Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

routiv.T. 4t He comes, he comes, ihe herald ol'a noisy world." ATTACK ON TIIE CITADEL OF ANTWERP. Bciclicm, Lead Quarters of Marshal Gerard—Tues day, 12 o'clock.—Tnc French opened tlicir batteries on the Citadel this morning at 11 o'clock. The first sa lute was*from 87 pieces. Chasse instantly returned the fire, and both parties are now actively engaged. The road from Antwerp to Mabries was lined (this morning) with hundreds of miserable w retches, up to tlicir knees in mud, dragging their sobbing infants in hand barrows through a pelting rain—women w ith tender infants at their breasts, fulling down from fatigue and hunger— the aged and bed-ridden supported on hurdles! About 40 carts laden with women and children, entered Ma lices this morning at 9 o’clock. 'The fire of the French commenced from the centre battery and Fort .Montebe 110. The first volley took ef fect on the embrasures of the Lunette St. Laurent. GENERAL A TTACK ! Antwerp, Tuesday, eleren o'clock. —A cannon shot from the fort Montebello, followed by a dreadful detona tion, learns us that parliamentary sent to the citadel brought back an evasive answer. Along the whole line shots succeed each other with extreme rapidity—the enemy replies with vigor—the sight is horrible, yet magnificent. lam in the town, which is almost deser ted—the few persons I meet express the greatest anxie ty ; evciy moment we expect to sec .bomb shells and balls shower into this unfortunate town. . T ' v »v becomes more lively as the firing increases. It is impossible to describe the effect which is felt in the midst of the brisk cannonading from 200 pieces. SIEGE OF TIIE CITADEL.— Ist BULLETIN. December 4,3 o’clock- During last night ami in the early part of this morn ing, several hattcT.es which had not been furnished, re ceived their cannon. At 20 minutes past 11 the signal was given, and the Sring commenced from the centre of the works, anrl immediately the whole of the batteries were unmasked. The castle of Fort Montebello also fired upon the cita del. The cannon arc served by French artillerymen. The citadel returned Ihe fire, though rather slowly.— At 3 o’clock neither shot nor shell had fallen on the city. However, every precaution had been taken and eve ry preparation made in case of the worst. The Bel gian artillerymen arc at their cannon, ready to reply in an instant to any attack made o:i the city from the citi del. The Dutch shipping have made no movement. UHAPELLE, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Staff. The signal office stationed on the tower of the cathedral reported, at 2 o'clock, that disorder ap peared to prevail in the citadel. Three o'clock. — llopc brightens up a little. — For the last four hours firing has not ceased upon any side, and the town has no accident as vet to deplore. Chasse replies by a shower of bomb-shells to the multiphcated discharges of our artillery ; he seems to make the most of mortars. However, we have already obtained some advantage ; three pie ces have been dismounted at Lunette St. Laurent, upon Which our troops principally direct tlicir fire, and it is easy to perceive a conflagration in the cita del, caused no doubt, by our shells. Four o’clock, afternoon.— Firing continues, and is kept up with greater vigor by the besiegers. TIIE FRENCH ARMY. Berchem, Dec. 4. The night passed off quietly, the citadel continu ing to send occasionally some shot and shells, which generally have done but little mischief. The roads being torn up. have become altogether impassable, notwithstanding the fascines that were laid upon them, and it was found impossible to bring the can non by that way. In an instant the resolution was taken to cut the trench, and to carry the 16 pieces which remained to he placed by a road which bor dered on the glacis of the citadel. It was hoped that the Dutch not expecting such a daring attempt, might not* perceive them, and at the worst if they were seen it was only some men lost. This bold plan was executed with equal courage and success. The sentinels on the citadel perceived if, and in an instant a number of bullets and balls were let fly.— Some men and horses were killed and wounded, but nevertheless the guns were carried forward, and in less than three hours the batteries No. 7 and 8, being the last, were fully armed. At 10 o’clock th.e Marshal mounted his horse and rode to the lines. At 11 the signal was given to dire. 11 o'clock.—At this moment the Marshal, stand ing in the battery of the centre, No. 5, having beside him the Commandment of Artillery and engineers, his aids-de-camp, and a great number of offices, who were anxious to be present, gave the original. The battery No. 5 fired the first shot, which was received with a thousand cries, repeated through the xvhole line, of “ Vive le Iloi.” At the same mo ment, as if an echo, the fire of the other batteries an swered to that of No. 5. The spcctaslc was grand. The Marshal and his staff proceeded from battery to battery, encouraging the troops by his presence. Each captain of artillery, fearlessly seated on the parapet of his battery, gave orders for the successive discharges of each gun, and coolly watched the ef fect of tnc bullets, stating to his men, a “little high er,” or a “little lower,” in order to make the fire more effective. In the twinkling of an eye