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which had been adopted by other territorial
conventions. In tlie schedule, however, pro
viding for the transition from a Territorial to
r State Government, the question has been
fairly and explicitly referred to the people,
whether they will have a Constitution "with
or without slavery/’ It declares that, before
the Constitution adopted by the convention
"shall he sent to Congress for admission into
the Union as a State,” an election shall be held
ho decide this question, at which all the white
male inhabitants of the Territory above the
age of twenty-one are entitled to vote.
They are to vote by ballot; and "the bai-
U>t* cast at said election shall be endorsed
‘Constitution with slavery,’ and ‘Constitution
with no slavery.’ ” If there be a majority in
favor of the “Constitution with slavery,” then
it w to be transmitted to Congress by the Pre
sident of the convention in its original form,
ft’ on the contrary, there shall be a majority in
favor of the “Constitution with no slavery”
■“then the article providing for slavery shall be
stricken from the Constitution by the President
of this Convention and it is expressly de
clared that “no slavery shall exist in the State
of Kansas, except that the right «*f property in
slaves now in the territory shall in n-> manm r
J)e interferred with ami in that event it i*
made his duty tn have the Constitution thus
ratified transmitted to the Congre** of the
United States for the admission of the State into
the Union.
At this election every citizen will have an
opportunity of expressing his opinion by hi*
vote, “whether Kansas shall be received into
the Union with or without slavery,” and thu*
this exciting question may hr peace fully > itb d
in the very mode required by the organic Lav.
"The election will be held under legitiirmte au
thority, and if any portion of the inhabitants
shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do
having been presented, this will b- their own
voluntary act, and they alone will be rc*/»on.*i
4>le for the consequence*.
Whether Kansas shall be a free < r lav*-
State must eventually, under some authority,
be decided by an election; and th* question
vftn never be more clearly or distinctly pre
sented to the people than it is at the present
moment. Should this opport unity l»c rejected,
Tsliemay be involved for years in domc>iio dis
cord, and possiWy in civil war, Im lore she ran
again make up the issue now so fortunately
tendered, and hgain reach the point she has al
ready attained.
Kansas Ims for some years, occupied too
much of the public attention. It is high time
that this should W directed to far more impor
tant objects. When once admitted into th
Union, whether with or without slavery, the
excitement beyond her own limits will speed i-
Iv pn*« away, ami she will then for the first
time Ik* left, as she ought to have bet u long
since, to manage her own .affairs in Iter own
way. If her Constitution on the subject of
slavery, or any other subject, b • displeasing to
a majority of the people, no human power can
prevent them from changing it within a brief
]«eriod. Under these circumstances it may
well be questioned whether the peace ami
quiet of the whole country are not of greater
importance than the mere temporary triumph
of either of the political parties in Kansas.
Should the Constitution without slavery be
•adopted by the votes of the majority, the right*
of property in slaves now in the Territory are
reserved. The number of those slaves is very
small; but if it were greater the provision
would be equally just and reasonable. These
slaves were brought into the Territory under
the Constitution of the United States, and are
now the property of their masters. This j oint
has at length been finally decided by the {ligh
test judicial tribune of the country ami this
upon the plain principle that when a confed
eracy of sovereign States acquire a new territo
ry at their joint expenses, both equality ami
justice demand that the citizens of one and ail
of them shall have the right to take into it
whatsoever is recognized as property by the
common Constitution. To have summarily
confiscated the property in slaves a! read;. in
the Territory, would have been an a i of gro**
injustice, and contrary to the practice of the
older States of the Union which have abolished
bl. i very.
ITAII.
\ territorial government wa« v't:d»li*hi <1 tor
I tab by act of Congre**, approved the 9th
of September. 1859. ami the Constitution ami
laws of the United St ites w ere thereby extend
ed over it" so far as the same, or any provi*
ions thereof, shall be applicable.” Thi* .• « t
provided for the appointment by the President,
by and with the mjviee and consent of the Sen
ate, of A Governor, who was to be ex-otli. io
.superintendent of Indian affairs, a secretary,
three judges of the supreme court, a marshal
and a district attorney. Subsequent acts pro
vided for the appointment of officers i:
.sary to extend our land ami our Indian -y-tein
over the Territory. Brigham Young w.i* ap
pointed the first Governor on tl e 2 *th of Sep
tember, 185(1, and h:t * held the office < v< r since.
Whilst Governor Voting ha* been both Govern
or and superintendent of Indian affair.* through
out this period, he ha' Iwen at the same time
the head of the church called Latter Day Saints
and professes to govern its members ami di*
pose of their property by direct in*pirati<»n and
authority from the Almighty. Hi* power Im*
been, therefore, absolute over both Church and
State.
The people of Utah, almost exclusively belong
to this church, and believing with a fanatical
spirit that he is Governor of the Territory by
divine appointment, they obey his command*
as if these were direct revelations from heaven.
If, therefore, he chooses that his government
shall come into collision with the government
of the United States, the members of the Mor
mon church will yield implicit obedience to his
will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but
little doubt that such is his determinate:;.
Without entering upon a minute history of
occurrences, it is sufficient to *ay that all the
officers of the United S tacts, judicial ami exe
cutive, with the single exception of two In
dian agents, have found it iuce**ary for their
own personal safety' to withdraw from the
d’erritory, and there no longer remains any
government in Utah but the despotism of Brig
ham Young. This being the condition of af
fairs in the Territory. 1 could not mistake the
path of duty. As Chief Executive Magistrate.
1 was bound to re-tore the supremacy of the
Constitution and laws within it* limit*. In
order to effect this purpose. 1 appointed a m w
Governor and other federal officers for Utah,
and sent with them a military force .or their
protection, and to aid as a < <.'/:• Hat in
case of need, in the execution of the law*.
With the religious opinion* of the Mormons,
as long as they remain mere opinions, how ever
deplorable in themselves and revolting to the
moral and religious sentime .tsofall Christen
dom, 1 had no right to interfere, .\ction*
alone, when in violation of the Constitution
ami laws of the United States, become the le
gitimate subjects f<»r the jurisdiction of the civ
il magistrates. My instructions to Governor
Cumming have therefore been framed in strict
accordance with these principle*. At their
date a hope was indulged that no necessity
might exist for employing the military in rv
sturing mid maintaiog the authority of the law;
but this hopj has now vanished.
