The Times and state's right advocate. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1833-1833, February 20, 1833, Image 3

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bjra been forced to acquiesce in the decision of tha m^critv a;j in tlie case of the first formation of Society by a people without government and without laws. It follows therefore, to the most perfect demonstration, that this is strictly a Fe deral not X National Government in its character and opera tion, and that a State can withdraw herself peaceably from the Union. tiii: i ltisis. Truly have tve fallen upon evil tunes. We arc in doubt to what cause we can ascribe the present gloomy aspect of affairs. It is admitted in the halls of Congress ,ha: the South is oppressed but when a remedy for that oppression is at length tardily offered, it is coldly repu diated- The present administration have it in their Muer to relieve us from our burdens, but we see no prospect of their doing so. Is it that personal ambition, has usurped the place of patriotism ; that the gorgeous splendour of a consolidated -empire iias dazzled the eyes and perverted the hearts of our politicians? Has im placable hatred sheltered itself under the folds of the mantle of the law and is it in that disguise maturing ltj plans of vengeance? or is a corrupt and in- terested majority in Congress, bent upon endangering the peace of the country threatening its fields w ith dest> lalion by the hand of civil discord and finally sacrificing the Union on the altar of Mammon ? If there ever was a time in the history of our country w hen every patriot should step promptly forth in defence ol its liberties now is that time. Difficulties are thickening around us.— One member of our ouco happy confederacy lias adopted the only means jest her, to protect her citizens from Federal exactions & she is threatened like a refractory child with the rod, if she does not remain quiet. She has presented to Congress the alternative of repealing an act confessedly unconstitutional, or she will herself absolve her citizens from submitting in passive obedi ence to its provisions. Yet Congress are deluding themselves with the idea that thecoutest will be between Carolina and the Federal Government alone. That she must contend single-handed with that imaginary colos sal power. They profess to believe that her sisters of the South are calmly awaiting the issue. We would disa buse them of so fallacious an idea and warn them to forbear attempting so dangerous an experiment. Though Georgia stands aloof, she is looking with an eagle eye on the progress of events. Her silence is the calm that precedes the thunder storm. The cup of her oppression roo has been heaped to,the brim ami if a timely relief is not afforded, no parchment restrictions can fetter her freedom, no threatening array of military fore# urrost the execution of her purpose. Those who would resist the march of despotism and bring back the violators of the Constitution to act within the pale of that sacred instrument, those who would limit the gigantic strides of the Federal Government to the measure allowed by the charter of our liberties, those who uphold &i defend the freedom and independence of the States and advocate their sovereignty according to the articles of that agreement that formed them into a confederation, arc branded as disunionists. We ar« jmong that number, and we linrl back the charge in the teeth of those who make it. Those who loudly clamour for State Rights, and secretly support the doctrines of Federalism and those, who, for the sake of a few paltry millions, jeopardize the existence and the permanency ofthis union would clasp in secret satisfaction the price of its destruction to their hearts even amid the smoulder ing ruins of their country. These pliant minions of unprincipled factions are side by side and assume to themselves the title of unionists. These self-styled union men have now a glorious opportunity of redeeming them selvesfrom the aspersions they would cast upon others. Many who profess to venerate the Union, occupy a seat in the halls of Congress. Let their reverence be shown rather in deeds than in words. Many professed friends of the South wield an influence in our National coun cili, let them stamp their professions with the seal of sin cerity by their acts. The repeal of the Tariff will satis fy us that the union is far dearer than a protective system. The repeal of the Tariff is the only token of sincerity we will receive from our clamorous friends of the North. The repeal of the Tariff will restore our distracted country to its former prosperous condition. The repeal of the Tariff is the only efficient relief that Con gress can extend to the South. But Massachusetts has said that she will resist a repeal: while she is inveighing in the most opprohious terms against South Carolina for resolving to arrest the execution of an uncon stitutional act, she in the same breath declares that her Legislature and her citiz< ns individually may right assist the operation of a constitutional law, because for sooth, it is injurious to her pecuniary interests. The resolutions of her legislature are tantamount to a declar ation that secession is her remedy. Can it be possible, that the eyes of her jiolitieians have become suddenly opened to the fact, that a State has a right to secede.