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r j T auxiliaries by which the one or tire other mav he supported. But if these fail ?if that power whicli j frr ees its own supremacy, perseveres to enforce it, must every thing yield to force? Force mav van ish every thing—reason, right, truth, justice'; and ‘ j s because force may do so, that we have erected Lrriers to defend reason, right, truth and justice. These barriers are the sovereign States of this Union, vliieh, whatever the old federalist and monarchy n,en mav say of them, were absolute sovereigns on the Declaration of Independence, are sovereigns no w, and will remain so, until by the voluntary sur render of their sovereignty, they please to make themselves slaves —but I trust, of all who shall make that surrender, Georgia will be the last. But vou will ask, how is this doctrine to work ? I see no more difficulty than is inseparable from the management of all human affairs. You have the passions and interests of men to encounter at every step; atul t ' icsc inust so met > as to make thorn work rather for good than for evil. For ordinary grievances, wc have said there is no constitutional remedy but the ballot box—for extraordinary and extreme ones, there is no remedy but the sovereign power of the States: and in extreme cases, you re pose yourself upon the sovereign power, for the very reason that the constitutional remedy tails. This sovereign power at last, is in communities, little more than the right of self-defence and self-prcserva tjon of the exercise of which, it is the sole judge, because, in this respect, it is independent as well as sovereign. It acknowledges no law but the law ol nature and nations, which, in the settlement of con troversies between States, acknowledges no means but negotiation and force. Shall we stop here to enquire which will serve us host in the long run, the doctrine which acknowledges the sovereignty of the Slates, which recognizes in extreme cases, the right of this sovereignty to defend itself, to negotiate, to make treaties, which, in a spirit of amity that con signs the past to oblivion, will re-unite dissevered States, who being generous enemies, are once more, and on that account cordial, and mayhap insepara ble friends ; or that which admits the absolute supre macy of the Federal Government, its right to whip a State into the Union, and to hold it there forever bv brute force ? I know it is said that this power in' the States is inconsistent with ths power confided to the Federal Government. That for light and trivial causes, States may and will have recourse to it,by which the Union will be constantly agitated, and finally dissolved. Let us see if this apprehen sion is well founded. A State has the undoubted right (undoubted even yet) to change its own gov ernmental pleasure, consulting only its interests and •happiness, regulating all its internal concerns, with its right of soil and jurisdiction so absolute that the Federal Government cannot claim to erect an arse nal or fort or dock yard within its limits, without its express consent. Here then is a community by the power of self-government, made free and happy at home, wanting for the consummation of that happi ness, scarcely any thing but protection against pow ers stronger than itself. Will these be put to hazard for light and trivial causes ? Reason says no. The public law forbids the presumption that communities will act imprudently—it presumes them to be gov erned by a sound discretion—not that they are al ways so governed, but that their acts alone should speak for them—mcperience justifies the public law. Fifty years of Union without convulsion, is no tri fling evidence of intelligence, of prudence, of subor dination, of contentment. How many guarantees besides, are to be found against hasty and inconside rate action, by which great blessings arc to be lost. An insulted State may, for a moment, rescue liber ty ; but liberty is not to be maintained without in dependence, and independence cannot long be main tained by an insulted State. A solitary State rest ing on its own limited resources, with great wants for internal and external objects, surrounded by other States (united for common defence,) must be expos ed to evils and annoyances, from which the wisest councils cannot exempt her. Possessing sovereign rights herself, she must so exercise those rights, as not to interfere with the sovereign rights ot others. The right of way and of free parage, the regula tions of trade and commerce, so apt to conflict with those of others, framed in a different spirit—these, and many of kindred character, would be sources of endless embarrassment and vexation. 