Gov. Young ha&, by proclamation, de-hired
his determination to maintain his power by
force, and has already committed act* of bo*-
tility against the United States. Univ** he
should retrace his steps, the Territory of Utah
will be in a state of open rebellion. He has
committed these acts of hostility, uotw iilistand
ing Major Van Vliet, an officer of the army,
sent to Utah by the commanding General t >
purchase provisions for the troops had given
Idm the strongest assurances of the a< elul
intentions of the goveriuuent, and that the
troops would only be employed us a7?c*v c>iu
itatvt when called on Ly th* civil authc rity to
uid in the execution of the law s.
There is reason to believe that Gov. Young
has long contemplated thi* result. He know *
that the continuance of his desjKitic pow er de
pends upon the exclusion of all *■ ttler* f rom the
Territory except those who will acknowledge
his divine mission and implicitly obey hi.* will:
*ud that an enlightened publm opinion Hicre 4
* would soon prostrate institution* at war with
l the laws both of God and man. lie has there
fore for several years, in order to maintain his
independence, been industriously employed in
collecting and fabricating arms and munitions
of war ami disciplining the Mormons for mili
tary service.
As superintendent of Indian affairs he has
an opportunity of tampering with the Indian
tribe*. ;»:i<l exciting their hostile feelingsogainst
the United States. 'I bis, according to our in
formation. he has accomplished in regard to
some of these tribes, w hile other* have remain
ed true to their allegiance, and have commnni
catvil his intrigues to our Indian agent*. He
ha* laid in a store of provisions for three years,
w ldch, in case of nec-. ssity, as he informed Ma
jor \ an Vlcit, he will conceal, “ami hike them
to the mountain*, ami bid defiance to all the
powers of the government.”
A great part of all this may be idle boasting:
but jct no w ise government w ill lightly e*ti
matc the efforts which may be inspired by such
pbrensid fauatacism as exists among the M<»r
imm* in Utah. 'I bis isthe first rebellion which
has cxi-ted in our Territories; and humanity
itself requires that we should put it down in'
such a manner that it shall be the last. To .
trifle with it would be to encourage it audren- ’
dvr it formidable. We ought, to go there with
3»uch an imposing force as to convince these de
luded profile that resistance would be vain,
and thus *pare the vfiii*ion •>! bloo<l. We can
in this manner best convince them that we are
their friend*, not their enemies, in order to
accomplish this object it will be necessary, ac- 1
cording to the v*iimate of the War Depart
ment, to raise four additional regiments; and .
this 1 earnestly recommend to Congress. At ,
ihr promt moment of depression in the revc- '
niic* of the country 1 am sorry to be obliged to
recommend such a measure, but I feel confi
dent of the support off ongr< **. cost w hatitjnay.
in siq-pre*sing the insurrection and in restoring
and maiiitaingthe sovereignty of the constitution
and law * over the Territory of I tali.
1 recommend to Congress the establishment
of a territorial government over Arizona, in
corporating with it .*ueh portions of New Mvx
i icoasthey may deem expedient. 1 need scarce- |
ly adduce arguments in support of this reeom 1
mendation. We are bound to protect the lives
• ami property of our citizens inhabiting Arizo
na. ami these are now without any efficient
protection. Their present number is already
considerable, and is rapidly increasing. m»t
withstanding the disadvantages under which
they labor. Besides, the proposed Territory is
believed to be rich in mineral and agricultural re
sources. especially in silver ami <op|>er. The
mails of the United States to California are now 1
carried over it throughout its wbell extent,
nnd this route is known to be the nearest, ami
believed to be the best to the Pacific.
PACIFIC KAII.HOAD.
Long experience has deeply convinced me -
that a strict construction of the powers granted
to Congress is the only true, as well as the on
ly safe, theory of the constitution. Whilst this
principle shall guide my public conduct, I con
sider it clear that under the w ar-making pow -
i er Congrv*s may appropriate money for the
construction of a military road through the
Territories of the United States, when this is
absolutely necessary for the defence of any of
the United States against foreign invasion.—
The constitution has conferred upon Congress
power "to declare war,” " to raise and support
armies," •• to provide and maintain a navy,”
and call forth the militia to “repel invasions.”
These high sovereign pow ers necessarily in
volve important ami responsible public duties,
and among them there is none so sacred amt
imperative as that of preserving our soil from
the invasion of a foreign em’hiy. The consti
tution has, therefore, left nothing on this point
to construction, but v\j»r<**ly require* that
"the United States shall protect each of them
; [the Statcs| against invasion.” Now, if a mil
itary road owr our own Territories he indis
pensably net cssary to enable us to meet and re
pel the invader, it follows as a necessary con
sequence not only that we posses the power,
but but it i*ourimperatiAcduty toconstruct stic.h
a road. It would be an absurdity to invest a
government w ith the unlimited power to make
and conduct war, ami at the same time deny
to it the only means of reaching and defeating
the enemy at the frontier. Without such a
road it is quite evident we cannot "protect” ■.
California and our Pacific pos*vs>ions "against
invasion.” We cannot by any other means
transport men and munitions <>t war from the
Atlantic State* in Mifficient time successfully
to defend these remote and distinct portions u.‘
the republic.
Experience ha* proved that the routes across
the Isthmus of Central America arc at best but
a very unceitain and unreliable mode of com- |
. municat on. But even if this was not thecasc,
they would at once be c losed against ns in the j
event o! war w ith a naval power so much
stronger than our ow n as to enable it to block
ade the ports at cither end of these routes. —
After all, therefore, we call only rely upon a
military road through our ow n tcrriturie*; ami
ever since the orign of the government Con
gress has been in the practice of appropriating I
money from the public treasury for the eon
strm tion of such roads.
The difficulties and the expense of construct
ing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic |
and Pacific Mates have been greatly exagger
ated. The distance on the Arizona route near !
the 32*1 parallel of north latitude, between the '
western boundary of Texas on the Colorado,
from the In .*t explorations now within our
know ledge, <loes not exceed four hundred and
seventy miles, and the face of the country is. I
in the main, favorable.
For obvious reason* the government ought (
not to undertake the work itself by mean* of |
its own agents, l ids ought to be committed ■
to other agencies, w hich Congress might assist
either by grants of land or money, or by both, .