the parapets of the cit adel, which had been crowded with Dutch officers, were deserted, and not one of them to be seen. One could so well follow the course of the balls from Fort Montebello that the earth of the parapets might have been seen flying about every time they were struck. The citadel returned the fire but slowly. The discharges had not been much more frequent than they were for the last few days. 1 o’clock. Three pieces in the citadel have been dismounted not a person is seen on the parapets. Several of our shot have struck a large barrack in the citadel ; we do not perceive that it was yet on fire. Every one is astonished at the slight resistance made by Chles see. From a third Edition of the Standard-. We have just received, by express, the Brussels papers of W ednesday. At four o’clock on Wed nesday morning the cannon continued roaring in cessantly. Three o’clock.— she firing continues. Brussels is completely calm, and very tew arc listening to the firing. Four o clock.—A courier has just reached the ho tel where lam residing from Antwerp. He says! that the French have lost already more than 10t)9 men. Tnn Times orncc, 1 o'clock,a. in. ANTWERP, W ednesday, Dec. 5, 12 o'clock. The cannona ding has continued since yesterday briskly enough, yet not with the force which some js-rsons expected. Some of the batteries on the French side have dis tinguished themselves by the accuracy of their fire: i utliers are said to have pointed too high, so that some ] shells and balls passed over the citadel, and fell into the Scheldt. It was hence imagined that those shots wore directed to sink the gun-boats in the river, but none of them have taken effect. Fort Montebello, which is an advanced work of I the town, and which is in tiie hands of the French j what those of St. Laurent and Kiel were in the | hands of the Dutch, lias fired yesterday and this day against the bastion of the citadel called Paeddo. The number of guns employed by the French are now officially stated to be 60 cannons, of various calibre, and 22 mortal's and howitzers. Some ot i the latter are described as being let oft last night, j not in the curve usually formed, but triangularly, which mode of firing is said to have produced much execution in Fort St. Laurent. The chief fire of the citadel, as far as I could see from an elevated situa tion, has been literally directed towards the batteries in front of Fort Kief. Forts St. Laurent and Kiel have been silent since yesterday evening. The citadel already shows extarnal marks of the injuries it suffers. A fire broke out in one of the buildings at half-past 3 o’clock, the smoke of which continues.—l saw among many shells that fell in it one hurst and break off a considerable portion of the corner of the gable of one of the large buildings. Its ; fire is rather slack, and the defence is imagined to be | weak; hence some persons oppose.that in two or J three days Gen. Chasse, will threaten to burn the I town unless he be permitted to retire, when the French will be compelled to allow him to withdraw with the honors. 1 o’clock, The firing has been brisk on both sides during the lasi hour. J have no means of learning the loss of the French since yesterday, hut up to Monday I have been assured that the killed and wounded did not exceed 25 men. Som# persons who feared that this- siege would become a long business now think differently, as Forts St. Laurent and Kiel continue totally silent. The forts in the city are preparing more and more to repel any attack on it. The citadel suffers con siderably. 2 o'clock. The frigates Comet and Eurydice and the corvet te Proserpine are now stated to attack Fort St. Ma riae which defends itself with vigour. Tuesday, 3 o'clock, P. M. People here do not know what to make of Chas se—The military men, French, English, and Belgi an, are totally at a loss to account for his conduct on any of the recognized principles of attack and defence of a fortress. He ought, they say, to have fired from the first, and if he had, with the number of cannon at his command, used only ordinary exer tions, he might have delayed the completion of the works in front of him for many days, and even then they could not have been completed but with the loss ol 2,000 men. A courier lias just arrived here from Antwerp and up to his departure the whole number put hors de combat from th.e commence ment, did not, I understand, amount to as many hundreds. Chasse had not fired upon the city, as he promis he would do if he were fired upon from the batteries oi Fort Montebello. This, however, is less account-, able than the other parts of his conduct; for it is more than probable that he has more guns opposed to him than hs can answer, and he must see the common sense of not adding about 150 more (mor tars included) to their number, which must inevita bly be the case if he fires on the citv. POLITICAL. g- " ' ' - 1 ' ■ - ' . “Th» price of Liberty, is eternal vigilance.” CIOTEKffOR’S iUEgSACSE. From the Ricilmond Whio. Transmitting Resolutions of the Legislature of South Carolina. The following Message from the Governor, covering Resolutions of South Carolina, proposing a Convention of the States, was transmitted to both Houses of the General Assembly yesterday: Executive Department, / Jan. 25tb, 1833. $ To the Senate and House of Delegates : I have received from the Governor of the