1 would rath er say upon the whole, that the States would not secede for light and trivial causes—that grave and weighty considerations alone could influence them —that only some grievous oppression or frightful tyranny, driving them to despair, could divide them from the Union. Are there not some reasons for this belief? We hear the cry of Union, Union, from all quarters, as if there were nothing left in this world Worth preserving but Union—so that the friends of Liberty and Union may well doubt wheth er the people love liberty least, or Union most. See what has been submitted to for many years, with a degree of patience and forbearance, which might be construed into something not to be named. Unne cessary taxes, to make a splendid, of what was de signed to be a simple and economical government— the taxes levied on the many to promote the inter ims of the few—the revenues distributed for objects of internal improvement, where the taxes were not levied—every scheme and device for the extrava gant expenditure of public monies—dormant claims on the government revived, and pension systems established on principles so loose, as to offer the strongest temptations to fraud and perjury'.—as if it were not enough for the Federal Government to re gulate commerce, which it is authorized to do, it as sumes the care and regulation of manufactures; and then the transition is easy to the care and regula- agriculture—so is the transition sometimes from the grave to the ridiculous. ho ol the Convention who framed the Consti tution, would have believed it possible, that even in eur time, committees of Agriculture would have been organized in both Houses of Congress, to in struct our people how to soxv and to reap, to weave and to spin, to milk and to churn. It is because they employ themselves with all these follies, abuses and usurpations, that the Congress which should in ordinary and peaceful times, dispatch its constitu tional business in three short months, is occupied through five, six or seven; and a portion, and a large portion too, of this time devoted to the manoeuvres of factions, who seem to have been congregated here for the single purpose of making Presidents, to make the leaders of those factions Presidents in turn. Are not these things, good .Sir, enough to disturb the harmony of the States? If a single State fretted and tortured by such abominations shall, by any unwise and hasty movement resolve to shake them ofl. is she to be hound neck and heels, and consigned to the cave of Trephonious or the Cyclops? Ihe almost universal answer is, yes, yes! down with the rebels, down with the traitor State. But whose turn comes next? If the Federal Government is not topped in its career of encroachment by some coun teractive agent, what, reasoning from what has Itcn done, to what may be done, will it not do? It gives countenance to colonization and other voluntary as sociations, which keep in ferment large sections of country, which by a single ialse movement would be excited to the most desperate resitance. It may, for any thing w e know, pass acts of attainder ai*d proscription, by which masses of society may be cut off. It lias, on occasions, stopped the liberty of speech and of the press. It may ordain a State re ligion or decree a universal emancipation. Its su preme judicial tribunal, w hich it contends is in the last resort, to pass on the constitutionality of all laws, may send its warrants into the States, com- j manding its Marshals to hang up by the lamp-posts, I A. B. and C. These you w ill say are extreme ca- j ses.—So they are. It may pronounce null and void j charters, by which States claim their rights of soil, j jurisdiction and sovereignty. It may erect one sov ereignty within onother. ' It may decide that one portion of the community within the chartered lim its ot a State is sovereign and independent, and enti tled to the right of self-government. It may control the criminal jurisdiction and arrest the criminal law s of a State by writs of error dr appeal. Are these,too, extreme cases! If they are, extreme cases require extreme remedies; A if they are to be sought in the power of the States, it is because [the States are sovereign and may protect und defend themselves. But does this consist with that unity, one and indi visible, [claimed for the United States as a nation? Certainly not. Rut then it becomes those who make that claim, at the same time to make it good. For ourselves xve protest against it, as most wild, ex travagant and fallacions.