— Her federal doctrines, or rather the federal doctrines of the President approved and applauded by her, teacb a different lesson. Why, and wherefore this'sudden con version ? Is it to intimidate the representatives of the people of the United States. We regret, but we are not surprised at the course Massachusetts lias taken, it is not the first time site lias arrayed herself in opposition to the laws of the country. We have been looking with no little solicitude at the progress of affairs, and we confess ourselves unable to account for the strange reluctance manifested by the iilministration party in Congress, to relieve us from the nils which they themselves admit should be remedied, liie President has recommended a repeal of the Tariff, bcSccretary of the Treasury has laid the necessary in ormation before that body, strongly seconding the re •ommendation, and a bill is now pending before the louse to carry it into effect. But the friends of the ad ninistratiun ins'ead of lending their efforts to quell the lissensions that now agitate the country, become sudden y indifferent to its fate. In this strange apathy there nust be something more than meets the eye. Arc there icw intrigues afoot at Washington ? Those who stand ichir.d the curtain and pull the wires of the political pup ictshow, cannot be,blind to the storm that is gathering, ‘hey know that unless some efficient and peaceable Mans of relief are speedily adopted, the position of he whole South becomes more decided. They need not bedazzling light of the hand writing on the wall, to ktsli conviction on their senses, that the days of this -nion arc numbered. The Southern States have been latiently waiting for relief at the hands of those who im the burden, and if our task-masters of the North “'ll not remit a portion of their unlawful gains as a peace ifferingon the altar of patriotism we shall most assured ■J take the matter in our own hands and relievo our sclvea; and if the fair fabric reared by the hands of Wlathers,is doomed to fall to the dust, on their heads he die guilt. Even at this time, gloomy as the prospect is We do not despair of the republic. There must be a adeeming sense of justice abroad among the American people and the “million of inusket-bcaring-freemen,” who “e to propagate the doctrines of peace and concord at the Point of the bayonet, w ill be found wanting when the j.'°rd is given to charge. Let the Senate pass the “cn- Jorcing hill,” l c t them clothe the government with dicta °nal powers, let them wrap a republican president joibthc regal purple, and place the truncheon o: unlim- Jodsway in his hand, he will still lack the power, if he ®*thc will, to rivet the chains of slavery on a free people, bs sceptre would boa “barren sceptre in his gripe” •w his boast .and authority will dwindle into nothingness tit-ath the falcon glance of patriotic freemen. If con “*r-v *» our expectations, a band of misguided and zeal s partisans, should rally around the standard of the J 'iufacturerg, to wrench with a strong hand from the Aliens of the South, the tribute money for their coilers, '' will be a severe one, and these sacrilegious ( ' ant * of liberty, will be practically taught, “thrice f *riaM who hath hie quarrel su«t.” THE tIlh!*(oq t” fra Tha triumviri of the Federal IT,,;™ „ , * . .iss casion to ‘ pfess” what they ar r it* . * , upon us ; to “learn a little of tha history and Yaws of of the mighty* workshop'! to“ whom*weYt'oTkindl SU P erinten d d f. nt confided the administration of those lawY umY mlor ', ncd “ to be as deeply read “in ,he these “feeble auxiliaries-of hi, -obsolete- Excellency- Y bile b *rn r d ,e "l <1 T* t0 | lhe . profundl, y of political knowledge of the learned doctor who sits upon the tripod, and while we yield w ith all due humility to the superior attainments of his erudite “fntelLe/ em, r! t k,,uw - ,b «‘ «»«„ «" ‘ obtuse intellect could not acquire a quantum sufficit of the history” solve e .beT',‘ ar,eS ;° r r u ™’> uired over much astuteness to fined H utTT/ ‘he law under which they were con. . , M much and,9 P oscd *'e may be to yield to these sa. mav eU rn " PrW T lencf which their overweening vanity miroiin t * WC T St be permitted to select for ourselves, Bnd Camiot rec °gmM them in that capacity, cs “ineomnet n> !' ,ys!,cal S°vernor’ has proclaimed them to be incompetent lor that vocation. But what has a knowledge •of