Common wealth of South Carolina, Resolutions adopted bv the General Assembly of that State, with a request to lay them before you: they are accordingly herewith com municated. The resolutions refer fothceall of a General Conven tion of tho State* of this Confederacy, to take into consid eration the subject of the disputed powers of the Fede ral Government, and to adjust thorn in a manner that may in future preclude doubt, and prevent that Govern ment from the exercise of power? which some of the States of this Confederacy believe to ho unwarranted by tiie Constitution which created it. The lowering aspect of our public affairs at this mo meat, caused by the usurpations of tho federal govern ment, .which now exercises powers never intended lobe granted to it, and by arbitrary means attempts to deprive sovereign States of any remedy for wrongs, injuries and oppressions, induces a conviction that no means could lie better devised for allaying the general discontents of the people, and of calming the rising indignation of a brave and generous public, which lias ever been watch ful and jealous of its liberty, than by again bringing to gether, in general convention, the original parties to the compact or constitution, thereby affording a fit and prop er opportunity for the co-states to determine what pow er it is their sovereign will to permit their agents to ex ercise, and of marking outso distinctly, the limits of tho Federal Government, that none hereafter may have the temerity to pass the boundary prescribed. We are called upon by our sister State, who lias suffer ed much fiom theexeieise of unconstitutional power by that government, to unite in accomplishing this gre.it object. A general convention would be so fully able, and so well calculated to restore harmony to onr confederacy, by adjusting and finally settling ail the doubtful or dis puted powers, that no effort should bo left untried to ad vance so desirable a result, and thus to regain the happy confidence which ali heretofore reposed in tha perma nency of our institutions. The times are perilous, thequerjion momentous, and looks far into the future,and on the wisdom of your de cision, so far as we are concerned, may probably depend the peace, the liberty, and the happiness of our country. We have long regarded as the citadel of our liberty the sovereignty of those states, which could be interpos ed to save a suffering and oppressed people from tlia un just exactions of an unconstitutional act, which cannot be law; and the right of each state, as a sovereign par ! i v to the compact, having no superior, to judge for itsalf of the infractions of the constitution, as well as the mode and measure of redress. But if the power lately seined upon by the federal government,and promulgated as rightfully belonging to it be permitted, sanctioned or sustained by the slates of tliisconfcdcracy, this commonwealth, upon, which de pends our fredouaand our existence a* an independent stale, will he entombed in the cemetery of republics ; iimi the will of an irresponsible majority, ortho fiat of ' the President br-onias the charter of our liberty, thus substituted fur the constitution. These states then be come the vassals ofa despotic poser, with no rights left them but the right to complain, a right which despotism cannot take from the vilest malefactor chained to the floor of tiie dungeon. Many of the states of this confederacy, one by one, declared their independence of Gn at Britain, because they would rio longer submit to the illegal and uncon stitutional exactions of that country, and made common cause against her as a common enemy. Willing to justify themselves to the worlJ, their dele gates in Congress were afterwards instructed as dele gates of the several powers then associated for common defence, to sanction a Declaration of Independence by tiiat body. This act, vve are now told in terms admit ting of too little doubt, yielded up the sovereignty of these States, which now compose “asmgle nation.” This doctrine, and this claim to power is an outrage upon our institutions, and the bitterest satire upon the revolution : that the very Declaration of Independence itself, which blazoned forth our liberty full to the gaze of an admiring world, as our fathers believed, should now be produced, as the. bond which.binds their children as slaves to a majority in Congress, and to a President, elected by a college, of electors representing that major ity, who are not, and cannot be responsible to them : and over whose will there is no control, are claims which cannot be admitted. Thus all the safe-guards of liberty, which our fathers thought they bad constructed with so much prudence, wisdom and patriotism, would be brok en to pieces and. dissolved by this boundless and ingul fing claim to power, which that Government has exhibi ted to the view of astonished millions. Claim having been made to this unlimited power for that Government, a claim which the patriot cannot con template without feeling an indignant horror rush upon his mind; it becomes the part es wisdom, prudently to take such measures as will ensure the speedy termina tion of a pretension fraught with so much evil to the l n ion and danger to our liberty. The call ofa general convention of these States would afford a proper opportunity for them to place such guards upon their liberty, and