—The States formed the government of the United States—the States ratifi ed it. From that day to this, it exists and breathes but by permission of the Slates. Though three fourtiis of the States are necessary to amend or al ter it, a majority or less than a majority, may dis solve it. If the States refuse Elections of President, it is prostrate. II they refuse their Senators, it stops. It they w ithhold their Representatives, it is the same thing. There is indeed no one act required of the people ol the U States as one people, either to be gin it, to conduct it, or to end it—it would be just as rational to make the Congress of Vienna a nation deriving its authority from the people of all Europe. The old confederation must have been a confedera tion of.States, for I have never yet heard of a con federation of the people. The confederation xvas abandoned for the new government, because it had no power to coerce the States. But was the new government adopted to coerce the States? Cer tainly not. It was adopted to coerce individuals, for the very reason that Stales could not be coerced. The statesmen of that day perceived that every thing was gained by making a government strong enough to operate effectually on individuals or that the idea of coercing States was an absurdity, and that the new government would answer all the ends of its creation, without the least danger of collisiorf, so long as it confined itself to its constitutional limits. It is the departure from those limits; it is the exer cise of powers not delegated; it is the exercise of doubtful powers equally prohibited by the Constitu tion, which has at anytime brought the General Gov ernment into collision with the States. In scribling thus much, I think I may have an swered, out of order, no doubt, all your enquiries. The result, according to my poor opinions, is that. There is no power given by the Constitution to resist the laws of the United States. The only constitutional remedy for unconstitu tional laws is the ballot box. Amendments of the Constitnion, petition, remon strance, conventions, correspondence, and consulta tions of the States—these, (if you please to call them remedies.) are not unconstitutional. Under a government founded on consent and opinion, evils are to be borne as long as possible. The States in virtue of their sovereignty, when evils are no longer supportable, must judge the evil and the remedy. The sovereign knows but two modes of settling controversies, Negotiation and War. Negotiation admits of arbitration, and controver sies may be referred to other States but this is by consent and not by the Constitution. It is, of course not permisable to one of the parties, to refer it to its own Courts and Juries. When States cease to have an interest in the U nion, or suffer extreme oppression, it is better that they withdraw peaceably, than that blood should be shed in contest, which seldom decide any thing, and which are apt to separate the parties forever. As States may do very imprudently and unwise ly, what they have a right to do, it becomes them to act very deliberately A:'cautiously, because it is law ful for other States to unite against them, to compel a fulfilment of their obligations under the public law. You ask what Georgia ought to do? My worth less opinions had been given on former occasions, and you know what use has been made of them. Those opinions were unchanged, and are, as 1 think, unchangeable —th«y,amounted to this; “if the abuses and usurpations of which w r e complain are continu ed, and become the settled policy of the Government, the States having indentieai interest ought to with draw” but it was indispensible to a movement like this, that there should be union; that this union should be the result of a deep and settled conviction, that such policy was inconsistent with the para mount peace, interest, prosperity and happiness of the Suite, & not a temporary union produced by an artificial excitement—a united people even of one State, might rescue liberty for a time, but without the means of maintaining Independence, liberty could not be preserved. It was necessary therefore, that other States having common interests should be prepared to think and act with us; and it was alto gether proper that for this purpose, a system for cor respondence and consultation should be organized as the best means of producing union. My own be lief was, that the Tariff would not yield and could not be made to yield but to some interest stronger than the interest in manufactures, and I knew but one that was so, and that was the interest in Union. It could not be doubted that the Northern States were as much concerned in preserving the Union as ourselves, and it was altogether