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* last it not h*»-t of th«-ir diia.ter,- The nun nr can-
nature4, prepared before the nomination. the standing slan
ders and t'.ihe Dane*. «ml atereotyped abuse of all kinds,
are all I'ouud to be prepared for the wrong persons and fall
to the ground still-born. Besides such a calamitous loss of
politi cal ammunition, on their part, we have now in our
rightful Mra ns to me.isiires and principle* become the as-
aiding p-tny. We will l»y God's blessing carry the war
i:it> A tries. We are not so soft as to let the enemy choose
any more issues ftr us. Reanimated and fortified in thi*
ne ar position by a set of pox* principles, by gnod candi
dates! a good condition of the party, and good prospects,
what isttpresent tbe umerrilie.l Democracy from rising
again with Anean rigor? “ 'J'rutk crushed to earth• shall
,rixc ogam." We hare now an o|>en held, a clear deck,
skies bright. Nearly the whole Scuth and West are with
us in stiitl phalanx. Texas ami Oregon, are with those ie-
gi ins the ran# riul of national questions, and gradually
inoulding more their whole people into union, energy and
victory. Two at least of the middle States are likely to
sustain the same viewa and with the timely help nf your-
aclves ami New Hampshire, should no others come to the
rescue, all will be ante. Thus nnd thus alone will be se
cured not only the quiet possession to us westward, but to
the Rio del Norte and the mouth of the Columbia, but the
triumph and diffusion of democratic principle!, all their
saving influences on the people at large, who may ia line
till Ills whole space from the rising rays of the suu In the
Ailaulie totlseir selling in the Pacific. Oh our success in
this straggle may depend the destinies of this growing Re
public nn.l free principles the world orer for ages. Eyes
no.v gjxr on me which miy see our. population ndvanced.
sm die i in less than sixty years to sixi^ millions—outstrip
ping bath France an 1 KugUn.1 combined, ami with such
Vast outlets for Agricultural emigration, to rich virgin soils
at the lowest prices, such markets for Eastern fabrics,
nuch durable security for romfuruhlc livelihoods to the
raid Ring classes, on the prairies and valliea of the west ra
ther than lowered visages in heated factories, such strong
guards to republican principles in these virtuous pursuits
and ample resources mu only for. subsistence but useful ed
ucation and moral training of the young, it is not extrava
gant to expect, mat if remaining true to nur principles,
thay will then have secured a foothold and developement
making us if not the envy of nil nations at least independent
of their influences, and fearless of their taunts as well aa
tueir |>owcr. Falter nut then, waver not, faint not. But
line honorable course remains for ns. either to carry out
and onward the liberalizing, elevating spirit of llie demo
cratic principles, which were consecrated by our fathers
on die day we celebrate, or acknowledge die incompetence
,0'tiie people fur self-government, renounce nur National
Iwie;>endeii.-e mil return ou:e more under the iron rule of
our (incicnt oppressors. Base and derogatory arc all our
pretensions to sovereignty or greatness, if they are not
iiiinrully sTi.-.iainod, amt a "nation' which can tamely submit
to lie curtailed of its fair proportions first in the northeast,
next in the northwest nn 1 Inst in the southwest, and this
(Yom fear of a jealous rival, oris purchase quiet at the cost
of rights, security, greatness and lioeor, is unfit to contin
ue 4t*| irately in the family nf nations.
Tiie dem u r Its aa a party denounce rncli degradation,
you will all denounce it. Such a spirit, the true spirit of
democracy is not only that best Sued to save die nation, hat
in Iniild up faster and lirinern new .Slate and new city like
uni di of yours, and thus llie calls of interest unite with
those of duty and glory to rally you under the fins of that
democracy, surmounted as it waves before us with the in
spiring name* of POLE axd l>Ai.I,AS
Under that flag you cannot fail to conquer tl*the baltle cry
ia vigilance, energy and union, and believe me victory now,
will give a strong assurance of victory forever.
1 flint for Cotton Growers.
