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'TIMES, STATE KJUaiT’S ADVOCATE. VaKITKSAXS PF.I H. . IfIT.f.r.IXJEVILLE, MARCH o, 1q33. etJItSELVES. With pleasure and gratitude tve acknowledge th increasing patronage extended to our paper. L%e ry mail brings us additona l subscribers. More than fifty were handed us last week. Not a day passes that we do not receive anxious entreaties to perse vere in our course, with the assurances of encour agement and support. This is not only cheering to us as individuals, but gratifying as patriots. V\ e are as much pleased with the favorable reception of our doctrines as with the bright and consoling pros pect of ample remuneration tor our time and laboi. In publishing the Times, our chief aim is the pub lic weal, and wo desire [tecuniary benefit only as it enlarges our means oi doing good. 1 lus is not the time for people to bo absorbed in selfishness, lib erty and its blessings arc in jeopardy- War and its miseries arc threatened us, and it is the high and im perious duty of every individual, who has a heart ca pable of loving country and appreciating truth and justice, to enter boldly into their defence, unawed by power, unbiassed by interest, and regardless of eve ry private consideration, to peril life, fortune, every thing but honor, against the unholy crusade contem plated by Federal Despotism. lie, who is unwilling to do this, is not a fit conductor of a public press. An Editor is called upon to make more than ordi nary sacrifices. If he is incapable of this, let him seek some other vocation, that requires not the ex ertion of ceaseless and devoted patriotism. As tar as it regards ourse! vc3 we are prepared for any sacri fice to secure the people’s rights and the triumph of correct principles. All that we ask is the necessary patronage to sustain us in our efforts. W e are more than ever devoted to the Itepulican doctrines ; we are more than ever convinced of the great necessity of maintaining them. Our attachment to them has increased because of the violent war now waged up on them, and the assassin-like-blow aimed at their de struction by base deserters, and the simultaneous hack-sliding of the old supporters of Republican principles. Where now are those papers, that in times of yore helped to boat back the invaders of the Rights of man ? They have joined our enemies and are our most formidable opponents, because they war against us under our own colors. •* In the tnidil of life wo are ii» death.’’ This passage from Scripture, could not bo more appropriate than it3 application to the melancholy fate of Chari.es W. W sh* ington, Esq. late of Macon who, in a moment, was snatched from earth to eternity and found a watery grave!—To it was con sign.’d a worthy man, in the prime and >»gor ol life, and of use fulness to himself and society. In the absence of an obituary of the deceased, we aubjoin the particulars of this melancholy event. Mr. Washington, a mr. Murphcy, and a slave, (our pressman) were passengers in the stage on Friday !‘**i for Macon, via Clinton- lu jh.x* Walnut creek, nt the usual lord it was forced by the strength es the enrront below the lord, cam*' lit contact with a log or tree - danger was apparent, ami they com menced to escape, and succeeded, except mr. Washington, who could not swim ; he got on top of the stage, and was washed off and was not afterwards seen or heard. Three horses were also drowned. On Saturday the deceased was found, carried to Va con, and interred on monday, attended by a large concourse of citizens. The ffcage and mail were also taken out of the Creek on b'ftturdsy. Wc have heard of several deaths by the falling of trees, during the storm on Friday, and much damage to property. It mn*t have an end* For ourself wc can declare with the most unfeign ed sincerity, that no man in this State—that no citi zen of this Republic, wherever his domicil may he, is more devotedly attached to the Union of these States, ' is more ardent in his aspirations for its perpetuation; that none can desire more fervently the safety of the liberties of the people every where than we do—hut tve must say, with equal candor, that we differ widely Irorn many of those, who profess the same devoted ncss of patriotism, as to the host and safest plan of securing the many blessings we have derived and must still continue to receive from the honest and trusty administration of the Federal Government. It would be disingenuous not to allow that those who difler from us are actuated by the same honest conviction of the wisdom and safety of the policy they propose, to attain the same common object in view of all men who love their country, and who feel an interest in the great struggle which is now pend ing before the great tribunal of public opinion ; and yet we are presumptuous and bigotted enough to be lieve that our party alone holds and follows the true political faith, the