not not elect Delegates to the Convention contemplated under the recommendation of said re solutions. Sir, what was the result of tho variot i County meetings held in pursuance of the Athens resolu tions—is there an honorable Senator within this Hall that will affect ignorance as to the determina tion of the various county meetings in relercnco to this subject—is it not known to every man in Geor gia, that in many counties the people did in those! primary meetings utterly refuse to send delegates.' ami will it be contended on this floor, or by any i respectable man in Georgia, that there v.nn not; members, who rlaimod a scat, in the late Conven tion. and who did actually enjoy that seat Iromcoun ties, Sir, where a majority had in the most public and solemn manner declined electing delegates. A jrain Air. President, permit me,sir, to ask of gentle men who ('enounce tho course of the minority and advocate the proceedings of the majority of the Convention, is it not notorious, is it not known to them, that Delegates enjoyed the privi lege of a seat in that Convention, when nothing like an election in the counties had taken place which tliev were representing —and will any man deny I the’fact that many counties even under all th* ! modes reported to for enlisting fastiifi l uecrfits j under the spurious character of Delegates—still on the second Monday in November (llntt eventful day) j vet remained unrepresented —with facts, Sir. such a j j |, a vo detailed, brought home to tho conscience of every Delegate the grave—the solemn - the ns MII.I.HDGKVII.LK. GKOUGIA. JAM «L\ 1.1, IfGI. ponsihlo question, naturally arises, what was the course the members of the Couven tion should have pursued—Sir, my life in it. my judgment, nil that is snored to me as a man upon s ueh an issi o \• r President,! need not sav to you what was the course dictated hy patriotism and du ty. The plan was suggested--* resolution was of fered hy Mr. Forsyth proposing n scrutiny into the right of each Delegat to Ids seat in the Convention —tins proposition, so reasonable, so just, and indis* pensible under all the circumstances, was reserved tor oMe ot the most talented en ol the age, and the brightest of my native Suite, to submit to an as sembly, professedly emanating immediately from the free Ov sovereign will ot the poo phi, and vet Sir strange and unreasonable ns it may seem to bo, it was met with the most deliberate opposition, an op position that was as unnatural as it was unkind an opposition springing from a quarter, and main tained by doctrines, alike destructive to everv prin ciple of a representative government—need I tell! you Sir, or is the story yet familiar that this rvsolu 1 t on having for its object, a projei t that your cool judgment must approve, was resisti and for days, un til finally, hy consent and co-operatiwn it \rassoa mended as to defeat its primary object, hy that ve r v ma jority whose right to seats in that Convention they damn >t invenigate—then, Sir, and not until then, did the sccedcrs withdraw. It was not Sir, as long ns a hope could be entertained that the projec tors ot this Convention had for their object the re lief of the people ofGcorgin, from this onerous t.n rifl —that this last solemn act, nil not that they re gretted, an net tiiui they endeavored t" svoid liv every me ins consistent with duty, hut an n«t, which when it bee turn the last resort, was tho hrighest of their lives, was preserved. And. Sir, it is for this that the Sccedcrs are to he proscribed—Sir.it would be a happy proscription— for what are they to be donouncodf because Sir. they refused to act in the name and in behalf of the peo ple, until they were satisfied that cadi Delegate had been elected, or in some shape authorized by his own constituents io exercise the right of spend ing in their name. But Sir, there is another view of the extraordinary pretensions of the late Conven tion that is worthy of the deepest reflection.— i'ho Athens resolution under which the Conven tion was organized, required that the people should elect Delegate!*, not to smuggle in Delegates—and yet the same Convention did in substance refuse to ascertain by any competent plan whether the Del egates wore elected, drafted, or come by chance. Sir, such palpable departures from the plan propos ed by the originators is of itself enough to awaken in the bosom of every man, feelings of mistrust. Inde pendent to these considerations,Sir, the Convention according to tho Athens resolution, was to be inves ted with full powers in behalf of the good people of Georgia,to man lain, preserve & defend the rights and privileges of the cilitizens of this State. I know that the ,‘Wends of the Convention disclaim nay in tention on their part to act otherwise than advisato ry that it was a mere meeting of gentlemen to ••maintain, preserve and defend ihe rights and prlvi j leges" ot tho people ofGcorgin (as was happily re marked) by. talking—will tiio people !>•• thus gulled when they arc inform?