1 up<»n such terms and conditions as they may
deem nqht beneficial for the safe, rapid, and
economical transportation of troops and muni
tion* of war. and alsojofthe public mails. The
commercial interests of the whole country,
both East and West, would be greatly promo
ted by such a road; ami. above all it would be
a powerful additional bond of union. And al
though advantages of this kind, whether pos
tal. commercial, or political, cannot confer con
stitutional power, yet they may furnish aux
iliary arguments in favor of expeditinga work i
which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced
within the war-making power.
For these reasons 1 commend to the friendly
consideration of Congress the subject of the Pa
cific railroad, without finally committing my
self to any particular route.
THEAS! RY AM) EEVEM ES.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury
will furnish a detailed statement ot the condi
tion of the public timmces and of th<* respec
tive branches of the public service devolved
upon that department of the government. By
this report it appear* that the amount of rev
enue received from all sources into the treasn- '
ry during the fiscal y ear ending the 30th June, |
1857, was ‘ ixty-eight million six hundred and '
thirty-onelllousand five hundred and thirteen I
dollars and sixty-sev m cents,
which amount, w ith the b.dance of nineteen j
million nine hundred and one thousand three
hundred and twenty five dollars and forty-five
cents, 10.901.320 45.) remaining in the
treasury at the commencement <»r the year,
made an aggregate for the service of the year
of eighty-eight million five hundred and thirty
two thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine '
dollars and twelve eents, J $88,582,839 12.)
The public expenditures tor the fiscal year
ending 3oth June. 1857. amounted to seventy
million eight hundred and twenty-two thou
*and seven hundred ami twenty-four dollar*
ami eighty-five cents. (f 70.822.724 85.) of
w hich five million nine hundred and forty-three
thousand eight hundred and ninety-six dollars ,
and ninety-one cent* (x 5.943.896 <H j were ap- I
plied to tlie redemj tion- of the public debt, in
cluding interest ami j>remium. leaving in the
treasury at the <-ommvn< einent < f the present
fiscal year on the Ist July, 1857. seventeen
million seven hundred and ten thousand one
hund-ed and fourteen dollars and twenty seven
cents. (17.71". 11 | 27
the receipts into the treasury for thv first
I quarter of the present fiscal y. ar. commencing
l.*t July, 1857, were twenty million nine bun
tired and twenty-nine thrusand eight hundred
ami nineteen dollars and eighty-one cents,
($20,929,819 81,) ami the e*timated receipts of
I the remaining three quarters Io the 30th June,
i are thirty-six million seven hundred and
fifty thousand dollar*. • s-s»».^s<»,(aHi,) making
, w ith the balance before stated an aggregate of
' seventy-five million three hundred and eighty
nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-four
' dollars and eight cents, (75.389.931 08.) for
the service of the present fiscal y ear.
The actual expenditures during the first
1 quarter of the present fiscal year were twenty
three mill: -n* seven hundred ami fourteen
thousand live hundred and twenty-eight dol
lar* ami thirty-seven cent*. (#23,714,528 37,)
of w hi< h three million eight hundred ami nine
ty five thousand two hundred and thirty-two
dollar* ami thirty-nine cent* (3.81)5,242 39)
w * re applied to the rc<k-mj>tion of the public
debt, including intere.*t ami premium. The
probable expenditures of tbc remaining three
I <piartcrs. to :»"tb June. 1858, are fifty-one mil
lion tw o hundred and forty-eight thousand five
. hundred am! thirty dollar* an<l tour cents, (51.-
248.530 04.) including interest on the public
debt, making an aggregate of seventy-four mil
lion nine hundred ami sixty-three thousand
fifty-eight dollars ami forty-one cent*. (#7 L
t 933.055 41.) leaving an e*timated balance in
1 the treasury at the close of the present fiscal
j year, of four hundred ami twenty *ix thousand
1 eight hundred and *evcnty five dollars ami
sixty-seven cents. (125.875 (>7.)
The amount of the public debt at the com
( mvuceinent of the ]»res»mt fiscal year w a* tw en
’ ty -nine millions sixty th«»u*and three hundred
ami eighty-six dollars and ninety rents, (29,-
039.38 G 90.)
The amount redeemed since the Ist July,
w as three million eight hundred ami ninety-five
thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars
‘ and thirty-nine cents. (3,k‘.»5.232 39) —leaving
i a Balance unredeemed at this time of tw enty
live million one hundred and sixty-fivethou
*and one hundred ami titty-four dollars and tis
; lyone cents ($25.1G5.154 51.)
The amount of estimated expenditcrcs for
the remaining three quarters of the present fis
cal year will, in all probability, be increased
from the causes set forth in the report of the
Secretary. Hi* >uggc*tioii. therefore, that au
thority should he given to supply any tempora
ry deficiency l»y the issue of a limited amount
of treasury notes, is approved, and 1 accord
ingly recommend the passage of such a law.
A* stated in the report of the Secretary, the
1 tariff ot March 3, 1857, lias been in operation
for so short a period of time, and under cir
cumstances so unfavorable to a just develop
ment of it* results a* a revenue measure, that 1
should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the
1 present, to undertake its revision.
WAR AXI> X’AVY.
I transmit herewith the reports made to me
by the Secretaries of War ami of the Navy.
<»f the Interior ami of the Post Master General.
They all contain valuable and important infor
mation ami suggestions w hich 1 commend to
the favorable consideration ofUongrcss.
1 have already recommended Ike raising of
four additional regiments, and the report of the
Secretary of War present strong reasons prov
' ing this increase* of the army, under existing
• circumstances, to be indispensable.
I w ould call the special attention of Congress
to the recommendation of the Sec retary of the
Navy in favor of the construction often small
war steamers of light draught. For some years
the government has been obliged on many oc
casions to hire such steamers from individuals
,to supply its pressing wants. At the present
moment we have no armed vcs*el in the navy
w hich can penetrate the rivers of China. We
1 have but few which can enter any of the har
bors south of Norfolk, although many millions
of foreign and domestic commerce annually
pass in ami out of these harbors. Some of our
most valuable interc*ts ami im>.*t vulnerable
points arc thus left exposed, Thi» cla*s of
vessels of light draught, great speed, ami hea
vy guns, would be formidable incoa*t defence.
The cost of their construction will not be great,
and they* will require but a comparatively
small expenditure to keep them in counnission.
In time of peace they will prove a* elective
as much larger vessel*, and often more useful.
< >ne of them should be at every station w here
we maintain a *qitadron. and three or four
should be constantly employed on our Atlantic
ami Pacific coast*. Economy, utility, and cf
ficiency combine to recommend them as almost
, indispcnsiblc. Ten of thc*e *mall \c**c!.*
1 would be of incalculable ad vantage to the na
val service, am! the whole eo.*t of their con
struction would not exceed two million three
I hundred thousand dollars, or 8230,099 each.