fair, that in the last resort, we should present to them the plain alterna tive, either “to return to the bargain and stick to the bargain or give up the Union.” If unhappily,it should turn out that they take more interest in Manufac tures than in Union, it is my deliberate opinion, the Union is not worth preserving. In all this, we have considered not so much what might be done and rightfully done, by the sovereign States of this U nion, as what may be wisely done. Do what wc may and let what of evil come, wc will have the consolation, that from the beginning to the end, wc , have been* passive subjects, and the adverse par , tv active agents The abuses and usurpations prac , tised, and the burdens imposed, have been of a posi , five character—we have done nothing but beg relief . from them. i You have insisted en mV opinions, and I ha'e given tliefn. Ifo one could ask them with more propriety than yourself. You have been all your life a uniform, consistent Republican, & as much de voted to the prosperity- of the state, and states too, as any man in it. The stake which you and all of your name and family have i:i it, is pledge sufficient for your loyalty and discretion: and the passion for liberty that was born with you, is absolute security that you cannot be a slave. Your Friend. G. M. TROUP. ‘Our«r>iy auiltilioa is t® live uuder equal taws.” “THE" times, A*Ji> STATE It It* I IT’S ADVOCATE. MILLEDGEVILLE, FEBRUARY *3, 1833. (fc!rSeveral Advertisements and other articles una voidably postponed. THE CRISIS. Cant is the established order of the daV. It has long been the fashion for Editor:- and Essayists to sermonize upon the aspect of the times. Year after year the pub lic presses have teemed w ith some awful crisis in our po litical affairs; but when the deep stillness that pervades our national councils, broken only by occasional electric flashes, portentous of the pent up violence of the thunder storm, announces indeed the approach of a crisis, these faithful warders on the watch-tower become suddenly apathetic. We almost blush to speak on so trite and hack neyed a theme. Though others have cried ‘wolf while danger was yet afar off, and their voices are suddenly hushed w hen his grim front lowers upon us, we deem it no apology for our remaining silent. The matter cannot now he disguised. Congratulations have been rife, that the Georgia controversy lias been amicably adjusted, that there is now no longer apprehension of collision with the general government. Rut is this the fact ? Recent events developed in the conduct of tiie President to a sister State, wear a threatening face; and if a conflict should ensue between Carolina and the Federal Govern ment, (which may God avert.) it behoves Georgia tu look well to her own position. The foot of Federal oppres sion weighs upon he-r neck in common with her sisters of the South. Yet she slumbers on in quiet apathy.— When the cry shall ring in her ear, “ the Philistine be upon thee,” will she rise like the strong man, prepared to rend asunder the green wythes with which she is bound, or like Sampson shorn of his strength effectually lettered by the cords wherewith she is manacled ! Will she suffer chains to be forged for South Carolina when for aught it appears to the contrary, it may be her destiny to wear them too? These are important ques tions. But which, if Congress peisists in tiie course they are now pursuing, we shall most assuredly be called up on to answer. We are not prepared to see a Union vol untarily formed, preserved by force, and cemented by blood, neither are we ready to recede from our deter mined resistance to unconstitutional exaction, and quiet ly assume our places in the ranks of Federal myrmi dons, armed to coerce a sister State into an abject sub mission. It is time that the voice of Georgia was distinctly heard, denying that the President’s construction of the Constitution is the legitimate one ; proclaiming that if the just demands of the South are not acceded to, her endurance too has reached its limit; and if Federal bay onets close around an oppressed State, struggling in the van for liberty and independence, her generous freemen need'not be prompted on which side to strike. We may be told, that wc are indulging in gloomy anticipations of the future ; nay, we may be charged with the attempt of producing an unnecessary excitement • our answer is, look at the sign of the times, read the doctrines, the con solidation doctrines of the President, study the provisions of the Bill reported by the Judiciary Committee, and if we are w rong,the fault be upon our head. That Bill com pared to which, the Tariff is