tha history and laws of the country to do with the pardon of the missionaries ? In our ar ocle we sought facts from his excellency, not advice from his re. I„m V d ® d ' lst ' rs : we desired to know, whether Governor Lumpkin did not procure the letter from the missionaries, by en. treaties, made by himself or through his friends with his privity which was to grace their pardon ; and whether this was not cone m consequence of communications from u ashington 1 nese facts are of deep interest to the public. If thev have no Inundation, why does not his Excellency frankly say so 1 Why does he make a scsfE coat of the Federal Union by inducing the editors ul that print to say • we have an opportunity of know ing that these reports are not true”—lndeed, what “opportunity” could these discarded advisers of his Excellency have, thus boldly to avouch the untruth of the reports? Has not his Ex. celleacy said, that they have not his confidence? How then can they know that the (xovernor has used any entreaties directly or ipdirectly to procure the letter—much less, how can they truly anirm that his Excellency received no communication from W ashington outlie subject, or was not dictated to by tha Presi. dent or others? Good sirs, your real in this matter like toworing Pi } lOU iaß ov . cld eaped itself—and tranaended your discretion. W e fear there ia too much truth in the humiliating cireumstancea under which it is believad these missionaries wore pardoned ; and cannot but attribute bis Excellency’s silence as we have be fore said, “to a consciousness on tiis part, that silence is better than subterluge and Bafor than t'-o truth.” “I W ON’T AI*E TUOI P.” Did the vain author of the above remark over imagine, even in moments, when the honied tongues of Ilia flut tering jHiraxites were distilling their sweetest potions in bis ear—did he ever imagine it to he in his power to “ape Troup?" We knew that undeserved promotion dazzles the possessor, that it is apt to render a man con spicuously ridiculous. Jttdeed, it is said by a profound judge of human nature, that high office “dignifies mean ness—magnifies littleness : to what is contemptible, it gives authority and to what is low, exaltation,” but we are yet to learn that it ever gave birth to rirtues before possessed not; or enlarged the conceptions of a pigmy mind —And until it can be proved to possess the taiis manac quality of converting lead into gold —or folly into wisdom —we must be skeptics still. The age of miracles lias gone by ; many centuries have passed since the mantle of the ascending prophet fell hia successor. Miraculous indeed would it be deemed if the present time-serving, twisting, truckling incum bent of the chair of Troup, could thereby be enabled to “ape” the virtues, the devotion, the patriotism dr the talents of bis great predecessor. If a comparison were forced upon us, we would hold up the official aets of both, and sav, “look upon this pic ture and on that.” The one pi need Georgia, on a proud commanding eminence, and procured for himself a death less name, this was our Governor. The other has sunk the character of the State, into the very depths of humil iation and when his brief term of official misrule is end ed, there will be none so poor as to do him reverence! This is our Governor. The Federal f uion. The worthy Editors of the Federal Union ( par nobile fratrum) have condescended to take notice of Governor Troup’s Letter. After their review of it lct no one at tempt to criticise it: the best has been done. Let the Edinburg spill its gall. After reading the Federal criticism, we say in our humble judgment that it is non pareil. They have but to ca.-t a stone, and the giant dies. Upon the completion of that article, we must sup pose that nature broke the mould that the like should never be seen again. It is an offering worthy of Apollo, although our Pressman says, that it reminds hi in of a mouse in a pitch barrel. How strange it is to hear the opinions of men upon such theorems as are contained in the Federal Review ; for instance, there is a quid nunc of modern growth who frequently visits our reading table to learn the progress of the Army bill, upon reading the Review, exclaimed, “if nature does not, anger makes us write." There stood bv, a man of reality who added 11 they have seited the moon by the teeth;" A septuagonary who was devout ly conning the doctrine of the right in the General Gov ernment to sell a State, replied “« corrupt judge is not qualified to enquire into the truth:" But said a Philoso pher who heard it read, “fAe mind ought sometimes to be amused that it may return to thought and to itself." For those who love and admire Governor Troup, it is w ell for him that the Federal has taken this serious no tice of him and his doctrines. It is what the moat san guine of his friends had no right to expect; it is his apotheosis. Governor