eventual adoption and adhesion to which by the people of the United States can secure their political salvation. We feel the more confi dence in what we say, since we are supported in our position by the enlightened experience of past ages— by the long practice of our government and by the lnjdi authority and oracular responses of some of the greatest Statesmen of the Republic. It is not that we desire a dissolution of the Union— it is not that our feeling of favoritism or dislike to wards particular individuals (for we trust we shall never indulge either to the detriment ofour country) would move us to incur the risque of a civil war in the attempt to throw off the yoke of slavery im[>oscd upon us by the North—it is not that wc believe the Union ought to be dissolved at this time at all haz ards, nor that we should melt the chains of our bond age by the fury and ilame of civil war, and last of all, it is not that tve either fear or desire, ever, any of those disasters, that we would declare with all the fravity of solemn and deliberate conviction that the mo.v of these States is, and of right occur to be, dissoluble. It is to guard against the horrible evils we have enumerated, that we would wish to have this great conservative principle of our govcrji ment to stand as the pyramids of Egypt, “amidst the wreck of matter and the crush of worlds." The naked recognition of the right, with the settled conviction that it would be resorted to in case of the exorcise of powers not granted to the Federal gov ernment, could. in no instance, fail to prevent the ne cessity of recurring to the arsenic remedy of Judge Barbour. The known admission of the existence of such a right would be the surest guarantee against usurpation. But if we were of a contrary mind, and eovtld behove that, like the fabled Upas tree, h Would pokou every of government w til an 'as reach still a regard for truth and sincerity would impel us to the recognition of the doctrine. It is as incident to the nature of the government under which we live as death that belongs to the condition ot man. — The conviction that the Union of these States must have an end will have the same solutary influence upon the conduct ofour rulers, as the certainty of a dissolution of this mortal coil ol ours does have upon the moral man in preserving him free from taint and corruption. Make the period of man’s life co-exten sive witli time that never ends, and you arm him with a consuming power that must overwhelm eve ry feeling of humanity and eradicate every principle of justice. It is the certainty that a few short years, perhaps a day or an hour, may terminate las exist ence, and that he may he called to render an account of his stewardship to his Creator, that he is kept in the path of right conduct. So it is with the govern ment of the Union, the creature of the States. Once confer immortality upon the Union or admit that it is perpetual and indissoluble fiom the very nature of its existence, and you give the Federal arm the sword of the Seraphim with which to immolate the liberty, independence and happiness of the people of these States. We appeal to the common reason and uni versal experience of mankind for the truth and jus tice of these remarks. SECESSION. Many men pertinaciously and wickedly proclaim that Secession is not permissible—that it is not con stitutional, for the reason that the Constitution of the United States is silent upon the subject and docs not mention the i iglit nor any thing of kin to it. Would tliese men persuade the people that they have no rights, save those which are secured to them I»v that instrument in direct terms? And is the history and theory of the Federal government so imperfectly comprehended, that these dogmas are to obtain cred it even with the most illiterate, but many times, the most patriotic and best intentioned citizens of our country? Lamentable is the truth, that there are men who will utterthis sentiment, knowingatthe same time that it is unblushing mendacity alone which gives it currency. If this doctrine were not the foulest heresy that ever crept into a free government and defiled and polluted the sources of freedom, by what tenure, we would ask, do our citizens pursue their daily avocations and enjoy many privileges, the dearest, because the most necessary, which the Con stitution of the United States is an utter stranger to? To what will this world of ours come ? Are there no means of moral force to deprive this Polyphemus in our government of the power of doing harm ? Can we not drug his mischievous propensities into insensibility for n time, if not to dcstoy his active functions forever ? W e would ask these advocates of unlimited des- ] potic power, how the State governments exercise those rights which are not secured by name in the Federal Constitution ? Do the States hold them at the sufferance of the general government? Slavish