The duty on Bagging under the Tariff of 1842,
only not allow yourself to be l.umbugccd by thi. nominal | From the South Carolinian,
legulation. fhe«e Northern manufacturers te'l you that 1 -ri.„ iw^j. Wbtos nnd 1hl> Tariff
they'can sell good* cheaper than their English rival*, and | J ne “ f0r 6 11 ""‘e* 011(1 me lUriQ.
vet’they call for protection. What, in the nnme of com- i A correspondent of the Columbus, Geu. Times in giving i • , _.. . i _•,•», : a «niinllo5 CCnl
non sense, do they want of protection, if that be the I an ^eouetSTapolitical ttmdi n at the Warm Spring,. I 4 ccn, f l ,er s, l“ are y ari1 ' ' v l)ILh ? 1 T ,al _ _ L
ense f Can any man be such a fool ns to believe, that if i Meriwether county, Georgia, on the 12th inst. in which " "" '
tbe original price of a yard of cloth in England be five cents. ; Col. Toombs was the principal Whig speaker, gives the
following at one of the positions of Col. T. on tbe Tariff:
He argued that the cohsuimn'er does not pay the duty.
lUK llll^lltai . - --W- W* «a JSIII* • •• mii^iuou U X, save, X x. ilia,
am] a duty ti* 1 five cents is laid upon it. bringing it up to ten
cents, that the farmer can buy it as cheap as if there was
no tariff upon it f In other words, ran any man be such a
fool as to think that five and five inake.f<mr instead of ten T
He must be blind, indeed, who does not perceive tbe wolf
in llie ass'a skin in this nominal legislation."
The Coon shut up shop. '
From the Globe.
Another Whig Misrepresentation—Col Tolh and
ILc poor.
We are in the daily receipt of letters from all parts of a , rt ‘ < i e •?“? lie affected bv causes
the country asking for information of an authentic character *' 1 * r «** »««*••*••
From the Savannah Georgian,
Nominal Legislation.
While travelling along in the cars to the great Conven
tion at Macon, happening to procure a seat upon the pas-
«rngcr train, in which there were a number of genuine
Whigs, We had the pleasure nfoverhearing a conversation
between a Democrat and a Federalist, upon the various
q leslioos of llie day. The latter ^eiitlemaii. who appears
in have been one of "your Whig Nullifiers,” had display
ed a singular anxiety to provoke a discussion. He was
eternally suggesting to iiis neighbor the certninty of Mr.
(Hay’s election. “He must be elected, sir—lie can’t be
kept nut—he will carry twenty States to a dead certainty—
-perhaps more—I have been travelling through the North,
an I speak from observation—he will carry New York by
20,000 majority !"
"Humph!" said the Democrat.
"He is sweeping Missouri. I understand that he is car
rying every thing before him, and Benton willbetanneJ
xiut io his own State.”
'‘Humph!” said the Democrat.
" 1 should think that the Indiana election would be enough
to settle the question. The Democrats were certain of
that State, lint Ciay has swept it finely.”
"Huu.puV’ continued the Democrat.
A pause here followed, for the cars had arrired at a
watering place. The banks of the rail road wrere lined
with men—hard-fisted, sun burnt farmers—with their
knapsacks upon their backs—awaiting the arrival of the
trains that were to take the delegations up to Macon. A
little in the rear stood numbers nf "the fairer portion nf
creation,” waving their handkerchiefs to the bteeze, and
exhibiting demonstrations of great rudiusissm.
The conn's face grew dark and lowering.
' “What n magnificent failure this Macon Convention is
going to he!”
‘‘Humph!" exclaimed the Democrat.
“I’ll slake my head that a thousand persons do not go op
on this rail mac to-day V’
"Humph!" continued the Democrat, looking as if be
thought die stake hardly worth the wiuning.
Puff! puff!! paffpuffl'l went the engine, away flew
the cart, and the coon returned to his old track.