Troup now bears the same rela tion to the Editors as did Idomencus to Epicurus,, to w hom the latter had written some letters, in which he said to ldomenctls “ All the glory and grandeur of Persia even should you succeed in all your undertakings, will never equal the honot conferred on you by my letters.” Seneca said in writing to Lucullus, “I have credit with posterity and can confer immortality upon you.” So have the Editors done unto Governor Troup. Now for such distinguished and talented patrons of all that is good and great to be denounced and repudiated by the “su perintendent of a mighty Workshop” as feeble auxilia ries, is bordetitig on the ridiculous. They have decreed ex cathedra, that the letter contains some wholesome truths, and have been so kind and polite, and have vouch safed to commend it to the consideration of the candid and serious. They have credit with posterity, and ages to come, and when those yet in the womb of futurity shall look upon certain hieroglyphics marked upon paper with a black liquid, which centuries hence will have the power of penetrating through the eyes into the settso rium; it will call up by-gone times pointing to Governor Troup: which but for this summons of the worthy re viewers would have slumbered forever. It is hoped that by this article we have gained the good will of the Edi tors, for to please great tnrn is a circurnstaneo which claims not the lowest degree of praise. Ertract of a letter to the Editor of the Times and State Right's Advocate, dated Feb. 14 ISflff. “Every thing, in the political character of your publication, meets my humble approbation, and 1 sincerely wish that its columns may arouse the peo ple of Georgia; onr country to a sense ol their wrongs, sufficiently acute to make them soon assume a more lofty attitude. Itsecmsto me, in all sobriety, that we may be pardoned for claiming the State as the coun try of our allegiance, when, by continuing to look to, and speak of, and chime on, the confederacy as that country, wc contribute our mites to the momentum of oppression from the North,the power of division at the South, the loss of sovereignty at home, and the progress of consolidation every where. Get the op erations of the Government be reduced to the scale established by our Fathers, & no man that breathes would more* ardently than 1, support it and rally around the standard of union! May God grant that this happy condition shall sj»cedilv ensue, to the dis comfiture of “ Old Federalist and Monarchy Men," whether they occupy high offices. o r sing the lullaby in private station?" To Co-uttwo-inx-vc*.—Savrfal Cotn.i»*nii/iJioji# aot fiU. and Will be disposed of as early as possible. The on# from fair “Flora,” an-I “a sophomore” in our next. A Vermont Colonel. B low will be found a very liberal offer, by one of those despicable creatures, generally, hv philosophers, y’clept, a “ Varment yankce who proposes to whip the refractory Nullifies into obedience, “twenty five per cent cheaper than any body else!” But alas ! the "var ment yankecs" are not so fond of fighting, ns this bragga docio“ r arment Colonel" would intimate—and we vouch for it, tit is valiant Knight would start with affright at the reflection of his own shadow, and be “ skart" to death at the sight of a .Nullifier—What! a "varment yankec" whip a Nullifier! Pretty logic indeed! “The prospect of Nullification has awakened the speculative soul of the Universal Yankee Nation. We are -informed that a militi-i colonel in Vermont has issued verbal proposals that, in case the Presi dent finds it necessary to employ an army, he will take his Green Mountain troops, and thresh the Nul lifies, on tdrins twenty-five por cent, cheaper, than any body else!” THE GOLD ANI) LAND LOTTERIES. The drawing ot the Land lottery terminated on Friday lust. On an examination however it was ascertained that twenty.five prizes remained undraw n, and which were not in tho prizs w heel: These twenty-five, with five fractional numbers of 100 or mare acres were deposited in the wheel on Monday, and drawn as the previous ones, l’he Land lottery Commissioners and their clerks are now engaged in revising their labors, to ascsrtaiu vrrors, it any, and we learn that the tusA is a laborious una which will occupy them several weeks. the lottery of the Gold lots, ia progressing—and willyat occupy 6 or 8 weals to couiplets it, aud perhaps a month to ax. amine it afterwards. The most celebrated numbers, It not tha richest prizes are yet in the wheel. T lie “ feeble auxiliaries” of his Excellency in their last paper, in an article headed public sentiment, seem to wince not a little at the prospect delineated, in a letter from this place addressed to the the U. S. Tele graph, and which they pronounce to be unfounded. By way of proving the correctness of their opinion, we in vite them to publish the following letter