-!, tll-it till.; talking and advi '“tcry Convention have thought proper to perpetu ate their o\Vn existence by an adjournment to July next as winch time they again mi el, 1 presume- to talk over the success of the registering committees —Sir, is it not monstrous-,, that in afn e government, gentlemen should meet, declare themselves the Del egates of tlm people, many of w hom arc known not to have been elected by a majority of their constitu ents, hold a ft invention, pass a long string of lleso. lotions, and übovo all perpetuate their own exis tence. is an outrage ot this character to he submit ted to. Oli, yes Sir, this conduct on the part of the Convention has not only found odvdeates in this Senate, but able advocates. Gentlemen threw themselves in tho breach, and not only vindicate principles and conduct on the part of Conven tion, but wage an indiscriminate war upon the jn in eiplos ot those who approve of tho conduct ol the minority. The Senator from Morgan has in the most unqualified manner inveighed against the mo tives of the Seccd-; s (here Air, Nt shit explained that it was their principles not their motives that lie condemned.) Sir, the honorable. Senator shall in all charity enjoy the full benefit of hi a explanation, j It is the riti.NCii’LEs of the Seceueils that the Inn-! orable Senator object; to,—.which of their princi-! pics, Sir—The one that induced them to retire from 1 a body that was surreputi inly c instituted with the very view of authoratativoly announcing the doc trine.of nullification. CMi, no Sir, th i gentleman' tells isheis no nullificr ! Was it Sir the principle that induced them to propose a scrutiny into the rights of each delegate to his seat—who pirsentod himself, and claimed the exalted privilege of speak ingin the name, and in behalf of tho free people of; this state —it' so, then Sir, have I reason to rejoice,! that the honort.tile Senator and mys'll’is opposed —or Sir whs it the fhincum.r that induced, the mi nority in the Convention sooner than submit to the outrageous usurpation on the part of the pretend ed majority, to retire from n deliberative body pre tendingly emanating from tl e public will—whose first act v. as a palpable contradiction of th ir pro fessions. Believe me Sir, whatever alternative may he adopted by the gentleman, the glory that may he awarded him for his devotion whether to mpii or measures, will not be envied by me. But says the honorable Senator the minority has assumed a right which they have denied to the majority—and char ges them with having convicted tluricclves of the most palpable inconsistency in their manifesto to the public. I must bog pardon of the gentleman for contesting the filet, and call on him for the evi dence. No Sir, let me assure the h morahle Sena tor w hen he attempts to fix th ; charge of inconsis tency upoi* the s.redi rs, that he mistakes their con dition for his own, and that it is the shadow of his own situation that is at play with his imagination and misleads his judgment. Having examined the character of the late Convention, only so far as was necessary to show, that the sccedcrs not only stand i excused, but justified, by every man that entertains tii«' *!i rlit' .-l veneration lor the great principles ujh on which our tjiMS institutions is bnsoti—l might here •‘oiitoiit mysi'lt- but lor the course that this debate has l iken, 1 should be recreant to myself and my constituents were Ito stop here. Tins same con vention passed a resolution containing the doctrine ot nullification, and in orderto fasten down this dan* !'ero.,s doctrine upon the pood people of Georgia, organi/cd n Central t’onnnittoo with power of tip pointing committers in ettclt county, whose duty it should I e to oj n a re-ijtry or htilloi box, to take d"\\ti the names of those w hoapprovod of the course ol st,id Convention ; was there ever a proposition I emanating from a body processing to have the pub lic good in view, so insulting to the feelings of a It cental). V\ hy should there he a registry to re eord names ' was such a project ever desired even in the days of mu- highest party excitement. No lyr, tin' ingenuity ot all party arrangement hereto* lore known in our .State, has fallen far short of this matchless invention. Do you not perceive Sir that the grossest fraud upon the public, will would be practised—would it not he the honorable olj-ct of those recruiting committees, to of fer tin' bounty to the young and the old, the thoughtless, the native Georgian, and the adopted Georgian, and sir, in the event of a doubtful result, whu will pretend to say that the communion of fecl ing between our recruiting committees and the citizens of our sister stale Carolina, might not swell the register w ith hundreds and thousands from the I'.nst side of the Savannah ilivrr. These, sir are tht' plans proposed hy that patriotic Convention, tor the purpose of accomplishing a grand concert of action, between this State and South Carolina.— I hose are some of the insidious devices of arch politicians to entrap a generous, and patriotic peo ple under pretence of relieving them from oppres sions, And y<*t Sir, when once their destiny is uni ted with the principles contained in the Resolutions passed hy the Convention, who will pretend to di vine what will he the next step. Sir, I nerd not say more in order to expose the danger likely to arise from the course recommended by the majori ty of the < ’onvention. I tri st that I have mfiHcmN commented upon tiro m \tculkm assemblage, not only to justify the course ot the Sin edehs, luit to justify this Senate in retaining so much of Mr. Ry an's Resolutions, as relates to this Convention, And however painful it may ho for this Senate to 'cen sure any j ortion of the people oT Georgia, it is nev ertheless a duty they owe themselves and their con stituents to speak with precision and candour upon ali measur- 1 that, is likely to affect the peace, the harmony and ttabilitv of onr Govern .lent. Sir, it is not the Intention of'this Senate, nor dots the Res olutions that I advocate reflect upon (lie good peo ple of this State who were in fact, or pretendingly represented in this Convention, but Sir, it is the Delegates themselves that merited the reproof, and it is them alone that IhavccndcavOured to show, have received it. A fi.