INTERIOR DEPARTMENT.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior
is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of
the numerous, important and diversified
ofd<wuestic administrations intrusted
to him by law. Among these the mo*t prom
inent are the public lands and our relations
i w ith the Indians.
Our system for the disposal of the public
lands, originating with the fathers of the re-
I public, has been improved as exj>erience point
ed the way, and gradually adapted to the
irrow th and settlement of our western States
ami Territories, It has worked well in prac-
• tire. Already thirteen States am! seven Ter
ritories have been carved out of these lands,
and still more than a fho’j*aml millions of
acres remain unsold. What a boundless pr«>*-
pert this presents to our country of future pros-
I jicrity ami power!
We have hcrctore di*j»o* d of 36:1,802.461
' acres of public land.
\\ !iil*t the public land* as a source of re ven
, uc are of great importance, their imjiortance is
far grcateigas furnishing home* for industrious
j citizens, w ho desire to subdue and cultivate the
soil. They ought to be administered mainly
w ith a view of promoting this wise and benev
lent policy. In appropriating them for any
other purpose, we ought to use even greater
economy than it they had been converted into
money and the proceeds w ere already in the
public treasury. To squander away this rich
est and noblest inheritance which any people
have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful
constitutionality or expediency would be to vi
olate* one of the mo*t important trusts ever
• committed to any people. Whilst I donut dc
| ny to Congress the powers when acting bona
! n.7eas a proprietor, t > give any portions of
! them tor the purpose of increasing the value
of the remainder, yet. considering thw great
temptation to abuse this power, we cannot be
, too cautious in its exercise.
Actual settlers under existing laws are protect
-1 cd against other purchasers at the jniblic sales, in
1 their right of pre-emption, to the extent ot a
j quarter-section, or ltk» acres of land. The re
mainder may then be disposed of at public, or
entered at private sale in unlimited quantities.
Speculation has of late years prevailed to a
: great extent in the public land*. The conse
j qiience has been that large portions ot them
I have Income the property of individuals ami
companies, and thus the price is greatly en
hanced to tbo*e who desire to purchase for ac
tual settlement. In order to limit the area of
speculation as much as possible, the extinction
of the Indian title and the extension of the pub
lic survey* ought only to keep pace with the
tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate
sections to States or companies, as they have
done heretofore, I recommend that tlw inter
mediate sections retained by the government
should Ik- subject to pre-emption by actual set- .
tiers.
It ought over to be our cardinal policy to re
serve the public lands as much as may be for
antual settlers, ami tin* at moderate price*. :
We shall thus not only best promote the pros- ■
pcrity of the new- States and Territories, and :
the pow er of the Union, but shall secure homes I
for our jiostcrity for many generation*.
The extension of our limit* has brought with
in our juris<fiction many additional and popti- !
lons tribes of Indians, a large proportion of
which are wihl. untra< table, ami difficult to
control. Predatory am! warlike in their dis
position and habit*, it i* impossible altogether
to • --itrain tln-mfrom - onimi’t"igr jr- **?••’ *on ’
I each other, as well as upon our frontier citi
zens and those emigrating to our distant States
ami Territories, lienee expensive military ex
peditions are frequently necessary to overawe
and chastise the more lawless and hostile.
The present system of making them valuable
presents to influence them to remain at peace
has proved inctfe* tuaL It is believed to be the i
better policy to colonize them in suitable local- ,
itics, where they r can receive the rudiments of
' education and be gradually induced to adopt
habits of industry. So far 11* th*? experiment
has Imk*!i trie«l it has worked well in practice,
I and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive
than the present system.
'The whole number of Indians within our ter
ritorial limits is believed to be, from the best
«lata in tlie Interior war Department, about '
325.099.
'The tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws. Chicka
j saw*, am! Creek*, settled in the territory set .
apart for them west of Arkansas, ore rapidly
advancing in vdu *ation in all the art* ot civili
zation ami self government; ami we may in
dulge the agreeable anticipation that at no
very distant day they will be incorporated into
the Union as one of the sovereign States.
It w ill be *ccn from the report of the Post- ■
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT.
master General that the Post Office Depart
ment still continues to depend on the treasury.
1 as it has been compelled to do for several year*
past, for an important portion of the means of
*u*taining and extending it* operations. Their
rapid grow th ami expansion arc *hown by a 1
| (lecenial statement of the post offices, and the ■
length of j ->*t road*, commencing with the ’
year 1827. In that year there w ere 7.0(H) post ■
; office*: in
,in 1857 the number is 26.5*G. In this year
1.725 j»o*t office* have been established and 794
dScontiimed. havinga net increase of 1,021. —
The i>ostmastcr* of 368 offices arc appointed
by the President. *
The length of p<»*t roads in 1827 was 105.-
336 miles; in 1"37. 141,242 miles; in 1847,
153.818 miles; ami in the year 1857 there are
242,691 mile* of post road, including 22,530
miles of railroad, un w hich the mails are trans
ported.
'The expenditures of the department for the
fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1357, as
adjusted h\ the Auditor, amounted to $11,507,-
G7o. To defray these expenditures there was
to the credit of the department on the Ist July
1856, the sum of 8789.599; the gross revenue
ot the year, including the annual allowances
I tor the transportation of free mail matter, pro
duced 8*5 h 43,951 : and the remainder wassup
: plied by the ap|>ropriatioii from the Treasury
of $2,250,000, granted by the act of Congress
| approved August 18, 1856, ami by the appro
priation of $666,882 made by the act of March
’ 3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the
■ credit of the department in the accounts of the
current year. I commend to your considera
. tion the report of the department in relation to
the e.*tahlishment of the overland mail route
from the Mi*.*issippi river to San Francisco,
I California. '1 he route was selected with my
lull conenrrem-e, as the one. in my judgment,
t bc*t calculated to attain the important objects
‘ aiUicijaitcd by Congress.
coNci.rsiox.
1 he late disastrous monetary revulsion mav
have one go<nl etfcct should it cause both the
' government ami the people to return to the
practice of a wise and judicious economy both
in public and private expenditures.
An overflowieg treasury ha* led to habits of
prodigality and extravagance inoiir legislation.