from Hillsboro’ in this State, addressed to the Editor of the Southern Times. What think you Sirs, does not this shew w hat public opinion is? turn to your editorial; read it over again, compare it w ith the following letter, lay your hand upon your heart, and answer w ho vdsreprestnts the feelings of the people of Georgia ; the writer of that editorial, or the author of the letter ; From the Columbia Times. The following letter is an additional confirmation ol the numerous statements that, the people of Geor gia are with us iu our controversy with tho General Government, and that they were not correctly re presented by the resolutions of their legislature, de nouncing Nullification. Our friends will be grati fied with the cheering intelligence it conveys. Hillsboko’, Jasper county, Geo. 1 January 20th, 1633. j Mr. Editor :—I have observed in your paper, some indication of the feelings ol the people of this State, towards South Carolina; but sir, it is a fact, at which you cannot arrive. The people of Geor gia are silent: they stand aloof, and are watching with an Eagle-eye, the movements of King Andrew; and whenever he strikes the first hostile blow, they will rise like freemen to their sister’s aid, “resolved to do or die.” Never, sir, has a State been so base ly misrepresented, as was Georgia by her last Le gislature. The passage of John Forsyth’s resolu tions (known as Rvan'is) and the refusal of Chap pell’s in the Senate, are in my opinion, condemned by at least two thirds of her citizens. Never sir, was a State so disgraced with a Governor, who shifts with every breeze, and always yields to the one that presses hardest. He has just stigmatised the State, with the most disgraceful act of pardon ing the missionaries, and tlierby yielding up one of the most important constitutional questions that could agitate the country, at this time ; and it is be lieved, nearly, that the “Roaring Lion” and the Yankees might have South-Carolina single-handed to contend with. Rut sir, it will not do—Jackson, Forsyth and Lumpkin, all lumped together, cannot control the freemen of Georgia. A few sycophan tic office-hunters, may be brought up—and Mi. Crawford, through personal malice to Mr. Calhoun, may somewhat increase the motley crews—but sir, be assured that the hardy yeomanry of our country go for South-Carolina. I know sir, in several of the adjoining counties, Regiments of as brave men as ever fought for liberty, will at a moment's warning, rush to the defence of gallant South-Carolina; and sir, in the little village, and its vicinity, in which I reside (placed at one extreme of Jasper county,) we can raise a noble company of “Alligator Hor ses,” ready at any moment to spill tlieir best blood to maintatn the Carolina doctrines. Nullification is no longer a mooted question with us ; it is no time now to quibble about small matters.—The question is, are you for Southern rights and Southern liberty; or for Consolidation and the Northern manufacto ries? Are you for defending your own rights, your own homes, your own property, your wives and children, or joining in with Jackson and the Yan kees, to rob us of all ? This sir, is now the question every freeborn Georgian asks ; and it is easily an swered, (or there is but one answer for a freeman to make. Nor sir, will we longer pay half of our hard earning, as a bounty to any set off nabobs, who bask in ease and splendor, while we linger in pain and poverty; nor will we longer beg for our dear est rights, but with noble South-Carolina rise or fall —live or die. Her cause is our cause; it is flu cause of the whole South : it is the cause of Luien ty. On her, now depends one of the most impor tant events that may ever be recorded in the history of our country. Wc, then, conjure the people of South-Carolina to stand fast for the sake of those who have gone before us, and for the sake of those who are to come after us—for the sake of liber ty, stand firm. Wc are either now to be free, or henceforth the slaves of the North. COSCiRKSSVONAL. We ask the attention of our readers to the following extiact from the debates in the House of Representa tives, taken from the National Intelligencer. The ad missions of Mr. Appleton who is largely interested in Manufactures, is pretty decisive—that they can compete with England in Mexico, Brazil and in Asia Minor, without in-otertion. Why then is protection necessary for them at home ? Mr. Wickliffe inquired of Mr. Appleton as to the existing rate of profit in the cotton manufacture. Mr. Appleton replied that in the Merrimack Company, with a capital of a million and a half of dollars, had manufactured cottons to the amount of $(>00,000, on which business they had found a bal ance in their favor of but #57,000. Their profits were -1 jier cent, for the last six months ; this, how ever was a season of peculiar depression. In 1631, when tlieir