not worth a passingthought, is the most flagrant violation of the Constitution, it has been our lot to record. It demolishes the jurisdiction of the State Courts at a blow ; it sweeps away the ancient land marks that have confined this colossal engine of the consolidationist within its constitutional boundaries ; it gives unlimited sway to that far grasping power that has not heretofore lacked ingenuity in constructing onreon stitution to have erected a single nation. But alas! for Georgia. We have no rulers that dare boldly tell the General Government, forbear in your sacrilegious strides to despotism ! No voice from our Legislative Halls, as sures oursister state,that the Federal bayonet shall not be reddened with the blood of her eons. We have no Gover nor to stop forth, like the Governor of \ irginia, in de fence of Slate Rights, for w e have no Tsoer* to w ield the truncheon of Executive pow er. A degrading lethargy paralizes our citizens. When we speak of resisting Federal oppression, we are told tlwt wc are calculating the value of {fie Uniqn. No. We hstr counted the cost of that Union, and are calculating the value of LIBERTY. CONVERSION. Our friend of the Constitutionalist is completely in ex tacies with the idea that bis Ititc doctrines are supported by Governor Troup’s letter. We read his Editorial on that subject, and forthwith mounted our spy-glasses, donned our considering cap, propped our chin on both our bands, our elbows on our i>. sk, and straightway es sayed a discovery of the alleged metamorphosis. Surely we have done the Editor of the Constitution alist some injustice. We had considered him since his removal to the city of Augusta as the partisan of Mr. Forsyth,good reason had we too, for this opinion, when we saw him take up the cudgels, so boisterously in his behalf. But alas! for the short-sightedness of man, even w ith his spectacles on ! His fierce assault upon the late Anti-Tat iff Convention was but a hasty ebullition of zeal in behalf of the good people of Georgia, lest they might endamage their own sovereignty, by unwisely resolving that they would resort to one of the only- 11 two modes of settling controversies, Negotiation and War.” We read the letter in question in such i else (we hope we may say likewise with our friend the Historian) that wc could in no wise discdVcr the gratifying support he mentions. — But he says it so ; and “ Brutus is an honorable man.” He has then returned to the advocacy of the States Rights doctrine,and we bid him a right hearty welcome, recommending to his perusal, the following sentence from the letter that ‘sv [/ports' iiie course so strongly. “Theconfedcration w as abandoned for the new government because it had no power to coerce the States. But was the new government adopted to coerce the States? Ckrtaini.y not. It was adopted to coerce individuals, for the very rea son that States could not he coerced.” We do not say that the Editor of the Constitutionalist is willing to see South Carolina coerced into submission, but being, as he is, amid the bristling bayonets that me nace destruction if she persists, his voice has not been raised against so high handed a proctdure. Such silence is strangely ominous. ♦ONGIt i: SS ION AI. SPEECHES. Wc have hitherto abstained from giving any of the long speeches in Congress, for the reason that, it would occupy too much of our paper to publish them on both sides, and to publish one side and not the other might subject us to the charge of partiality. In fact, those which support the I’rcsident’s new construction of the constitution—his consolidation and single nation doc trine, savour too much of man-worship to suit our appe titc. Their authors are somewhat like Mr. Ritclnc in. his late editorials on the same subject, wanting princi ple and r*r*t. 0... r lutot from i!ie Unj iul Qu§ inform wa that Mr Ver]»ianck*s new tariff bill ia yet in committee* of the whole in t!ic House of Representatives, where it is like ly to be talked to death, or in danger of being overlaid. The enforcing hill in the Senate, known as the fill to repeal the Constitution and to appoint a dictator, is un der full discussion. It was proposed to postpone its fur ther consideration, mainly to wait for the fate of the ta riff bill in the other iiouse, and the reasons assigned by die mover of the proposition w as, that if the latter passed, there would he no pretext for the fermer. This propo rtion was ejected—our Vicar of Bray and Mr. (Inin dy, being the only Southern Senators who voted against jnstpcncrmnt. Is it not matter of some astonishment that our lion. Senator Mr. Forsyth, should be the only senator