It ha* induced Congre.** to make large appro
priatioiis to objects for w hich they never would
have provided had it been ncc< s*ary to raise
the amount of revenue required to meet them
by increased taxation or by loans. We are now
compelled to pause in our career, and to scruti
nize’our exp Imlitures with the utmost vigi
lance; ami in performing this duty. 1 pledge
my co-operation to the extent of my constitu
tional authority.
It ought to be observe 1 at the same Him*,
that true public economy d»»c.* not consist in
w ithhohliiig the means i»cee*-ar\ to accomplish
imj> >rtnnt national ohje< t* in*tru. tc<l Us by Hie
eonstit .ition. ami espe« :a!ly *n-h as may be
iicce*s.-iry for the common <K f« nc.'. In the pre
sent cri*i* <>! the country, it i* our duty to c<»u
--( tine our appropriations <<. o! j. < «»f this char-
acter. unh *' in ca’e* where justice to individ
j nals may demand a different course. In al!
i casescare ought to be taken that the money
granted by Congre** shall be faithfully and
economically applied.
Under the federal constitution, “every bill
which shall have passed the House of Kepre
seiitatives ami the Senate shall, before, it be
come- a law,” be approved and signed by tbc
President; and if not approved. "he shall re
turn it with hi* objections to that House in
which it originated.” In order to perform this
1 high ami responsible duty, sufficient time must
be allowed the President to read and examine
even bill presented to him f« 1 j proval. Un-
I I •** the* be attbrded, thecon*t;t 1: ioii beconicsa
dead letter in this particular: ami wen worse,
it becomes a means of decv|»t icii. Our constit
uent*, seeing the President’s approval ami sig
nature attached to each act of Congress, are in
duced to believe that he lias actually perform
ed this duty, when, in truth, nothing is, in many
eases, more unfounded.
From the practice of Congress, such an ex
; amination of each bill as the constitution re
quires, has been rendered impossible. The
most important business of ea< h session is
, generally crowded into its la*t hour*, and the
alternative presented to the Pre.-’ulvnt is either
I to violate the constitutional duty which he
owestothe people, ami approve hills which,
for want of time, it is impossible he should
have examined, or by his refusal to do this,
subject the country and individual* to great
i loss and inconvenience.
Besides a practice has grown up of late years
to legislate in appropriation bills, at the last
hours of the session, on new and important
Mihjects. This practice constrains the Presi
dent either to suffer measures to become laws
which he do< .* not :qq>rovc. or to incur the risk
ot Stopping the wheels of government by ve
toing an appropriation bill. Formerly, such
bills were confined to specific appropriations
for carrying into effect existing laws and the
well established policy of the country, and lit
tle time was then required by the President
for their examination. For my own part, 1
have deliberately determined that I shall ap
prove no bill w hich 1 have nut examined, and
it will be a ca.*c of extreme ami most urgent
necessity which shall ever induce me to depart
from this rule. I therefore respectfully, but
earnestly, recommend that the two houses
would allow the President at least two days
previous to the mliourmneiit of each session
within which no new bill shall be presented to
I him for approval, l a lerthe existing joint rule
j one day is allowed: but this rule ha* been
i hitherto so constantly suspended in practice,
that important bill* continue to be presented
, to him till the very la*’ moments of the session.
In a large majority «.f cases no great public
i ineonvience can arise from the w ant of time to
examine their provi*i«»ns, because the consti
tution ha* declared that if a bill he presented to
the President w ithin the last ten days of the
session he is not rc<juir I to return it. cither
with an approval or with a veto, "in which
case it shall not be a law." It may then lie over,
ami be fak< n up and !».•:*• ] at the next session.
Great inconvenience would only be experienc
ed in regard to apjrropri.ition bills; but fortu
nately, nmlvr the late ex-client law allowing a
*«ilary. inst«\i*l of apme to menib r* of
Congre** the expense and inconvenience of a ;
called *e**ioit wTH he greatly re<luced,
I cannot conclude without commending to
your favorable con.*idvrution the interests of
the people of this Di*trh-t. Without a repre
sentative on thefloorof Congress, they have for
this very reason peculiar claims upon our just
regard. To this I know, from my long ar.piain
tance with them, thev are eminentlv entitled.
j MES BUCHAXAS.
Washington, Dee. 8, 1857.
Tom Tiifmb beaten.—Tliere is a dwarf now
exhibiting in C*»lumbu«, Ga., only 28 inches
high. He i* a widow- with two children.
State
✓ I
MACON, GA.
Thursday, December 17,1857.
PRESIDENT S MESSAGE.
We publish, to-day the Message ot the Presi
dent—the opinions of a man and not ot a god
—and like all other human productions, to be
receive*! with caution, and approved or con
demned according to its intrin*ic merits, and
without reference to the fame, station, or pow
er ofthe author. Indiscriminate abuse isto be
expected from opposing bigots, and indiscrim
inate adulation from the satellites, who are con
tent to pass their lives in obedient revolution*
around the fixed centre of authority. We shall
fall into neither extreme, making it our rule to
"prove all things” and “hold fast to that
which is good.” While we shall accept with
satisfaction nnd defend with ardor, many of
the propositions enum iated in this document,
there are others, to which w e can by no means
subscribe, and from which we shall dissent
without ceremony or equivocation.
The views ofthe President on the subject of
the ( frrency meet with a hearty assent from
us, ami, in no distant period, will command the
almost univeisal approbation of the people.
He the re*ponsibility for the present
wretched condition of monetary affairs w here
it properly belongs—upon the Banks—and
ascribes all our disasters to the spirit of specu
lation and stock-gambling which notoriously
pervades these Institutions. He regrets the
limited power of the General Government to
restrain the lourteen hundred Bank Corpora
tions in the country w ithin their legitimate
spheres, but he earnestly exhorts the Congress
to exert all the powers which they constitu
tionally possess in the premises. To that end,
he recommends the pa**age of a compulsory
Bankrupt Act against the Bank*, from which
there can be no evasion, ami w hich shall make
it impossible for a Bank Company to survive a
moment after a suspension of specie payments.
The State Governments are referred to, as the
proper parties to accomplish other needed re
forms. To expel from circulation, by a law of
gradual operation, all bills below the denom
ination of ffty— to compel the banks to keep
on hand at all times, specie to the amount of
one third of all their liabilities—to exact week
ly statements of their condition, ami to follow
the example ofthe General Government in the
passage of stringent Bankrupt laws against
these Institutions—are measures which the
President commends to the favor of the people.