“I stopped in Richmond, and inquired into the prospect*
of parties io Virginia. The Locos have been very san
guine about that State, bat the Wliigi will be sure to carry
it- Tyler and Wise have played the <1—1 with the Demo
cracy there; and Tylvr hss no notion of withdrawing. lie
wi#receive some litleen thousand votes; as 1 understood,
this was a limited by old Richie and it will certainlv give
the State to Clay."
“Humph P observed tbe Democrat.
“I and ray neighbor,” continued the coon, painting to a
brother Whig, near him, “have got, in our trunks, a large
package of documents, in relation to the Tariff, which
wore given us in Washington, and which we intend to dia-
trihu'e among the farmer*.”
• I hope to heaven you will do it,” observed the Demo
crat "if they contain the truth f"
Coon.—"Yes. air, I intend to go ainongqfhem, myself,
and converse with them—man to man—upon the subject of
the Tariff— fori have made a study of it, of late!”
D'mocratj—'"Humph!"
(.'mil.—'-I shall show them that the Tariff operates moat
beneficially upon them.”
Democrat.—"In what way 7” '
Coon.—'•Because it makes prices lower!"
Democrat.—“Makes prices lower, my friend, will you
be so good as to demonstrate the fact?”
Coon.—“Why it doe* not need demonstration. Every
man who buys any Manufactured article, knows lie fact
that the price of goods is lower now than what It was in
former tiinrj."
Democrat.—“Aral can you attribute this to noiliing else
hut the Tariff? Haa the low price of cotton, the staple
production of the world, the diminished quantity nf money
a float, tlie improvement in machinery, by which one man
cand i as much work as fifty formerly—have all these cau
ses had untiling to do in making goods cheaper? Let me
put this question to you—which pay* most for his goods,
the pluntcr who sells Iiis cotton for fifteen cents a pound
and buys Iiis negio cloth at twelve cents a yard, ot the
planter who tell* his cotton at seven cents a pound and
buyshis negro cloth at eight or nine cenla a yard l Which
is paying most in proportion, the planter whose negroes
are worth to bins five hundred dollars per head, and whose
land will *HI for ten dollars an acre, ami who pays forty
dollirs fora broad cloth coat, nr lire planter wLose negroes
will r.ul bring, three hundred dollars per head, and whose
lind cannot be sold at ail, and who gives thirty-fire dollars
for Ida coal t"
Coon.—“I do not care n fig for all that. I can see very
clearly that if the Southern people, goon producing cotton
as they do, they will ruin themselves. Why, air, if this
thing i* not changed, I would not give a dollar an acre for
ssll (he land in tuc cotton growing States in the course of
five yesrs. The market will be drugged with the raw
n Perial. The Southern people must go to manufacturing.
This Tariff will induce them to do it! It is wise legisla
tion nn that account!”
Democrat.—.Wise legislation, indeed ! Where do you
find, sir, anyclauso in the Constitution which justifies you
in any such legislation as this 1 Legislate to force people
to manufacture indeed ! What right have you to fonse me
or my neighbor to mxnafariore ? What right have you to
impoverish and to oppress the former, to take from him
in i hard earnings and give them to the Northern monopo
list, in or ler to force him to go to manufacturing, whether
he will or not ? Wise legislation this of a verity!”
Coon.—“But we do nut nporcas the farmer—because we
can sell him goods at lower prices than he could get them
without the Tariff." <.
Democrat.—’“What do you want w ah the Tariff then?”
Coon.—“?t Is already known that our inenulai-i'irrs ran
compete with the English in foreign markets—in the West
,'udiesfor instance."
Dens crof.—“What do you want with a Tariff then ?”
Coon.—“Particularly in the manufacture of cotton g—ids.
I ascertained at the North, that on account of the cheaper
price of the raw mateiUlbere, our manufactures could un
dersell the English."
Democrat •&'What in the name of common sense l hen,
do Ton WANT WITH A TARIFF ?"
Coon.—“Why, I do not kuuw that it does iiiueli anv
way; after all, you make a great deal more noise about Jt
*han there is any reason for—ir is o.vi.v .nominal lkuu-
I ATION!’