such barriers to the encroach merits of the federal government, as will be put to rest forever the questions of disputed powers—the agitation of which, have, from time to time, created much dissat isfaction, and if persisted in, must, at no distant day, ter minate in irrrparable injury. At the moment when a sovereign State of this confed eracy, exercising what she deems to be her right, has thrown herself upon'that sovereignty, and as such, has undertaken to judge for herself of the infractions of the compact, and of the mode and measure of redress, we find the President of the United States, openly laying claim to this gigantic power, and charging a Slate with treason against the federal government, which he claims to be sovereign, and cdrrylug out 111" principle, seems to endeavor to make the impression that the rights of the States are grants of powers from tiiat government. — When we pursue that argument to it final result, we find ourselrcs enslaved by the declaration of our indepen dence, with no limit to the powers of the new govern merit but its own will, and we have no rignt left us but the right of revolution, whilst this government claims the antagonist right of subduing us by the sword. If this doctrine be true —our fathers, intent upon securing liberty for themselves and their children, greatly erred in not declaring themselves free and independent of their declaration of independence. During the middle ages, the European governments were little vise than the military commands ,of feudal barons—the king, or great baron of all, relying upon his military prowess, disdained to bold his power as the gift of men, and claimed to rule by a special grant from om nipotence. But this divine right of kings, was disputed by tho barons of England at Renemode, and a charter for their liberty was wrung from the king. This was truly a great victory over tyranny, and believed to be a discovery in government, which, at a future day com pelled the executive, or king, to consent to act by com pact. Yet the great discovery or improvement in gov ernment, was reserved for our fathers, who affirmed that sovereignty could reside alone in tho entire body of the people, that their rulers were agents of the people, cho sen from among tliem, to discharge certain duties re quired of them, and at. stipulated periods, to lay down the power which belonged alone to the people, and with which they bad been temporarily clothed for certain purposes—that no error might be committed, and to prevent any from attempting to rule by military force, they perfected their government as we heretofore have believed, in the security of written constitutions. All the States of this Confederacy, certainly believed themselves sovereign, and in that capacity, and under that belief, Virginia proceeded to form a government for herself.anterior to the Declaration of Independence, and existed until three years ago, under the Constitu tion and form of Government then established, when the sovereign people assembled in Convention, and a mended that Constitution, which now remains the mon ument of their sovereignty—the basis of their funda mental laws. How, then, is it impossible for Virginia to have re ceived a grant of her reserved rights from the Constitu tion of the U. State's, or the “single nation?” How tho States could receive as a grant their reserved rights is difficult to comprehend, but not less so, than tiiat a sove reign State can commit treason ! As early as tho 12th of June, i776, this State declared, that “whenever any Government shall be found inadequate to tlitj purposes of producing the greatest degree of happiness, a major ity of the people hath an indubitable, unalienable and indefeasible right, to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall bejudged most conductive to tho public weal.” Virginia has very lately reformed and altered her Government, and still claims the “indubitable, una lienable and indefeasible right to abolish it.” whenev er the majority of ljer citizens may think proper to do so: to reform, alter or abolish a form of government, are the highest powers which a Sovereign State can exer cise. Wo have also on our statute book, a law pointing out the mode by which a citizen may expatriate himself, and until he avails himself of the provision of this act, in di vesting himself of his citizenship, or ccnounces it by be coming a citizen of another State of this Union, or the subject of some foreign prince, ho is, wherever he may be, a citizen of Virginia, and to her his allegiance is due. The constitution or compact which unites these States, among other specified powers, has given to Con gress the right “to establish en uniform mode of natural ization,”and no more, because more was not necessary, as tiie United States had no citizens on whom it could operate: yet it was desirable that uniformity on this subject should exist throughout the ccnfcderacy, as the constitution provides that “the citizens of eacii State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities ofei tizens of the several States,” and by virtue ot this pro vision, a foreigner, who has been naturalized, and taken the oath of allegiance to anyone of tliosoSlates, may, at any time, under this constitutional provision, transfer bis allegiance to another State. The United States then,being only the Union of ccr. tain interests of these sovereign Slates, intended by them to he used for their benefit, ny agents appointed by themselves, could not have citizens, since the fact of its existence is the act of the citizens of the several States, though at an early period, that government made an ef fort to legislate over the persons of the citizens of the States, by the passage of the alien and sedition acts, which passed both Houses of Congress, and was approv ed by the President. These nets met with unqualified resistance on the part of several States, and by none with more decision than Virginia, on whose statute book •n law now stands, the w ritteu evidence of her protect ing soi rreigity, and th» prrpotual monument of its peaceful, c©aier»ative and triumphant interpoation.