business bad been most prosperous, their profits for six months had gone as high as 10 per cent., being at the rate of SO per cent, per annum. But nothing was more fluctuating. The only Com i pany now, at Lowell, whore stockwas at par, ware * n S n S c d 1,1 Kiauulaoturlng for fbreign markets, Iu fine goods, the caprice of fashion was such, that pri ces could not be ca'culated upon. Mr. Cambreleng thought that the statement just made, presented one of the strongest arguments that could be adduced against the gentleman's own pro position. Ihe only successful company, it seemed, were engaged in making cotton for exportation. Now, he would ask, was there any protection where these cottons went? Were there any protecting laws for these cottons in Mexico? In Brazil? In Asia Minor? Here then, after years of protection, in which the farmers ol this country had paid an in creased price for all their cotton goods, the manufac turers came forward and avowed that their most profitable business was supplying, not the home market, but nations ten thousand miles off. Mr. C was for removing the duty, and placing their cottons here in our own market just as they were placed in markets abroad. The Glasgow manufacturers had no protection against those of Manchester ; yet they, and even the poor people of Switzerland, were able to compete with the Manchester skill and capi tal ;• and surely our people could do the same. Air. C. ref rred to the personal wealth of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and the thriving state of the manufacturing towns, as proof, that the business must be very profitable ; deprecated the minimum system as deceptive; and preferred an ad valorem duty, as open and above board. Mr. Clayton—though he supposed that the testi mony of u manufacturer from the south of the Poto mac would not be entitled to the same credit as that of those at he North, would neverthelcM slier his own testimony as a manufacturer, that the manufac tures ot the South could do without such a protection as was proposed by the gentleman from Massachu setts. It might be an uncommon spectacle in that House to see a manufacturer voting against his own interest, for he believed that, with many of those who voted for protection, it was a case of life and death. Mr. Davis inquired whether the gentleman allu ded to him. Mr. Clayton replied in the negative. Mr. Davis said that he did not own, and never had owned, a dollar’s worth of manufacturing pro perty in his life. Mr. Clayton said, that if there were any other gentlemen, who wished to put a similar inquiry, let them come forward, and he would answer them j or he would consent, that all those who were personally interested, should be excused from voting. Mr. Appleton inquired whether the gentleman included those from the South, the value of whose cotton crop was, according to their own statement, vitally concerned in the destruction of the protective system. Mr. Clayton said he had not intended to produce any excitement ; but as he was himself a manufac turer, and the question should be whether protecting duties should be increased, he should feel bound to go without the bar. But he presumed he was at li berty to vote against himself. The existing protec tion gave him tJie monopoly of the State of Georgia, and enabled him to make a profit of 00 per cent, on cotton cloth, at ten and 12 cents a yard. If a square yard duty of 7 1-2 cents should be added, as was now proposed, what would his profit be then? The gentlemen of the North wanted a law which should be equal to the advantage the European manufactu rer had in the cheapnesss of food, «fcc. Now, with the duty of 7 1-2 cents, those Northern manufactu rers had made cloth, anu sold it at the door of his factory at 6 cents per yard. At what rate could it be got, should free trade be established? The gentle man from Massachusetts had made an eloquent ap peal agaiast reducing American labor, and compell ing the operatives to do without the comforts of lif*. That very condition the gentleman so much dreaded was now the condition ot Mr. C’s constituents. If gentlemen needed such a protection to carry on their manufactures, why not impose the tax upon their own kitate, under a State law? Why make the South pay for it? Supposing and Massachusstts to be the only States in the Union, would it be fair to make Georgia pay a tax to sup port Massachusetts? If their fields produced cloth and hats, and ail oilier neeeessaries of life, growing on bushes, would it be fair to make them pay a tax on these articles for the benefit of Massachusetts? Would not this reduce Goorgia to the state of a colony? If the bill would destroy the Northern factories, let the opera tivesgoto the West. It was declared that the Gov ernment had a l ight to bring down the sluve labor of the South to a level with the free labor of the North; id cst, that the Southern