minions! You would say, yes, if you dared to be tray your real views by a direct, intinseiled answer to the question ! What is the meaning of that part of the Constitution which affirms that all those pow ers, which have not been surrendered by, nor pro hibited to the States, are reserved to the States res pectively? Has the right of secession been surren dered ? Shew it in the Constitution. Has it been prohibited to the States ? Point out the clause in that instrument which interdicts the exercise of the right. If those despots, who would tear our liber ties to tatters with the thunder of the cannon for the peaceable exercise of a Constitutional authority, can shew no other reasons for the denial ol the right of Secession, than their own audacious assertion, that it is not secured by n ame in the Federal Consti tution, let them remember that the eyes of the peo ,,!<> can not always be blinded, and that they will take three-fold vengeance upon those, who have basely betrayed their confidence. “ Now in ike names of all the Gods at once, Upon what meal doth this our Catear feed, That he is grown so great ?" The Heroes of the Revolution toiled and suffered to little advantage if the product of their labors is now to be swept away by the besom of destruction and the fair fabrick of their most anxious hopes is to be razed to its foundations by the fierce dragon of civil war. The whole country is in a fearful com motion, and a single spark of violence cannot fail to spread the flame of domestic discord far and wide. It is a fatal error to suppose that the attempt to co erce the State of South Carolina into submission to the usurpations of the general government will onlv be oppose< 1 by the dominant party in that common wealth. We have been no idle spectator of passing events ; and we have observed with the most in tense interest and painful solicitude the impressions, those events have made upon the public mind here and elsewhere, and we speak in the majesty of truth and the soberness of reason when we say that the first blow struck in South Carolina will unite the yeomanry of all parties in the South against the foul and odious attempt to reduce a sovereign and inde pendent State to slavery and tame submission to the decrees of a military despot. May tiie lightning of Heaven scathe the Head of him who strikes the first blow at the heart of Liberty ! May the fate of Ixion be his ! And for what are our liberties to be immolated, our happiness sacrificed and our prosjjcrity blighted? Are they to be submerged in a struggle to maintain them against the powerful invasion of a foreign foe ? Are they to be imperilled in warding off the blow aimed at their destruction by the uplifted hand of the patricide ? Nothing of this is alledx'ed • 1 the edict of war against Freedom—that glorious inheri tance bequeathed us by our fathers, who fought the battles ot the Revolution—nothing has prompted the resolution to demolish every vestago of inde pendence now reinaing with the people of the South but the blood-thirsty and ruthless spirit of revenge which the President harbors for one single man who is domiciled in this unhappy region. He is deter mined to pour out the phials of his wrath upon John C. Calhoun, and the lives, tHb liberties and happiness ofour people are to be forfeited and surrendered to appease the vengeance of the President. “A common danger provinces unanimity.’' The whole Southern region is now- fully aroused from its slumbers, and preparing to encounter the fearful preparations which are being made to sub due the liberties of our people, and bring them un der the domination of the President and his Tariff minions. However much they may have been op posed to Nullification, as too airy and metaphysical in its texture <fc feeble and ineffectual in its remedi al character, they are not prepared to abandon the more simple, efficient and natural relief from op- 1 pression, to he obtained by a resort to secession. ~ The abandonment of tliu right by the peo[J# of the agricultural States would be a virtual surrender of their lives, their liberties and their property. It is not surprising therefore that the Proclamation ot the Federal Executive should have met with such un qualified and indignant reprobation throughout the entire Southern country. Now and tiien we catch the sound of a “ still small voice” from the little band of Federalists, scattered here and there, calling upon Congress and the peo ple to rally round the standard of Monarchy, hoist ed by Andrew Jackson, and borne by Daniel \V eb stcr. Yes! that man, the bitterest reviler of the President, the most clamorous opposcr of his former republican measures, is now the main prop of the administration, and it is asserted with much confi dence that he will shortly be one of bis Constitu tional advisers!! Wherefore did the people of Georgia vote for Andrew Jackson? Was it not to hinder and pre clude that very event which is now about to take place ? Alas! for poor human nature ! \Y here shall we now look for good faith ? The man, who was loved, honored and revered for his supposed Ro man virtues, is now exhibited to us in all the naked deformity of Punic baseness. Well.