— Yet the President has given us too clearly to misunder stand that when an act has passed both Houses of Con gress, and lias been approved by him, its constitutionali ty cannot be questioned, and from this decision, it would seem, there is allowed no appeal, but to humble en treaty, and unavailing remonstrance. This government, if it possesses the powers thus claimed for it, is wholly without a check, unlimited in its sway, and boundless in its power. Surely tins cannot be the practical effect of the Government, which our la thers established, to secure to their children the rich heritage of liberty. If it he, the system has been mis understood. We had no relief from the prevailing alarms lor the safety of our institutions, when we behold the federal executive, upon a patient review of all those claims to power, disregarding the sovereignty of the States, and insisting upon executing an act of congress, which has been declared unconstitutional, by the only tribunal on earth, which is admitted to have authority to judge of* its validity. Jn a recent message to congress, the President has de sired that body to put at his disposal, the whole army, navy and militia force of the confederacy, to be used al his pleasure, with authority to remove or abolish the cus tom houses within a sovereign state, wherever and when soever he may think proper, and require the enactment of laws in relation to the collection of duties in that state, to be made in cash, if he ipay deem it necessary, which cannot be considered in conformity with that clause of the constitution, which declares “all duties, imposts, and excises, shall he unitorin throughout the United States.” >Ve are not deceived—for we cannot misunderstand the object of those warlike recommendations. The doc trines lately promulgated, deny any sovereignty to the States—and State Rights, it would seem, in the opinion of the President, are held as grants from the federal constitution. The difficulties which State sovereignty, and State Rights might interpose, being in this sum mary method disposed of, the field is open to the array of military legions, to crush by force, that which is sus tained by justice, patriotism, and the constitution. —The power claimed for that government makes it already absolute—and should theCongres indulge the President in his desires, they sanction by their vote, the creation of a dictator. Why should those things be? Have drawn swords ever reconciled differences of opinion? Besides there arc various modes by which this controversy might he adjus ted without a resort to arms, which wisdom forbids, palrotiism condcrns, and liberty abhors. The courts of the country are open to all parties, where those questions might soon he determined, and leave us as we were,'a free and happy people, or Congress could by the provisions of the constitution, confer on a State within her own territory the right to lay a duty for the benefit of the United States’Treasury—to which none could reasonably object, since a high Tariff is claimed to he most judicious for the Nothern States—and a low Tariff most beneficial to the South. But the call of a general convention of the States— brings at once, full before all the parties to the compact, every doubtful or disputed power of the Federal Govern ment, in the mode pointed out by the instrument itself, where all amendments could be made Ai disputed powers settled, in a sprit of kindness, much more congenial to the harmony of our institutions than that which now seems in contemplation. This course might to be accep table to all as it gives full assurance of peaceful days hereafter, and restore confidence to the mind of the patriot, already too long agitated with the foreseen disasters of the coming conflict. But should all prudent considerations bo disregarded, and the federal government desecrate their power, the hostile bayonet be levelled at the bosoms of our country men, the days of our republic will be numbered—our free institutions will be bitted out with the patriot blood of brothers—the pruning hook and the ploughshare give place to the sword and the spear, and amidst the dire conflict of contending armies. Liberty will shriek and depart forever! Still look onward—and there is nothing to behold but danger and darkness.! Should that day come, and come and it may, since many both prudent and wise, think it for the liberty of the people of Virginia ;—they have no assurances that the fate which is now intended for one member of the confederacy, may not shortly be their own. Are wc more capable of submitting to unjust exactions and un limited