Ik-mocrat.—'-Nominal legislation indeed ! Do we tend
■jiresenlaiivei to Cougrcs*, and i
lie purpoie ol titling on
tiouf No.i pal Ir^i.ibtiinn
for this, then,—nominal /eg
-i.iuiifarturer is contending
- resolves itself into nominallem
■hinge it then—just to: tin
l"- in inntnr'.nrir n. card.I;
in order to satisfy tl... c oi
to rebut the falsehoods put into circulation ngainsl Col. Polk
by tbe whig orators, aong-singerj, and publishing and frank-
iug committees. Documents are being circulated, purport
ing to give an authentic record of the opinions and votes of
Mr. Tolk when in the House of Representatives of the
United States. The recorda in this respect are so garbled
as to misrepreseat not only bis opinoions, but his votes. As
the most ready mode of complying with the numerous calls,
and of doingjustice to that distinguished man. we have de
termined to recur to the record, nnd give each transaction
in detail, or in such a form as will lay the truth and the
whole truth before the American people. In one of these
documents Mr. Polk ia represented as having voted uncon
ditionally against giving to the poor of Georgetown thirty
cords of’wood. Such was not the whole troth. He was in
favor of relieving them. He was in favor of giving them
more substantial relief than tbe original resolution called
for; and for that reason he voted against the previous ques
tion, which went to cut off the proposition he was in favor
of. He was in favor of the proposition directing tlie scr-
geant-at-arins to deduct one day’s per diem (eight dollars)
from each member, to be applied to the purchase of wood
for the poor of Georgetown—thus giving more than $1,000
for that object, in stead of the thirty cords of wood paid for
out of the public treasury. He conscientiously believed that
Congress usd no right to take the people's money to* give
pecuniary relief to the people of the District of Columbia.
The money was collected from the people for the support
of the federal government, and not to support the poor of
the District of Columbia, or of any other portion of the
Union. A representative's private sympathies can furnish
no justification for his violating the constitution which he is
bound by oath to support. So thought Mr. Folk, who ia n
moral,conscientious man.
The following, copied from the journal of the House.
Gales ft Seaton’s Register of Debstes, and the United
Slates Telegraph, gives a full statement nf tlie wood ease.
from the printed journal of the House, vd session,
Slst Congress, page 242, Tuesday, February 1. 1831.
The speaker presented a letter from the mayor of George-
town, in the District nf Columbia, asking the House fora
donation, in wood, for the benefit of the poor of that town;
which said letter being read,
Mr. Washington tr.ov"^. die following resolution :
Resolved, That the clerk of this House is hereby authori
zed and -Ji, erred to enure thirty cords of wood to be deliv
ered to tlie order of the mayor of Georgetown, for the use
of the suffering poor of that town.
This resolution being read, a motion wss made by Mr.
Blair, of South Carnnina, to amend tbe same, bv striking
out after the word “resalved," and inserting as follow*:
“Tliat the sergeant at arms, be required to deduct from
the compensation of the members of this House one day’s
pay. and deliver said snm to the mayor of Georgetown,"to
be applied to the purchase of fuel for the paupers of that
town : Provided, nevertheless, that such deduction shall be
made from the compensation of such members only as vote
in favor of this resolution.”
Mr. Polk (who was in favor of the amendment to the re
solution offered by Mr. Blair, of South Carolina, contribut
ing 8 dollars out of their own pockets for the relief of the
suffering poor, instead of voting it nut of tbe public treasury)
is reported in the U. 8. Telegraph as follows.
“Mr. Polk said he knew it was an ungracious task to op
pose a proposition for the relief of the suffering poor; but be
fell himself bourn! to enter his protest against the present
measure. A practice was about to bo adopted which would
lead to the voting away of all the money in tbe treasury
within the ten miles square. What claim haa any one
section of the community for the relief more than another ?