—wc live to learn, and experience teaches us. All of us, even the wisest, are liable to be deceived, but we. South erners, have been most wofully gulled. 'slt. ADAMS, This gentleman tells a story, in his speech against the reduction of the Tariff", about Gil Bias and the [lions mendicant, as furnishing “ the most perfect emblem of Nullification.” We will not fatigue our readers with a repetition of the story, the bearing of which upon that doctrine is just as little discoverable as his Ebony and Tor az toast at Baltimore was un derstood, when he had to enter into a long explana tion of it, to make the subject intelligible, lie is, without qualification, reservation or exception, the most intolerably ridiculous learned man we have ever known or read of. Too much learning has made him mad. Mr. Adams wishes to know, whether there are any measures by which a State can defeat laws [•assed by Congress. Can lie so soon' have forgot ten Georgia and her brave and talented Champion, Geo. M. Troup? Why- did not some true son ot Georgia remind that Quixotic Statesman of his Presidential edict of war against Georgia for refus ing to obey laws passed by Congress ? Why did they not bring to his recollection the craven cowar dice; which chilled his blood and deterred him from executing his threat against Georgia, when he was talking so grandiloquently about quelling rebellious Carolina by force? Let John Q. Adams lead the myrmidon army. He would re-cross the Poto mac with more dispatch, than ever Xerxes flew over the Hellespont. Wc know, he must tremble to his centre, when lie beholds the tiger eye of that son of Georgia, who startled the Tyrant, when lie was seat ed on his pantomime throne. A mad-dog would as soon look upon water as Mr. Adams would be con fronted with Geo. M. Troup. He would as certain ly have the hydrophobia. Mr. Adams says, if it he the case, that a State may evade the enforcement of the laws passed by Congress, that it is time to seek for some other form of government to live under. “ Murder will out.” We have no manner of doubt that this Tory Ex- President would be delighted to live under some other form of government. His father before him had the same over-weening desire, and our readers all recollect the old adage, that what is bred in the bone will stick in the flesh. Do we not know that both father and son were always in favor of monar chy, and that they wrote books upon books, in which they advocated the British form of government and pronounced it the most perfect in the world ? We have many such men among us, if they dare avow their sentiments. These Proclamation men—bloody hill men, and Tariff’men are all of the same way of thinking with the two Adams. They are all Tories of :!'c worst stamp. Let the people be on their guard against them, unless they want King, Loans and Commons, instead of President, Senate and House of Representatives. Tltonms Jefferson Randolph. Wc hardly know in what terms to speak of this gentleman’s course in the Virginia Legislature to wards South Carolina—-towards that munificent and generous State, which so promptly subscribed ten thousand dollars towards the discharge of the debts of Thomas Jefferson, his grand-father, and the pur chase of the estate, of which that recreant off spring of a worthy and illustrious ancestor is now in the occupation and enjoyment. This man pro mises to arm himself to exterminate his benefactors from the face of the earth! Base monster of ingrati tude! Would you then suck the blood of those who gave you meat, drink and comfort? Go, vile man, in search of that, for which you thirst, as the weary traveller in the arid desert for the water brook ! Perhaps we have given utterance to feelings which had better been smothered, for the sake of the greatest statesman and the purest patriot that ever lived. But wc could not repress our indignation, when we read Mr. Randolph’s letter to the Rich mond Whig. Unless he repent and soften and pu rity his heart, we consign him to the shades of Ere bus. We would not breathe the atmosphere with such a man for the treasures of Potosi. Docs the land, which gave us birth ml nurtured and educa ted us, shelter such an ingrate? We have no objection to Mr. Randolph’s honest political opinions, be they what they may. He may l>e opposed to Nullification. He may reject the doctrine of Secession, and preach unlimited Submis sion and unredeeming slavery, but in God’s name— in the name ot all that is just and generous, shed not your benefactor's blood! Rather stand, for endless ages, at the bar of Rhadamanthus and drag his con demned culprits down to the pits of darkness, and