power, than others ? The president, in his recent exposition of the Powers of the Federal Government, in his paternal admonitions, not to the constituted author ties of the States, but to the people of South Carolina, has taken occasion to advert to their internal weakness —the allusion cannot be misunderstood—though whol ly gratuitous, and uncalled for by the occasion, it should be promptly repelled by every State similarly situated. Having in this indirect mode exhibited a purpose to sustain its claim of power, rather on supposed weakness ot the State, than on the just strength of the constitution, it becomes the duty of the States having the same inter est to protest, solemnly to protest against all allusions, arguments and calculations on the part of the Federal Government, having reference to this subject. Under existing circumstances, however, a grave question is presented, whether it be not more expedient, to trust those interests to tliß justice of a patriotic and intelligent people, rather than lay them at the mercy of a Govern ment which seems already disposed to prejudge the case, and to make the relations arising from them the means of operating upon the fears of the people, and thereby securing and making paramount its usurpations. Your station is high and rcsonpsiblc ; to you the people will look ; nay, do look, for security and protection, and the maintenance of all the rights of the states. Virginia, the land of our birth, the burial places of our fathers, the peaceful homes of our wives and daugh ters, awaits your decision. If pafriotism impels that government, why not repeal at once the odious acts, which imposes the onerous and obnoxious burdens upon the south, and restore to us, our country, peaceful, prosper ous and undefiled by civil war. In conclusion as a convention of the states, seem3 to have been intended by the framers of the constitution, as the most eligible means of accommodating disputes between the parties, and of setting doubtful and disputed powers. 1 leave it to your wisdom to determine whether the present condition of the country dors not imperatively call for this measure. " JOHN FLOYD. Mr. Wilde. Wo have seldom witnessedamoregen era! or powerful excitcrqfgg in the House of Represen tatives, than was oceas biwHy the speech of .Mr. Wilde ot Georgia, on the subject of the Tar.ff. We, at least, shall not be thought flatterers of that gentleman, in ex’ pressing our concurrence in his arguments and views since they are the same for which wc have been all alone contending; nor shall we incur the charge of panegyr ists, in expressing our admiration of the eloquence bv which he supported those arguments, in as much as the same sentiment has boen expressed bv all with whom we have met, who hoard Mr. Wilde. We would how ever, cspcc.aHy notice one thing, in connection with Mr. Wildes remarks: ho has proved, conclusively, to our minds at least, that on the will of Andrew Jackson depends the question of peace or war—patricidal war! Ilia on his decision it depends whether the integrity of the l. nion shall be preserved or broken. Whethct S Carolina shad be treated with forbearance even, or at once dealt with, (to use the language of Mr. Wildsl by “ the k-race „f God, and gunpowder!” Whether, in rkfend,. 1 ,1 tv?. qU, '®V° n "'n 11 I,c i “ l .i“ s,r<1 * <>r shall be fiem "of a s e T>'" family Conner non ot a iNew A ork vvoal-growcr, (such is ihe rumor ) and bv contrary and juggling „ n ,1,6 other side of the LETTEB OF eOYEBTOK TOOIP, Washington, Dec. 20, 1832. Dear Siu : —What could have induced our peo ple to think of holding a General Convention of the States ? Have they resolved to enter the Lion’s den from which no returning footsteps can ever be seen f Is not the Constitution good enough for them ; or is it so bad, that they would commit it to the hands of their enemies to fashion it as they will ? The power to make amendments was given to an swer no such exigency ns the present— it was given to make that instrument more perfect, when by the workings of the government, experience having de tected defects to be cured and evils to be remedied, the application of it could be made by general con currence, and without hazard to the public peace hence it was, that so soon as it was seen that a State might, by construction, be sued by an individual, an amendment was proposed and carried, to correct the evil—so too, when it became apparent that the designation of the Electoral vote for President and N ice-President was necessary to preserve the har mony of the States, the States concurred in an amendment accordingly—and so too, when a young Prince was born of an American alliance with the Bonaparte family, the States concurred in an amend ment, excluding from office, any citizen who should accept a title of nobility or honor from any Emperor, Prince, or Foreign Power. These several amend ments were made in the true spirit of the Constitu-* lion. At this moment, public sentiment is favoring two proposed amendments, which 1 think would he an improvement of that instrument; one to limit the President to a single term, the other to prohibit the appointment of members of Congress to office, dur ing the period for which they shall have been elec ted. Now by a sudden and very strange after thought as it seems to me, this provision of the Constitution is to he made applicable, in times