-w more remarks on.l I shall I ~vc thisbrnnehof the subject, with the full conviction that I have mantained the propriety, the justness and absolute necessity of the passage of the li -st proposition in the resolutions. It is this Sir, t’.at there were honorable and patriotic gentlemen who from a conviction of duty remained in Convention, but resisted the views oi the majority. Against such gentlemen ! have nothing to urge, their source was the result of an honest conviction of duty, and far be it from mo to impute to them a motive unworthy their station, and characters. Though I may have rejoiced ot their eo-oncration with the Sceeders, (itill conscience, must be respected and though they fought against fearful pdds, yet much is due them for tlm firmness with which they mantained the coa fi;i*t. The next •proposition in Mr. Ryan’s Resolu tions is “That if a Southern Convention is desira ble that the people so express themselves on the Ist Monday in Jan. next.” Now Sir may I ask you or the mo t violent of the opposition what objection can he urged to this plain reference of the question to the people. Is it because the people arc incapable of judging for them selves. Is it because Gentlemen have reason to apprehend that by this mode of ns • rtitining the public will, they may be found in the minority. Relieve me Sir, the people are virtuous, patriotic,and intelligent,ami therefore competent to the di-charge of any duty. They think, and think correctly, when left alone and not distracted hy mis representation. Sir, upon this question, the people, the great body of the pt:ori,i:, and they alone, are j competent to say whether a .Southern Convention j should be culled or not; and let me n.-tk what place, and wint plan'■ ei claim a preference of the one proposed in the Resolutions; I need not waste the time ol the Senate, in support of a proposition that cu ries the most irresistible conviction to the mind of all. Sir, it is not in my power to imagine an ob jection t > tlii; feature in Mr. Ryans Resolutions, un less it be found in the fact that it is the very re-! ver.e of the inode adopted hy the Convention.— The next objection urged against the Resolutions is h-MUse they reflect on South Carolina. And how Sir—the last Resolution denounces the doctrine es nullification—admitted. But, Gentlemen tell us they are not n illifiers. Why then, their concern on this matter,'why should they then show so much s mobility, and demand of us silence on the subject of nullification. The truth is Sir, that it is impossi ble for the friends of Mr. Ryan’s Resolutions to ac commodate themselves to the fastidious taste of the opp osition. If Sir, hy chance, nullification is men tioned, Gentlemen startle as if some horrid monster was about to be exposed, and if the slightest refer ence is made to South Carolina, we arc admonished that we are indeeorot;;; the noble, generous and ex alted feelings of liberality is invoked, in behalf of brave, patriotic and injured South Carolina. We are told of our (-oloaial bondage, the free, the bloody, hut glorious conflict of our gallant forefathers, all this is arrayed before us, for the purpose of exciting our sympathy, and misleading our judgement. Arc gentlemen serious when they advert to the events ofoar revolutionary struggle, cither for facts, or princi,'-8 by which Carolina or those who think with (k.rolina i;i Georgia, yes Sir, and in this Senate 100, are to stand justified before the American No, Air. it i- 1 a> •j hoover plausible, however ingenious, or eloquent they may be in painting the events of our Ke’ole lionary struggle, to point to the analogy that csfW ted bet ween the oppression imposed hv tlic moth* Jer country upon these colonies and the opp cssion that the Southern Slates now endure from the reve i tine svstem t * the Federal Government. Aecus tomed. ns I have been to revere the laws of mV | country, to vindicate the term of Government’ under which 1 live, to ward oft' die blow of the assassin from whatever c,carter directed. 1 shall not on this occasion feel myself trammeled down by arbitrary rules ol decorum, created by gentlemen to answer particular views—hut 1 shail on this, as on all other questions, speak with a free dom becoming the occasion* But, Mr. President, I need not travel beyond the borders of mv native state to find an enemy to contend against--! need not travel beyond the walls of this hall to combat a doctrine, and a state of feeling that if not chocked in its root, is firmly fixed in our soil, must result in die overthrow of a system of government that has er I mamled the universal admiration of the nhitan i ihropist, the patriot and lover of civil and religious liberty through the. inhabitable world. Sir, what means this opposition to the resolution tlint denounces the doctrine of nullification, is it because of the generous sympathy, which we ns men, and southern men and as Georgians should foci for a sister state if so, the motive for the opposition, may find an elo quent apologist in every true southerner. Hut, sir, why speak of sympathy—why exhort us to be’ generous—has not the day passed for those tender m..ti., n -, do you not ve S!r , that die very union of these states, that all that is worth claiming, bv an American citizen, is likely to be lost hv the lashness ofnmbitious men.