capital should be reduced in value till it was on a level with the Northern capi tal. If so, it was time the South knew it. The Southern climate produced in cotton, rice, tobacco, and sugar, about 45 millions of dollars ; and it was to get at this amount that the Northern capitalist seized upon the Government as an instrument, and enacted the Tariff law. The South got this out of the earth bv their slaves ! and yet they were told that slavery was the cause of all their troubles. The truth was, that their slates were, in fact, the slaves of the North. It was their slaves that sailed the Northern ships, and ran the Northern spindles. Their slaves were their machinery, and they had as good a right to profit by them, as Northern men had by the machinery they employed. It was not slava ry that produced the depression of the South. It was the robbing the Southern planter of one half he earned, to swell the profits of tho Northern manu facturer. For the Times ip State Rights Advocate. It sterns that the Editor* of tlio Federal Union are somewhat loth to credit the common report in relation t* Mr. Wilde’* late “ inflammatory” speech, in Congress, upon tho euhjrct cf the Tariff; assigning as a reaaon for their misgiving*, that, it ia not in exact accordance with 41 the generous and jratriotic sentiments contained in his letter to the Richmond (Inquisitorial) Committee:” Thereby, leaving us to infer, that they are laboring un der the delusion, that all, who were at that time opposed to Nullification, and disposed to deprecate what they conceived to he the impetuous course proposed to lie pursued by South Carolina, should, as a matter of course still continue to denounce her policy, and rally them selves under the banner of her adversaries. Gentle men, you arc sadly mistaken ; your conclusion is very far from being correct. The great agitating question has been vastly changed since the writing of Mr. Wilde’s letter ; the truth of which is so plain and palpable, that I cat hut wonder at the dullness or depravity of the man who could manifest ignorance in the case. It has al ways been admitted upon all sides in the South, that the I'ai iff is an ert/—consequently, that the cause in which Carolina is engaged, ia in itself a righteous one : She has been endeavoring to remare an evil —therefore, tiic moving principle of action must be virtuous. But, the grand question of dispute was originally, as to the expe diency of the measures by which she proposed to redress that evil. Many of our good old Republicans were of opinion, that those measures were not the beat that could berpbeen fieviyf'l, Bid since tTarelina hs? takes Imr stand . fence Cwsar hag waved hi* purple fl.w of blood over the Republic, and sworn by the hting Gt and that military despotism shall henceforth swav life <-ov crnmeutal sccplro! thousands of stout hearted , i.wiots, w ho were before opposed to Carolina’s course, have ’wa ked up to the truth, that, the question is not noiv, whr ill er our sister is »right or wrong in her measures; hut, whether we shall sit still and permit the yoke ofoppres sionto be fastened forever upon our necks by the bayo net ts of the manifest enemies of Southern rights and Southern interests? Whether we shall remain passive and see the sacred chart of our liberties, which was be queathed to us as a|precious legacy by the fathers of the Revolution, slaughtered and offered up ; s a bleeding sacrifice upon the snionking altars of avarice and embi tion ? Whether we shall stand ui.; ioi t and amid the tumb ling ruins of this tqighty fabric, which was reared and dedicated to the God of Liberty ; Lot, which is now threatened to be converted by the ruthless arm of power into the idolatrous temple of an unknown deitv ? The answer is—“no! never!” When questions like these (which are the only legitimate onss growing out of the present crisis) are proposed to the people for their con sideration, 1 vouch for the truth, that thousands and tens of thousands of patriot freemen, who have long peeming ly slumbered in their might, shall start from Thuir appa-' rent lethargy and strike for liberty or death ! : * i bus it is with Mr. W ilde, gentlemen. lie is an hon est man. lie honestly believed, that Carolina was mis taken in some matters of miner Importance, and straight wav in his native sincerity told her so. He now finds that, tho liberties of the people arc endangered; That by permitting Carolina to be crushed in an effort to free herself from Hit shackles ol slavery, Georgia and all ts the S.uthcrn States would unavoidably be drawn down to destruction with her; and finally, uni ss’the oppn s sor* arm be struck nerveless at once, that, this whole Republic must become the hapless victim of"a similar fate. \\ itfi these facts staring him in the faer, is it any wonder that an American patriot should step forth, and. in the passionate language