of excitement, to great and extraordinary exigencies; so that when ever five or six States shall become dissatisfied with the Constitution, they may command the rest to aa semble in Convention to alter, new model, or amend, it. As Ido not read any thing like this in that in strument, and as our old Republican doctrine re jects every power, hut that derived from its strict letter, opposed to all construction, I cannot unite with our fellow citizens in the call of a General Conven tion. If the power is granted, it must be an effi cient, not a nugatory power. The minority States must command the majority States to assemble, and it must he the duty of the majority States to obey they cannot by silence, or evasion, or direct nega tion, escape—if they refuse, if they evade, if they arc silent, it must he shewn, how according to the letter of the Constitution, that silence or evasion, or negation is to be taken. Is a sovereign State com pellable at the point of the bayonet to answer aye or no ? And how is silence to he construed ?"It is easy to see how a majority, claiming a given power, may ask the minority to concur in making that pow er more explicitly a part of the Constitution; but it is difficult to understand how a minority, protesting against the exercise of the power, can constrain the majority, either to make it a part of the'Constitution or to abandon it, unless it can be shewn that the Constitution has so expressly provided, &c. The Congress of the United States, supported bv public sentiment, has for a long time, by abuses and' usurpations, so disfigured and disgraced the Consti tution, that if all hope of its restoration ware aban doned, it would he matter for grave consideration, wh ther that instrument was not utterly destroyed, and had, in every legal and moral contemplation of the subject, ceased to be bindingon the parties to it It is inconceivable how. in the eye of justice, a com pact between two or more parties could be so con strued. as that the one party should be bound and the other free —the immutable law is, that all arc bound or all are free—Nevertheless a majority of Congress, whether considered as a mere agent 1 1 carry the powers expressly delegated into effect, <r not, have assumed the right to interpret the Const tution at pleasure and have so interpreted it, thit whatever is resolvable into common defence aid general welfare, has been claimed as a fair and It gitimate power to be exercised hv the General Got eminent, until at last, instead of a limited govern ment for defined purposes, we have one either actually engrossing, or claiming to engross all the [lowers belonging to any Government,and oven sonic which ought not to belong to any. Now it is under such circumstances, my good Sir, that you proptw to go into a (’(invention of the States, cither general® or special—if into a General ('onvention, then you® must be prepared to receive at the hands of the ms® joritv a consolidated government, one and indivis® hie, a denial to the States (ifpermitted toexistJ® all) of even the shadow of sovereignty, andofeours® a formal reclamation of ail those rights and privilt-H ges which, in the exchange of equivalents, you ha!® expressly reserved as attaching essentially to your® peculiar position and condition—ls into a special® (’onvention, then you must he prepared for a prompi® rejection of your amendatory [impositions (if thest® look to a further security for your rights and inter csts) and eventually for the re-assertion and incor-® poration into the Constitution, of the very powers* 1 ® long and strenuously denied by you, and so loigH claimed and exercised by them. The indicationH of public sentiment at this moment are unerring, tbit® an overwhelming majority favors a consolidate!H government: and it may behoove you in all wtsdoix® to prepare not for an improvement of your condi^B tion, hut for a Caesar and the purple. If it be true, that you are to come out of a sluirn and despoiled, it may he well to think of sons® other and better course, hv which the perils of day are to he turned aside. Can you think ot better, than the old Republican land"marks,by so for. although we have not escaped from wo hive from shipwreck? You want no bets?® Constitution, if the got eminent he administered a'-® cording to its letter—no body asks more than ja-® tice ; and justice it secures, ns i'ar as written mentscan secure it. For all external relations, government is stronger than the strongest in tit® world—its strength depends not less on the tv of the States, than on that common consent cnlight med opinion on which all our institutions founded, and by which they must be held and what after'all is the foundation of these but J'**® lice. Justice, Justice—nil that the right of tatiou can give, it secures. Within the pale letter of the ('(institution, the man of is. to he sure, as much our representative in on BB gross as the man of Georgia—beyond that pale an ■ letter, however, he is as much a stranger as the ircsentative of Scotland or Ireland ill , Parliament; and tki.s is all in this respect that ''j® could ask. Arc there no means then, by " ' ( ongress can he held to the letter of the tons ti<>n r 1 answer, no constitutional means but ballot box, unless the power of amendment. sensei have interpreted it. he so considered; 'j® right et [i»titien. es r< menstrnnee, «(disrussi 1 '• gg