—And yet sir, w e arc required to fold our arms, and seal our lips for fear of gjviii" offence. Let me tell you Mr. President, this is not Hie time for silence, South Carolina should be toll that hot fi lends in this slate have deceived her 5 un* j fortunate, hopeless state, who of right was destined ■to a proud and exhnltod stand in this confederacy how shamefully you have been misled by your < I corgi a adherents ; men who have had the cunning | (<) urge you on, to promise you much, hut when the requisition h made, offer you their prayres in pri vate, and slu ink from the very name that decorates your principles—sir, let it be my province to pursue a different course and let time ' determine between us. Before I proceed fuitlicr in the discussion, I trust that < may he indulged in a compliment to the honorable Senatorfrom the countv of Morgan, whoso duty in the argument dial ho has delivered, seems to me to have been of a delicate character, I know not to what port he was originally bound, hut surely sir, in his cruise lie touched at every point from nui lificalion to submission; hut sir, his manner was so gentle, his pathos so full of melody during the first part of his voyage, and marked with such dtfsol?.- tion in the balance, that I must say of him, that lie is oiuytfthe tnos' eon.-ilinthitf oncmiuu that nullification lias ever found in this state. Mr. President, the gentleman from Monroe has delivered an elaborate argument on the relative j rights of the States, and the General Government. If Sir I was so fortunate as to understand the gen tleman, 1 am frank to acknowledge that in much that he said, I readily concurred—l do not purpose jat this time an examination into the rights of the States, only so far a.; made nectssary by the obser vations of th ' gentlemen who have preceded me. I It is conceded by all that the rights of the f, and :nil government are derivative, and that that g< rsm : incut ran only rightfully exercise those aftribi te< of ■ sovereignty, >vhicli h.\vo been yielded on the part ! of the States, and embodied in a* written form cfgo vernment known as the Constitiuon. or declaration ofpowers which may he lawfully exercised on the part of the General Government over the people of j the United States. Whatever attributes of sovc | rcipnty not contained in the constitution of the f< d* ' era! government t mist of necessity remain in the 1 Stales. The obvious inquiry then is, w hat’are the j powers of the federal government—w here arc they to he found—the answer is plain. They are to he found in the Constitution of the United States ex pressly set forth, leavingnothingfo construction with the exception of a single principle, which front ne cessity attaches to all fundamental laws, and there fore becomes a part'd*the law itself. I mean Sir, that when a power is expressly given to the Gen eral Government under the constitution to do u specific act, that the means necessary to the accom plishment of the object necessarily attaches. And Sir when 1 am asked what arc the powers of the Slates,! refer at oneo to the federal constitution, where I find that every attribute of sovereignty which ot right could belong to the States anterior to the formation ot the present constitution, and which have not been yielded, is remitted to the States. I would take this occasion to remark Sir, that 1 have ever enteigifiled the doctrine, that a -strict eonstruetion of our constitution eijufd alone preserve the harmonious action oft.be General and State Governments, that whenever a departure is attempted either by ihc General er State Govern ments from the (lowers vested on the one hand or re tair.c.l on the other,that such a measure must of neces sity. unless compromised, be settled by force. Nor do 1 believe Sir, that •it is likely that our govern ment can become oppressive—it rests Sir upon the virtue of the people. It is founded upon their affec tion. \\ hen an infraction of the constitution has in the opinion ol any State been committed by an usurpation of power, by either the Congress, the Executive, or judicial departments of the General Government—it is ain itter of grave import to that State not only to consider weli the grounds of her objection—but so to deport herself »3 not only to command die respect of the dispassionate of her own State-, and of her sister States, but the friends of good order and civil liberty throughout the world. In regard to the question now before us, that has oftener than once occurred to me, that the fatal error of viewing the Federal government as a compact between sovereign and indc(*endent States, each retaining its independent and sovereign character. Ins led to much of the unhappy difference that now (COXCICDED ON FOI RTII p\r.r.) vor.. 1.