of the heart, deprecate th ' evils that would inevitably, result from the repeal of the Constitution by an interested and reckless majority in Congress, and the appointment of an American Dictator! J his was Mr. Wilde. Was it not noble? Was it not manly 7 Would to God, that nil men were as honest f W ould that our “ measurably obsolete Governor” were as atneere ! wc should hoar no more bowlings from his minions and parasites, and the hireling scribblers of a state-selling Politician would be compelled to seek nth- i er employments, than pouring out doleful lamentations over the prospective downfall of Tvranny ! * ' ' TRUTH. ml „, . „ DBAWISe BKfEIVED. following are the Drawn Numbers of the New York Consolidated Lottery Class no, 3 fur 1833. 4* 15. 11. —■- 3. —31. —14.—t iJ. 65.—62. -—-27. JESSE COX, ol Burke County, (lute Commis sioner of the Land Lottery) Respectfully announces, that *• is a camhdato for the office of Secretary of State, at tho next slsction. Feb. 30 6-ts. . rli , au.th.mstkatous sale. \y ICC be sold ou the first Tuesday in April next at the v v Court House in Clinton Jones County, all the perisha ble property belonging to the estate of Robert W. Goodman deceased. Terms made known on the day of sale. HENRY WOOD, Adm. Feb. Iltli IS3 3. o-.nis IIi:AB-qi ABI’LKS, ltd DIvToTML Milledoe.vii.lc, Eebkuauy 13, lr>33. • DIVISION ORDERS. IN, pursuance of Geueral Orders of the Commander in Chief, the Annual Review and Inspection of the 3J Divi sion of Georgia .Militia, by Regiments and Battalions, will taka place at their respective muster grounds, on the days fol lowing, vix; In tho county of Clark, on Tuesday the lf.tli April. In the county of Morgan, on Thursday the 18th April. In tlie county of Putnam,on Saturday the 20th April. Iu the eouuty of Oglethorpe, on Wednesday the Ist May. In the county of Greene, on Friday the 3d May. In the county of Ualdw in, on Thursday the 9th May. On the respective days immediately preceding the Review and Inspection, in the above named counties, the Commis sioned and .Yon-commissioned Officers of Regiments and Bat talions w ill be assembled for inspection and drill. Th# Colonels of Regiments and Commanders of Battalions will instruct their respective Adjutants to note in their returns to the Brigade Inspector, the several officers who h.we failed to unifoim themselves, w ithin the time prescribed by law— These deficiencies will also be noticed in the Brigade re turns. The Commanding General expects a strict compliance with orders. A rigid discipline and subordination will be enforced, and all infractions promptly punished. Generals of Brigades will attend in person to the execution of their or ders. By command of Maj. Gen. SANFORD, feb 31 S. ROCKW ELL, Division Inspector. N. lU’GEIIEE’S LOTTERY AND EXCHANGE OFFICE. MIL LEDGE V IEEE, GEO. No Tariff! No Prolective System!! No Kc verved lliflitv !!! No Lillian Settlements !!!! real IE Land Lottery is eomplet >d, and those who “ Paine 1 Fortune” lias omitted ill her golden showers, would do well to turn their attention to the following Splendid Scheme; — Tltc Nexv-York Consolidated Lottery, EXTRA CLASS, No. VI, offers greater inducements to the adventure:, than any scheme over offered to the public before. ALL PRIZES and NO BLANKS, what a speculation! an individual in vesting the small amount of $>J fill, is compelled to dr.iwjt prize, and from the fact of it is being obliged l i draw, he n..v secure the comfortable prize of THIRTY THOFSWD DOLLARS, which would he the means ofre-cutughim fr .. the confines of oblivion, and placing him upon that exalte:! station, the attributes of w hich are wraith , fume and power. — You aspirants for fame, let not this gulden opportunity pass without reaping some of its golden fruits, and vou who oc cupy a more bumble station, whose heads are just above the waves of adversity, my advice is the same u you—if you let this opportunity escape, you may be driven buck, by adverse winds into the ocean of oblivion and plunged deeper, still deeper into its howling billows. FRIZES, PRIZES, PRIZES & NO >ll, INKS. $30,000 CAPITA!*. NEW YORK CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY EXTRA, CLASS NO. 6, for 1833. The official drawing ex petted at M’Geheo’s Office on the 14th or loth March. M Number Lottery— 10 Drawn llnllolt. acTTprizes. 1 Prize of 30,000 Dnlb. 1 “ “ 1 3,000 Dolts. 1 “ “ 8,000 is 8,000 f “ “ 3,1 OtS i- t 106 j “ 3,000 i* 1 000 10 OFIOOO 10,000 10 44 44 1050 is 10,500 ]0 4 4 44 500 is 5,000 no 44 44 100 is 30,000 H 44 44 80 is Os It 44 44 10 is 2,320 60 44 44 3« is 1,740 1450 44 44 20 is 2,000 13224 44 44 10 is 132,240 30850 44 44 4is 123,121 45700 Prize's amounting lo 8360/180 PRICE OF TICKETS. Whole* only 910—Halve* t»—Quarter* *9 50. STT Or lera from any part of the Union, post paid, will meet with prompt attention.—Adder# to N. M’GEHEE. Mdledgevill# Geo. f*&ruary f*