thro’ flames of torment, than l>e guilty of one act of base and unmitigated ingratitude! “He that cxiilteth himself shall be abased.” Does tlic President of the United States deem himself -jo impregnable, that he may commit any enormity upon the liberties of the people and defy their wrath? The indignation of the people is slow in gathering against a man. who has helped to light the battles ot his country and gloriously conquered her enemies, but when it bursts in all its condensed strength and confined blackness, destruction must await him and his wicked counsellors. The Presi dent has already achieved his own dishonor by his unsteady policy, and it he would longer continue to •tupon his bastard throne, set him beware that no drop of freeman’s blood is spilled. He tnav yet find his riiuti s. All patriotism, inagnamiiniiy and daring are not confined to the age and country ot that brave Roman. I he President’s popularity was at one time com itinuiliuc andextensive, but Hu now drooping and decayed, and his name will be mentioned with sad regret. He will be scorned by all freemen and “be cast, like the loathsome weed, away." He lias ventured too much upon hi# high standing with the people. There is no tree so deep rooted, that may not lie overturned by the tempest. The storm is now lowering over his devoted head, and he must fall a victim to its tremondous out-pourings. A timel v recantation ofhis errors and a sincere contrition for their commission may reconcile the people to him during the remainder ofhis term of service. It mav be, that such is his design in furnishing Iris creed on the fourth of March. That day may yet tear oil the mask of hyprocrisy. Ttie Coalition !ioug again. The Richmond Whig foretold a few weeks back that, as the Globe had to hold its peace about de mocracy, State Rights &c. since the Proclamation had been published, it would return to the old cry of “a Coalition” again. Sure enough, the last number of that paper, received here, makes the charge upon Mr Clay and Mr. Calhoun. Every tiling in the bleared vision of this reprobate, which may clash with the views of the President, assumes the form and appearance of a Coalition, the alarm given ac cordingly, and our ears are dinned with the cries of “ a Coalition! a Coalition!” If Mr. (.’lay had not stepped forward and held out the Olive Branch of peace, the Globe would have denounced him, as a hardened and reckless enemy to the Union and happiness of his country If Mr. Calhoun had refused the hand of fellowship and good feelings, thus nobly extended, the Globe would have decried him as a disorganize!' and traitor. Do what they will, this prostituted press will, in the over flowings of its own baseness, attribute bad motives to good deeds performed by any body clso but Jack son and his Swiss recruits. Oh ! most admirably drawn picture. Mr. Clayton, of Deleware, in his speech upon the bloody bill", has drawn a most striking portrait of Gen. Jackson, without designing it for him. It was a most lucky hit. lie says, he agrees, that the mor tal blow to our liberties may be struck by a hand which has been indebted to us for existence. The shaft, which shall stretch the American Eagle bleed ing and lifeless in the dust, must be feathered only from its own pinions; and oil! how bitter will be the curses of men, in all ages to come, against the trai torous heart and parricidal hand of him who shall let loose that fatal arrow from the string ! And,just Heaven ! blast the arm of him who lays his hand up on the hilt of his sword to cut the cords of Liberty and Union! cottcmr.ss. The latest advices from Washington City speak in a very desponding tone of the prospect of a modi fication of the Tariff upon any terms, and it is confi dently anticipated that the bloody bill will pass both Houses of Congress by large majorities. We shall know the fate of the Union in a few days. The great i debate, so long and so anxiously expected between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster, has terminated. — Letter writers from the City of Washington, who generally note and describe such contests with more than ordinary minuteness and interest, speak of the efforts of both men as being powerful in argument and eloquence, but yield the palm of victory to Mr. Calhoun. They do not consider .Mr. Webster's as equal to his speech on Root’s Resolutions. The one is called the harvest, the other the gleanings. He did nothing more than amplify upon the generalities of Mr. Rives’speech. That gentleman lias thus be come authority for Daniel Webster. Mr. Cailiotin’s speech is spoken of as a most transcendent effort and as having fully realized public expectation, which was at its utmost pitch. lACKSOS’S THREAT. M any respectable gentlemen have concurred in stating that the President, in conversation upon the measures now progressing to coerce South-Carolina openly declared that he did not