from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, North and South Carolina and Georgia, who voted tn the nega »ive ? I low* is it to be accounted for, has the glittering splendors of a Cabinet appointment, induced our worthy Senator to become recreant to the South f \\ e hope some more worthy motive, may have actuated him. Mr. Grundy, it seems attempted to try conclusions with South Carolina’s gifted Senator, hut his falcon glance was rather too piercing for the Tennesrean, and the great Leviathan of Massachusetts has entered the arena as the champion of the President’s doctrines! Our accounts further indicate that the DICTATOR'S hill will pass Congress. Well be it so. If the holy shrine olour Liberty is to be thus desecrated and its vo taries dispersed by the bayonet, if a doctrine is to be forced upon us, whose argument is consolidation, whose il'*«ttration is SLAVERY, we can truly say. that as an humble conductor of the press, we have often warned the people of Georgia of the dread catastrophe. They will at least L&ar witness, “if Rome must fall, that wk are iuucxSent.'* For the Times 4* Stole Rightm Advocate . Ms. Slal>k :—la the Journal of last week is an Editorial ar ticle, profeMtdly approving of Governor Troup’s letter but ae tuttliy constructa'ole into on apology for the monstrous doctrines of the Proclamation and the enforcing Bill, i. e. a Bill asked for by the President to create a monarch; to let him be aole judge when to declare War, and to givo him the supreme con. trol of the Army and Navy, of the United States, and the whole Militia thereof. There is also an apology (l auppoae intended for that) for the discharge of the Missionaries, for the Journal apeaks of “ the present elevated triumphant position of Georgia.” 'Plie Term degraded, would have better suited ourcuse. Geor gia triumphant because her Executive has abandoned the high ground assumed by the .State in the question of her sovereignty !! and that to calm the fears of the Governor when he had the State to a man to sustain him, and to gratify a ministry to some .of the political cravings of public apostates; men who have übandoned the support of Slate Bights, ami are now supporting the avowed doctrines of a monarchical government. The Journal affects to draw huir breudih distinctions between the terms “ stretches” or ‘ misuses” of acknowledged powers, and an usurpation ol anew power. 1 deny that the case is a misuse of an acknowledged power. Tr up never admitted any such thing: The Journal hud as w ell say that any other violation of the constitution is u misuse of an acknowledged power, as to apply that expression to the Tariff acts : Though the Journul may hold them Constitutional, Troup dosa not, nor ever has. The figure, or illustration if so called, übout the w arrant, the property, and the life is worthy of emanating from ’he land of its author; it’s not a Southern product, but 16 a protected ar. tide. The that Georgia, in the exercise of liar Sover eign power bin acted etfictly defensive ; and defensive of what was exclusively her own, and has never extended it to those things in which her co-Stutes had an equal interest with herself. Miserable subterfuge : a tolerable excuse for any Submission Tariff man. 1 deny the proposition of the Journal as true : It says Geor gia never exercised her sovereign power where her co-States had an equal interest. Ah to dollars and cents and acres of land perhaps it is true; but the proposition does not assert that : it goes to the exercise of the right—The amount of money or prop erty involved, cannot alter the principle. I say that Georgia has exercised her .Sovereign power in direct opposition to the will of the Congress of tiie United tates, that she has set at nought her Treaties, aid rendered null and void her acts of Congress by open and avowed Nullification* That she has placed herself heretofore in an hostile # uttitude to the Federal Government, to support the exercise of her Sovereign Power in violation of Treaties and acts of Congress, and by 60 doing triumpnantly sustained her sovereignty against the encroachments of the Fed eral Arm. As Statesmen, as Patriots, na citizens of the United States, have not the Representatives of each .State the same interest to support the acta ofConpree*. It has already been said that as to Dollars and cents it is not so. but the interest referred to ia a political interest; for if not that, no two > tales have the same* in terests. The case to which the Journal refers is our Indian question: why differs this from the Tariff acts; both cases are, or w ere intended to he governed by. acts of Congress. Did not a