In connection with this subject, the very able
report of the Secret ary’of the Treasurydescrves
a careful perusal. lie recommend* the passage
' ofthe Bankrupt Act. not only against Banks,
' hut also against their compeers and confeder
i ates in speculation, the Railroad Companies of
i the country. Such laws seem to us eminently
i desirable, ami wo would hail their enactment as
' the precursor of the day, when the people of
■ the United States *hall be freed from a despo
-1 tisin a* remorseless and exacting as any known
to Europe. We mean the despotism of com
j billed Corporations ami Monopolies from
i w hich the country sutler* in every section of
; the Union. Such mea*urc* would at least
. tenuh them, that they are not yet above the
i law . Mr. Cobb al*o recommends the nd<q»tion
t of the Independent Treasury System in the
Government* of the States—a rollcetion and
' di'bursrim. nt of all their fund* in hard money
—as an effective mean* of retaining a due pro
portion of gold and silver in the country. We
have already taken occasion to urge this meas
uro. in the columns of our paper.
We commend Hie views of the President ami
> ike Se< rctnry. on tbi* subj i t. t » the attention
of our Legislature m>w in Sv*.*ion—calling |>ar
ticiilar notice to this fait, viz.: the amount of
; specie which it is held necessary that Bank*
shall keep on hand, is one-third, not of circula
tion merely, but of circulation un'l deposites.
In our judgment, any less amount will be too
little.
The statement as to the condition of our
Foreign Affairs, will be found to be generally
satisfactory ; nor do we entertain a doubt that
Mr. Buchanan will conduct this department of
the Government, not only with wisdom, but
with firmness and a jealous regard for the hon
or and dignity ofthe American people.
Upon the subject of the Kansas-Wai kei:-
Lmbrog! u», the Message, we ar*- con*traincd to
say, attbrds no satisfactory explanation. It i*
now here alleged that Walker has transcend
ed his instructions. It i* nowhere hinted that
there has been any ditference of opinion be
tween the Executive and his Agent—and the
reader will be at a loss to discover any of those
profound reasons of State which we have
been told to expert in the Mcs*age, and which,
it was insisted, would so fully explain and jus
tify the retention of Walker in office. On the
contrary, the Message is. upon this subject,
very guarded ami reserved—for the mo.*t part,
ominously silent —ami where not silent, silence
would have been greatly t be preferred. He
tells us that it has been his “duty and unques
tionable right” to pronounce an “ opinion as
to the construction” of the Kansas Act —that
he has entertained “no doubt” that the Art
i rec/aired the submission of the question of
slavery to a "direct vote of the people of Kan
sas”—and "hence” (we quote u my
instruction* to Gov. Walker in favor of sub
mitting the Constitution to the people were ex
pressed in general and unqualified terms.”
Tbi* is all that is •'aid with reference to Walk
er—no intimation that he has transcended his
powers —no reprimand for any portion of his
official proceeding*—and a* to the matter of
his retention in office —ala*! for the vaticina
tion* of the priests who superintend the wor
ship of the Administration in Georgia—no
lights,” no “exfiliation,” no word of comfort
whatever!
< hi the contrary, it appears tons, the Message
is an endorsement rather than otherwise, of
Gov. Walker’* general career in Kansas. The
great objection which the Democracy of Geor
gia have urged against this official, ite this—
that he ha* told the people that, in the event
the question of slavery was not submitted
them for ratification, he. the President, and
the Congre**. would make war iq»on the Con
stitution of Kansas—or, in other words, we
have <lcnoum-ed him. because he ha* sought
to dictate to the people of Kansas the manner
of forming their Constitution. Yet it appears
that Mr. Bucluinaa has done tbi* very thing—
claiming it as his rhjht to construe the act —
then construing it to mean the question of sla
very be submitted to the people —and fi- ;
nally ZnxD’uch/q; Walker in "unqualified” terms [
to to it flint hi* roiiMrm tion >* maintain
cd in Kansas. Others may do ns they please 1
but wc shall not stultify ourselves by applaud
ing usurpations like these. The Democracy of
this State censured Walker for dictating a
course of conduct to the people of Kansas in the
adoption of their Constitution, and we shall
leave it to others to praise the President because :
he has attempted the very identical thing. We ‘
contend that the Constitutional Convention of ,
Kansas was a sovereign body—having the right 1
to prohibit or establish slavery precisely as I
they pleased, and that, without any submission
of the clause to the ratification of the peoplc-as
was the “early practice” in the history ofthe
country, as the President himself admit*. This
is our opinion, and we do not stand alone.
On the contrary, the Milledgeville Meet
ing. composed, in part, of the first merr rn Geor
gia, and, in the aggregate, as respetable a body
as was ever assembled anywhere, have enun
ciated the same views.
These are two of their resolutions:
”<l. R' That the position of Governor Walk
er, in his Inaugural Address, in throwing the weight
of his otheial opinion, founded upon climate, Ac.,
against the Southern side of the question in the Ter
ritorv ; in proclaiming that the Constitution of Kan
sas should be submitted for raiiticahyn as the only
mode us adoption when ‘-the h-gally and fairly ex
pressed will of the majority of the actual residents”
of the Territory, mnjht determine upon anotlwr; and
in declaring the class of voters to whom ••nhi il
should be submitted, when the ‘‘legally and fairly
expressed will of a majority ot the people inlaid de
termine oth-vri'f, w»< in plain palpable, nnd danger
ous violation ofthe principles of the Kansas Act, as
set forth and embodied in tlie foregoing resolutions.
sth, It-y>h<<l, That whenever a Territory applies
for admission as a State into the Union, with a Con
.'titution rJ|»ubliean in form, and adopted in pursu
ance ofthe requirments of law. Congress has no pow
er to inquire into the matter of such Constitution, nor
into the manner of its adoption, farther than to see
that it embodies the legally and fairly expressed will
ofthe majority of the peojde, ascertained in such way
as they may have legally determined for themselves,
and we regard anv interference by Congress with cith
er the math r or the manntr as above stated, as equal
ly unconstitutional and dangerous to the rights ot the
States.