wish to harm the peo ple of that State, but that “there were about a dozen worms within its limits, he must and would crush.” We will not make a single reflection upon the lan guage. Read it, freemen, and decide upon it for yourselves! The ConslitiiiloimUst. What a pestilent sore that must be which cannot bear touching. A short time since we commended to the perusal of o ir brother of the Constitutionalist, a simple sentence from Gov. Troup’s letter, and fbrtwith he flies into a furious passion at our ad vice. We did but hint in all gentleness at the pos sibility that the enforcing bill and the Proclamation suited the Editor’s taste, and suggested that be might not object to convincing South Carolina of her he retical doctrines at the point of the bayonet. When hey! presto, the vials ofhis wrath are unsealed and incontinently poured forth upon our devoted head, lie asks us it we did ‘really saw’ him flourish the cudgels in behalf of our apostate Senator at Wash ington. Ay, did we. We “really seed” (per haps that phrase may tally with his philology) him spirting his ink, in defence of John Forsyth’s doc trine, that the sovereign people whom he so ungrate fully, and grossly misrepresents,’had no right to speak through their delegates in Convention other wise than ins master chose to direct. In the full flow of his indignation 100, our irascible brothei proffers to our acceptance a spare pair of Iris specta cles—-doubtless to aid our defective, optics in dis covering that the true state rights’ doctrines are contained in the Proclamation. No, \<>, Friend Guieu—verily we must decline so n.a. nauimous an offer, lest we too mistake t! side of the fence where wc ought to jump, and find ourselves unexpectcdlv check by jowl with the blue light federalists, for whom wc now, entertain, (as you did once,) a most wholesome antipathy. Wc would much rather you should mount the additional pair, and study said let ter again. There is more in it than is “dreamt of in your philosopy.” “Why give you me this shame.” Was it not enough that the pride of Georgia should be humbled by the unholy alliance of three men, who would fain degrade her to the condition of a sub missive slave to the phrenetic and imperious master who wields the mace of Federal authoritvat the seat of the central government ? Are there none anion us who will dare every tiring that is honorable, and war with the relentless enemies of our liberties i Shall it be said that Georgia Ik,wed doi at shrine of power and worshipped the golden calf * Does the spirit of IWS animate the bosoms of her sons no onm ? Or are they fallen, degraded and disgraced ? Hus the Southern Ranner, the phren zvot Jackson idolatry, furled the streame, J Stale or | U< 7' * humiliation ofourl State pride, when «e resd their remarks, beaded •‘General Jackson"ia their paper of the 23d liking. Added to the impulse, we feel to vindicate our selves from the unsparing and relentless denuncia tion of all those who are arrayed in hostility a gainst the most laithless depositary of the public confidence, imprinted upon the page of our national history, we feel it an imperious duty, we owe to our patrons and the character of our State, to repel the unfounded and grossly aggravated imputations cast upon those independent and patriotic spirits, who have laid aside every interested consideration, and ventured boldly and fearlessly forth in defence ofli berty and equal rights. The Southern Banner fixes the stain of ingratitude upon all those who have arrayed themselves in opposition to the Proclamation and the sei kit which dictated it. Does a government or a people owe that man a debt of gratitude, who, for selfish and malign purposes, would willingly immo late our liberties and plunge us into all the miseries of servitude? Admit that lie is entitled to the full share of all the glory claimed for him by the South ern Banner, (and we would not obscure a solitary ray of it) are wc to permit him to poison the source of our liberties, Ac bring destruction upon our jieople? We humbly apprehend that the Southern Banner has entirely mistaken public gratitude; & we would beg him to review his Cicero. Even that persecuted man, who had conferred everlasting benefits upon his country —who had received, as did afterwards our illustrious Washington, the title of “ Father of his country,” and who was at one time exiled from the land which gave him birth, and afterwards most inhumanly butchered by a tyrannical usurper, who dreaded the power of his eloquence, never pushed the law of public gratitude to half the extent that the Southern Banner does. We had far better never been born, if, because a man has conferred a favour upon another, be is to be allowed to make a slave of him, else to be branded with the epithet of in-rati tude. The Southern Banner has not correctly constru ed the letter of Gov. Troup. lie docs not sav that secession is not