treaty of the United States seek to depri eus of a large pecu niary interest, besides jurisdiction ? What says South Caroli na? that ths Tariff acts of Congress greatly affect the pecuniary interest of her people and to an extent that she will not suffer. VNliat said Georgia as to the whole Indian subject? Our rights ure violated, our interests deeply affected, and we in the exer cise of our Sovereignty will no longer submit, This l\\* Journal admits she had the constitutional right to do; but where aco. v tate equally free and independent through the exercise of her Sovereign power, says that the United States by her acts are making unlawful exactions upon the income of her citizens and that in exercise of such power she will no longer submit to it, and cites Georgia The Journal says Carolina 19 wrong; her case is not like ours, and therefore she lias no right to interfere as * e did and oppose the Fedoral Government. This ia leaving the Journal to determine and pronounce judgment upen Carolina, depriving her of the right to think and act for herself in her sov ereign character ; because say vc, this side Savannah River that.acn e of Land in the Cherokee Nation is a different conside ration for a Nullification of an act of Congress, to that of bales ofCotton. Now Messrs Editors of the Journal have you faith in Troup’s doctrine? If so, lie said that whatever Carolina done in the exercise of her Sovereign power, was a* to her, right. You say that Corolina obeying the impulses ofa high Indepen dence, hut u mistaken ardor (Mr. Prince vs. Carolina) have sought to unite the south by improper means. Do you believe that if C arolina had pursued the course which the Journal has for some time, that w e should have heard of the present Bill of the Com mittee of Ways and Means : 110 never- and if the Tariff is re duced South Carolina will be entitled to the credit. I say that ifthe question of 'brute force” comes to put down South Carolina you will see one large Military Beal, that is from Potomac to Mississippi. Where is the Southern man who would draw his sword against Carolina -if there be such an one let him go yut irom among us. I shall notice your paper again. PIT\AHI. FOR SALE. npHK Subscriber, from recent misfortunes, is desirous of -*■ abandoning his business in this place, and offers for sale the large three story building on Walnut Street, at pre sent occupied by him 39 a Tavern. The situation is eligible, the house as large and roomy as any in the up country, and the internal arrangements every way adapted to comfort and convenience. The extensive patronage bestowed upon this House sit ce its establishment, to the present proprietor, no doubt will be continued to any enterprising and industrious individual who may succeed him. The house will be sold alone, or together with the Furniture, (the latter, however, would be preferred,) upon liberal and accommodating terms. Persons who may be disposed to purchase, would do well to call and view the establishment at an early day, L. A. ERWIN. N. B. All the Stages that come to Macon stop at this ts tahiislimout. Macon, Feb. 7.—s—ts REMOVAL. THE Subscriber has removed to the Store for merly occupied by Manning & Lane, where he has now on hand, and intends keeping 3 general assortment of ready made (Nothing, together with every article necessary for tne completion of Gentlemens apparel. A. C. VAIL. Milledgeville, Feb. I*2, 1833 5...tf .H’ST RECEIVED AT TIIT MILLLDGLVILLK C LOTI UNO STOKE, S'N ADDITION to his former stock a fresh sup . ply of ready made Clothing, of almost every description suitable for the present season. The work is warranted, and prices low ; also a few pieces of very superior cloths of vari ous colors. A. C. VAIL. February 42 6..tf THE SUBSCRIBER having a very large as sortment of fine Dress Coats now on hand, will sell them at very reduced prices. A. C. VAIL. Tcbrunry 13 ff. H SILLEDOEmLR STREET LOTTERY. (Authorized by the General Assembly of the State of Geo). Dam. Fortuu, stand, in merry mood Pouring her favor, to the crowd— Du ready, friend, bafor. they full— Who knows but you may catch them all! noxnr no>Ev i-lots of motet if WHEN we consider that Fortune is daily dif fusing wealth and happiness in all parts, and every corner of this extensive country, through the medium of th. LOTTERY SYSTEM ; that scarcely a week or a day wheels hy us without bringing the Intelligence, that soma one of our friends or fellow-citizens has drawn a prize; and that it only requires an investment of the trivial sum of tea dollars to give up a 0000 ihancr for a Prize of -20,000; — Surely it is unnecessary to urge upon this liberal and