Y’ct it appears that the President shared the
opinion of Walker as to the submission of (he
alar ery clause in the Constitution—and holds,
that in the event that clause had not been sub
mitted, tlie proceeding* ofthe Kansas Conven
tion would have been void. Now if it was
“unwarrantable” for Walker to dictate the
submission of the whole Con*titutlon, it vvns
equally "unwarrantable” for Mr. Budiamin
to dictate the submission of a part -and this
he tells us plainly he has done. And, again—if
I it is “ dangerous and unconstitutional” a* the
Milledgeville Resolution says, for Congress to
, interfere with the mount r of Hie adoption of
i the Constitution, what shall we say of Mr.
I Buchanan who tells us that the slavery clause
I mitat have been submitted to a popular vote—
■ and that such w ;* the tenor of hi* instructions
jto Walker ! If it is wrong in Hie Congress, is
:it right in the President t We must be per
mitted re*pe« tfully to dissent from the whole
; argument, with which the President en-l*-avors
■ to prove his right to construe the Kan*a* Act.
. and to dictate the submission of any portion of
i the Kansas Con*titution to the people. It was,
tor thi*. that we cci»*ured Walker, and most
1 assuredly we shall never be such sycoplnmts nt
I the throne of power, a* to laud that in the
master which wc denounce in the mam
Nevertheless, it ba* h.iiqwncl, (hat this
Kansas question, so ]*rotc:n> in form* msl fruit
ful in issue*, now prc*eiit* itself in a *!.np*-.
which, for the moment, throw* into the back
ground all these consideration---the in-t. m
, tion* to Walker, the intervention of th • Ex
' cciitive frml brin-s to the support <«.'
i the President, in a soli I b»ly, all tho* ■
Southern men who hav > b'<>ppu-- <1
his Kansas Policy, mi l who :c - <!*** 3. * ivd.
like ourselves, with the theory broached in
the Message. Ta«* Kansas C »•»*!il :ti*Mi:d(.’mi
vention have not *:i’»utirr«- 1 t!u-eiitiiv (unsti
tution to Hie rat;:i<-ation ofthe people a* Mr.
Buchanan anxiously desired. But they hare
I submitted the s’mff.c cl.m* ■. Laving reference
to the (piestion of slavery—anA lx*re arrives
the new point of controversy. The Black Re
publicans, backed by *ome « t’ the Northern
I Democrats, contend that the Convention was
bound to have submitted the ichde Constitu
, tion-and that having failed t » do so, their work
jis void. Mr. Buchanan that the sub
mission ofthe single clause is cuonglg ai?»l in
that position, the wh«»le South mrr*t sustain
him. however much dissatisfied with the rea
soning which Lils brought him to hi* conclu
sion. Yet it i* clear that this co-operation of
the South ha* been brought about only by an
accident, and that there is no real concurrence
of opinion. If, fur instance, the Convention had
i declined to submit to the popular vorfe any
part of the Constitution—which a* nine-tenths
ofthe Southern [K*ople agree, they had a per
fect right to do—the President would have
been found contending against us, and main
taining, with our enemies, that, the popular rat i
fication of the Constitution wa* the indi.-qvusa
ble pre-requisite of the admission of Kansas.
Upon this fim iamenttd qnestjon, he is wide
ly at variance with all the Statesmen of the
South—contending that Congress has jurisdic
tion over the manner of tkc adoption of Con
stitutions in the territories —himself telling us
that the slavery clause munt have been submit
ted —and saved, merely by anzt r/Wr/d, from an
utter and open breach with his Smthcrn sup
porters. It is a painful reflection, bur it is unques
tionably true, that while on thi* single issue,
al! Southern men will be found on tlie side of
the President, not one in a hundred can sul>-
scribe to the propositionsemlrraced in the Mes
sage —such a state of parties i* precarious—
and a* one accident has produced it to-day,
another accident may destroy it to-morrow.
It is hardly possible to conceive a wider dif
ference of opinion, than that which exist* be
tween the President and the great body ofthe
Southern politicians —tlie last holding that a
Constitutional Convention is mweeeiyn. and the
other that it can do no a< t having reference to
Slavery without the subsequent ratification of
the people —the last holding that all interfer
ence by the Executive is dangerous and to be
resisted, and the first claiming it as a right to
con*true the territorial law, and instructing bis
agent to carry that const: action into operation.
How long such a combination can last, depend*
solely on the chapter of accidents, and batlies
every attempt at conjecture.
For the present, however, tlie discussion of
principles and theories must stand adjourned—
all other considerations being absorbed in the < >ne
practical issue before us. Ihe entire South,
without distinction of party, w ill be found on
the side of Mr. Buchanan —contending that the
Kansas Convention have exercised no pow er
which they did not legally posses*, and resist
ing to the bitter end, any and every attempt by
Congress to dictate to the people of Kansas the
manner of the adoption of their Constitution.
Upon this subject there i<. and can be, no di
vision of sentiment on the South side of the
Potomac.
THE "TELEGRAPH" AND THE MESSAGE
The ‘‘Telegraph” is delighted with the message of
Mr. Buchanan—and not content with unqualified
commendation of the President, takes it upon itself
to plead for a suspension of opinion iu the case of
Senator Douglas, who has just made a speech against
the Lecompton constitution and denied the right of
the Kansas Convention to frame a Constitution with
out submitting it to the people. Nobody will deny
that the "Telegraph” has a perfect right to boast that
it has been disposed to defend Mr. Bfchanan’h Kan
sas policy from the first -neither will anybody be
surprised to find it interposing between Doug
las and the indignation of the Southern people.—
"Honor to whom honor is due’’ —let the •‘Telegraph’’
be satisfied that few will dispute its claims to be con
sidered as champion in of Mr. Buchanan’s whole
policy in Kansas, and as apologist in fttluro for the
unexjiected course of Mr. Douglas.
HON. JOHN C. BRECKINBIDGE.
Hon. John C. Bheckinhidgb, Vice President of the
' United States, passed through MaCon on Monday
night <n ' for Washington. He stopped fora short
while at Brown’s Hotel, where he was received by
i Mayor Adams and a huge concourse of citizens. Mr.
Breckiuridge, as the Columbus Enquirer remarks, i«
a fine specimen of the Kentucky genut homo. He i$
B feet high of strong marked features aud well devel
oped person. His honest countenance and frank man
ners are well calculated to leave a favorable impres
sion on the minds of strangers.
[communicated.]
•When vice prevails, and impious men bear sway.
The post of honor is a private station.”