constitutional, but only that the con stitution docs not expressly provide for such a reme dy of our grievances. He contends that it is one of the reserved rights, and is as justly ranked with them as any other. Does the Banner believe that all or any of our reserved Rights are Constitutional? Give us your honest and deliberate convictions upon that question. ”?leUiinku thou nrt more honest now, than wise.” The Editor of the Standard of Union, with all the simplicity and amazement manifested by the rustic when he was told that “ the Dutch hail taken Hol land,” announces to his readers a most wonderful and strange admission of a Tariff' man—and that no less a personage than Governor Dickerson of New Jersey ! Already must the imaginations of our readers be wrought up to the highest pitch, who have not had the pleasure of beholding the Stand ard of Union, to learn what this admission is, so recently and unexpectedly made by a Tariff max of such dazzling eminence as Gov. Dickerson. Wo should have been pleased, beyond every thing that we can imagine, to have seen the astonishment of the Editor, when he first jumped upon that most extra ordinary of ali. admissions, from a Tariff max ! “There must have been speech in his dumbness, lan guage in his very gesture; he must have looked, as tho’ he had heard of a world ransomed, or one des troyed.” But we will not keep our readers in longer sus pense. We copy this eighth wonder in the lan guage and emphasis of the Standard of Union. “Wc find one admission in Mr D’s letter which we do not recollect, heretofore, to have heard or read as coming Irom a tariff man—it is this:—“A very small portion of the citiseris of the Eastern, Western, or Middle ftatos are engaged in manufactures; —they hare to jmy Ike same prime for manufactured, article s, foreign or do mestic, that arc paid in the South !’ There is nothing new tons in the foregoing proposition but the course from whence it comes—a tariff man.” Is there a man in this boundless empire of ours, whether he be a statesman, politician, lawyer, doctor, planter, merchant, mechanic or what mot, who has read speeches or newspapers, that does not know that this unprecedented admission for a Tariff man was urged a thousand and one times by the ad vocates of those run-mad “American System" men, as the most conclusive and irrefragable argument that the Tariff* was equal in its ojrerations and did not bear more oppressively upon the South, than it did upon the North, East and West the reason be- alledgcdby the Tariff men, that all consumers, . in whatever quarter es the Union they were to be found, paid the same price for articles, whether of foreign or domestic manufacture. And the Editor of the Standard of Union never before knew that the Tariff men had admitted that proposition ! The South has always contended that she pays more than cither of the other sections of our Union, they less ! Why ? Wc will lot Mr. Crawford an swer for us. lie says, Ist. Because there are no manufacturing esfiblwh ments hi those States, consequently no local market cre ated. 2d. Because none of the tailoring class are em ployed by means of the Tariff. 3d. Because capitalists have invested no capital in them. Anri 4th, wc are at a greater distance from the workshops which supply •» with the necessary articles. The freight, insurance,com missions, and other necessary expenses, enhance th» price of those articles to the consumer in the Southern States, in a higher degree, than in the tariff States. I» these four particulars, the tariff is more oppressive to the citizens of the Southern States than of the tariff States. RII.HO KS. Among the many rumors mentioned by Corres pondents from Washington City, wc notice that Mordecai Moses Noah, King of Israel is expected to establish a newspaper in that City, and that Blair, the Editor of the Globe, is to be displaced and kick ed out of the Kitchen Cabinet, and that the “Ho* veil-born Amos” has forsaken his compeer in all the meannesses of [political truckling and huckstering. \\ elook far a tremendous explosion at the Palace af ter the 4th of March’ The smoke already begiiwt® issue from the Etna that there lies concealed. ” 0 hope that the evil-doers alone may perish in the ex plosion, and that the faithful and honest servants ol the public mav not onlv be saved but richlv reward ed. I’ro«rc«* of Principle. Wc extract the above paragraph from the N. I- Courier and Enquirer, as indicative of a growing spirit of lilterality among our Northern fellow-citi zens towards the sufferings and complaints of MT sister State and the measures adopted by her ij’ throw off" the burthens of Federal legislation. M tliough the Editor condemns South Carolina in points, ly passes yet severer censure upon Long**** and tin/ President, who would spill noble sad blood, the one actuated by bam- lucre nun oilier eager to glut bis vengeance ujanu Mi t***' 1 Mill, enemies.