enlight ened people, the policy of stepping in the way to wealth and the favor of tno propitious I>ame. THE NEXT DRAWING WILL TAKE PLACE ON THE FIRST SATtRDAY IN .HAY NEXT, Or sooner if the sal. of Tickets will authorize it—at which time the following comfortable PRIZES will be FLOAT ING in the Wheel, viz: i oi *IO.OOO a of *eoo 1 of * 5.000 9 of * 500 1 of *I.OOO 1 of * 100 * of * 000 9 of * :tOO 1 of * WOO 1 of * 900 * of * TOO 91 of * 100 besides a great number of 50's and 90'. —thus it will b. per. ceived, that there are now in th. wheel more than *95,000, exclusive of th. prize, below *IOO. Those, who wish to acquire fortune, for .mall sum., will do well to make early investments, before th. gold.u moment passes, and will be gone forever. SCHEME. l Prize or *20,000 is *20,000 3 Prize* of 10,000 is 30,000 4 do 5,000 is 20,000 0 do 1,000 is 9,000 5 do 900 is 4,500 5 do 800 is 4,000 S do 700 is 3,500 5 do 600 is 3,000 5 do 500 is 2,500 5 do 400 is 2,000 5 do 300 is 1,500 5 do 200 is ],OOO 35 do 100 is 3,500 50 do 50 is 2,500 050 do 20 is 13,000 5,000 do 1 i is 00,000 Lena than TWO blanks to u PRIZE. All the Prizes to be floating from the commencement, ex cept the following, deposited as follows, viz : First Day’s Drawing.—2 Prizes of 5.000. lof 1,000, 1 of 900, 1 of 800, 1 us 700, 1 of 600, 1 of 500, 1 of 400, 1 of 300, 1 of 200. Sscohb Day's Drawing.—l Prize of 10,000, lof 1,000, lof 000. lof 800,1 of 700, lof 000, lof 500, lof 100, I of 300, 1 of 200. Third Dat'r Drawing. —l Prize of 10,000, 1 of 1,000, 1 of 000. I of 800, 1 us 700, 1 of 600, l of 500, 1 of 400, I of 300, 1 of 200. Fourth Dat’s Drawing. —l Prize of 10.000, 1 of 1,000 1 of 900, 1 of 800, 1 of 700, 1 of COO, I of 500, 1 of 400, 1 of 300, l of 200. Fifth and i.ast Drawing.— l Prize of 20,000, 10l 1.000, I of 900, 1 ol 800, I of 700, 1 of (UK>. I ofsoo, I of 400, I of 300, I of 200. And on the commencement of the First, Second,Third and Fourth Day’s Draw ing, the fir»t drau-n number shall he en titled to a prize of * 1,000, and on the conclusion of the last Day’s Draw ing, the first ami last drawn numbers shall be en titled to a capital Prize of *s,oooeach, in addition to such prizes as may be drawn to their numbers. The whole Lottery to be completed in Five Day’s Draw ing only t PRIZE* ONLY TO HE DRAWN. The whole of ths Prizes payable in sizty days after each Day's Drawing—subject to a deduction of fufieciyier cent. All prizes not applied for in twelve mouths from tocli draw ing to be considered as a donation to the funds of th. Mit red Seville Street Lottery. 'I he drawing to take place under the superintendence off WM. W. CARNES, SAM. BUFFING ION, SAM. ROCKWELL, WM. H. TORRANCE, E. E. PARK, Also, a Board of Visitors. PRESENT PRICE OF TICKETS. Wholes * 10—Halves * s—Quarters *2 50. For sale in a great variety of numbers at the Commissioners Office, on Wayne Street, opposite the Post-Office and State Hank. Cy" ORDERS for Tickets, from any part of the IE States, (post paid,) will meet with prompt attention. Address to PKYOK WRIGHT, ticcrelary to Committionert. Milledgevillc, Feb. 10, 1833. s—ts j\. M’GEIIEE’S LOTTERY AND EXCHANGE OFFICE. MILLEDCEVILLE. GEO. UNION CANAL LOTTERY of Pennsylva nia, Class j. 4 for 1833. The official drawing will be received at McGehec’s Office on the 3d of March. 06 3muber Lottery—lO Drawn Rallot*.- 1 Prize of 40.000 Dolls. 1 “ “ 15,000 Doll*. I “ “ 5,000 is 5.000 1 “ “ 3,000 is 3,000 1 “ “ 1,390 is 1,390 lOOFIOOO 10,000 10 “ “ 500 is 5,000 10 “ *< 400 is 4,000 • 10 “ “ 300 is 3,000 20 “ “ 250 is 5,000 55 ’* “ 200 is 11,000 5C “ 10* is 5,00 ff 56 « « 80 is 4,480 112 « “ 70 is 7,840 229.6 - “ 40 is 91,*40 15,400 “ « 10 is 154,000 PRICE OF TICKETS. Whole* only *lo—Halves 85—Quarters *9 50- The above scheme offers more inducements for specula tion, than No. 1052 in the GOLD LOTTERY. IT* Or lers from any pert of th* Union, post paid, will me*t with prompt attention/—Addess to N. M’GEIIEE, Milledgevill* Geo. February IS LAW NOTICE. Thomas g. barron & david irwin have entered into Copartnership, and will attend to any business in their profession wiihin the Cherokee Cir euit, whieh may he entrusted to them. All communications will bs addressed to Sandfordville, Cass County. They will practice under the firm of BARRON & IRWIN. • Jan-2G-45-2L SKETCHES OF the Land Districts in Cherokee county, Georgia, shew ing the water enureet, public rnadt , and improved lute, and quality of each lot, warranted to be correct, may be had I hy inclosing fifty cents, (post paid) for any district, to I THOMAS M. COOK, Milled February V JOSEPH STOVALL, JOHN H. WARE, JAS. S. CALHOUN, fe ROBT. M’COMB, Commissioner*.