As one of the Macon body politic, I claim the priv
ilege of your columns for the purpose of ascertaining
from tho*e *ho are best informed uyun the subject,
whether or not the three Garris’s have ever been ac
quitted of the crime for which they were incarcerated
in our jail me months ago. 1 undine to the opinion
that they were not. But a brief period has elapsed
when they are brought handcuffed to the polls, there
side by side with the American freemen to depo»ite
a felon’s vote, ami return to be again immured in
their prison cells. A few days thereafter the public
prints announced th* ir ‘'escape from jail by means of
uu axe placed in their hands by some person un
known." We do not hear of them again until the
••/// . /• In, i i'ortii" require their suffrages, when
true to their natural impulses we find two es the
three pi i*(»i:<’« * again depositing their votes at our
municipal electi*»iu The question them arises, why
are not th- s? prisoners arrested ' we answer, simp
le because they vote with the same party to winch
the sheriff and jail**r are attached. It is a foul shame
: that such acts should be tolerate*! in un enlightened
mimtry and in rhe face -fa respectable community.
Shakspeare has said, “’Tis seldom when the steeled
jailor is the friend of men," but had the bard lived
in these our <lay* he would have discovered aiuong
the beauties of a free government, dqiraved officials
and outraged laws. If the Garris’s are fugitives
t< »m justice, was it not the duty of the sheriff to ar
rest them ? If his conscience does not dictate such a
cou:.*c does not his oath compel it? Together with
the above, ruui-r say* that the prisoners are not res
idents of the city, and therefore have again crimina
ted themselves by voting illegally, and that too in the
presence of the officers of the law ! These are stub
born facts; they speak for themselves, and need no
further comment. AN AMERICAN.
BOOK TABLE.
i K/ i' 1,-■ The December number of this pe-
riodical baa reached us. To our mind it is one of the
best of tlie Monthlies, and the present number fully
sustains its reputation. In fact like good wiue **okl
Knick” seems to improve with age.
JureniK H’orZ'-. Through the courtesy of Mr.
Boardm \n we have received several books for young
folks, recently issued from the press of Messrs. At’-
pi.eton A (’•». A* the time for ** Christmas’ gifts" i*
drawi-.ur we would remind the reader that then?
are >.*• bet * r pr. -cst •, win :her foryouugor old, than
g. hi ...k* ai.d 80. LI v. >’ is just the place to gvS
them.
Ans -•u to i'xi :m\. T-» the Enigma published LbM;
wcc\ ow the gn.ituie »f " Beta," the correct an
* \er " U uiver iiy of Virg: u. i” > h is been furn
i iu ib' II i. ■: Butler. .!. B. A. of Montgomery,
and T. ('. a<’ <-l Mo.- u. Want of space compels
u.*to defer J. IL M.’s Enigma.
2 " We print ihe Pre i lent’* Message to-day in.
large type a*i-l c ihl * •; unen lit to the careful perusal
of our n-.ul It* length has compelled us to post
pone numerous C'Umnuuic.itnris am? BiUtorials in
tended for thi* nu’uher. N vt w *ek we will try fry
have shorter articles and a greater variety of reading
matter.
For Sale.- A. R. Lamar, Esq., Editor and Pro
prietor of the Savannah G >rgian, offers a half inter
est in his paper for sulr on the most accommodating
terms. This is a first-rate chance for any one wish
ing to engage in the printing business, as the-Geor
gian is one of the h ading papers in the State, and
has a large advertising and subscription patronage.
Devth of a PriNTEi:. The ‘‘Telegraph” of Tues
day announces the death of Samuel Wright Minor.
probably the oldest printer in Georgia. He has been
connected with various papers iu different parte of
noted 1 i' the inten st
which he t<»"k in politics, lie was a son of Col. Wil
liam Minor, an officer in the Revolutionary Army.—
Hewa*boru i:i M trylaud in 1751, and died in this
city on the I'dh ii»st.
City Election. The Election last Saturday result
ed very differently from our anticipations. The suc
cess of th.) Know Nothings, however, is to be ascribed
not so much to their numerical strength as to various
local issues which operated in their favor. The Dem
ocrats, w believe, have an actual majority both in
the county and town; and although we have been'
disappointed this time, let us pick the flint and try it
again at the coming election in January.
Mount Vernon Find.- We Ham from a private
letter to a friend that Mr. A. IL H. Dawson will re
peat hi* Mount Vernon Lecture, et Concert Hall, in
this city next Monday night. We hope this simple
announcement will insure him a fid! house. Rccol
!« . t. his * Ir object is t • urge the claims of the Mount
Vernon Fund, upon public consideration. Contribu
tions in nid of the cause will be left entirely to the
mauagemenct of t’ne tadies of the cninmu-nity.
* - 'Gen. Win. Walker has landed in Nicaragua
with 300 men.
On a Large Scale. Mr. Nathan Weed believe*
in doing things ou an extensive plan. He has a large
*iiin in tlw shape of a monster anvil a large adver
tis< ini-ut, as will be seen in our advertising columns —
and a large stock, at his well known stand, on Mnl
kw-ri vSi rec’, near the Lanier House. Consequently
Ire does a very large foisiness, and is able to sell eve
ry thing in the hardware line at moderate prices.
Uoi.i vbi * Election. The Election i-n Celnmbtw
on tlu* 12th in.*!., resulted in the re-election of WR
kins, for Mayor; Hughes, for Marshal; Robmsow,
Deputy Marshal; Stratton, for Clerk of Council; »»<l
the election of Robert G. Mitcbell, for City Treasurer
»wer John Lloyd, present incumbent.
Mortality in Macon.-Tlxe Sexton reports inter
ment* f«r the months of Augi>t4. September and Oc
tober White Adults, 21; Children, 23; Colored
Adults, 14; Children, 11. Total, 39.
[Reported for the "State Press.”]
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Milledgeville, Dec. 15th 1857,
Since my last, the Senate bas passed the appropria
tion for the erection of the Asylum for the Blind. —
There can la* no doubt that the Governor will sane
tion if; and as it has already passed the House it will
then be a law,
I have heard prominent citizens of Macon suggest
that the present situation of the Asylum is u*4 as da
siruble a site as Troup Hill would be. The lot now
occupied by the institution is too small ; whereas*
Troup Hill bas plenty of apace on its summit.
To-day the House rejected the hill providing for the
increase of the salaries of the Governor and Judges
of the Supreme and Superior €ourts, Ac. This I
regard as narrow.minded policy, and its evil effects
mav be seen everyday. Mow can the Legislature ex
'p. . t di-tingni-h <1 m-n rr«itfn thrir lucrative pm