If (said Mr. P.) I recollect aright, I remember that on the
very day of the conflagration of Alexandria, on which oc
casion were called upon for relief to the unhappy sefferers.
ob that very day a destructive fire occured in Cincinnati,
and yet no claims were set up for assistance from that place.
If we pursue tbit practice we shall have people coming
here every winter to beg wood ; and "we shall, moreover,
only render the District an asylum for one general congre
gation of paupera from all parts of the Union. If we give
them wood, they will next ask for food and clothing, ami we
shall have to buy all this with the public money. Every
where persons are reduced by accidents to poverty and
ruin ; and every where destitute families are suffering from
tbe inclemency of die weather. Where, then, or on what
principles of justice can you make a selection of objects of
bounty, and not of your bounty but of that of the country—
of those many of whom are themselves ruffering. I ap
plaud the kina and humane feeling which bn given origin
to tbit proposition; but I maintain tbatyou Lave no constitu
tional right to adopt it. I do not object to the expense of
these thirty cords of wood, bat I regard the principle whip],
if it should be assented to, would be violated by il.
“Mr. Blair,of South Carolina, said he did not rise to en
ter into a formal argument againtthis resolution. lie hop
ed lie had as tnneh charity as most members of that House;
but he was not disposed to indulge it at the-expense botli of
the constitution and tbe people. He woulTl act on the prin
ciple that, ‘if we mast be generous it should be at our own
expense.’ According to bis interpretation of the consti
tution, Congress had no power whatever to pass this resolu
tion. If(said lie) we have a right to vote away fuel, pur
chased with the money of the people for our own accomo
dation, we have an equal right to vote away millions of dol
lars Io purchase clothing ana food for the inhabitants of the
ten miles square. This might be called n small matter, but
it involved an important constitutional principle. It would
sanction a bad precedent. It would have a tendency
also to render tlie people of the District improvident, and
teach and encourage them to rely too mneb on the munifi
cence of Congress. He was, in this instance, disposed to
relieve the sufferers, but lie would do it at Iiis o» n expense.
He wss not disposed to do it at the cost of the constitution,
or even at the expense of hit brother members, without
their consent. He, therefore, proposed an amendment, for
which he would vote himself, and which would obviate ail
tbe objections to which he had alluded. He proposed to
strike out all after the word ‘Resolved,' and insert the a-
mendment above.”
In Gales tc Seaton’s Register of debates, vol. vii., page
336, Mr. Polk ia reported to have said as follows :
Mr. Polk said be knew it was an ungracious task to op
pose a resolution in betalf of the suffering poor of this Dis
trict, or any other country. He must be permitted to re
mark. However, that the precedent of appropriating the
pnblic funda for such purposes was a bad one. Tbe resol
ution now before tbe House bad come upon it suddenly,
and it was not of sufficient consequence to move its post
ponement. lie recollected that, some years ago, there was
a fire in the district, to be seen from the windows of tbe
Capitol, and an application wta immediately made fof ex
tending relief to the anfferera. While he waa disposed to
do full justice to tlie motive which prompted members, on
that occasion, to draw money from the treasury for tbe re
lief of the sufferers, he would aak, was tbe course adopted
a proper one ? Was the obligation to contribute to the re
lief of aufforera within the ten miles square grealerthan to
those of other parts of the Union ? The very same day that
tlie fire occurred in Alexandria, property to a far greater
extent was destroyed by the nine element in Cincinnati,
Ohio; but he bad never heard that those sufferers applied
to Congress fot relief. There were many sufferers in the
United States—many objects of charity—but they did not
call upon Congress to help them. Condone to pass resolu
tions ofihe character of that now before the House, and
what would be the consequence ? Why. every winter,
when the snow fell, or the Potomac was frozen over, ap-
E lieations would be made to Congress, and members would
e engaged in the dignified object of buying and stowing
wood, to give to the poor of the District of Columbia. Mr.
P, remarked that, in opposing the resolution now under
consideration, he did it on principle: the House had not
the power to make the donation requested. He might be
told that Congress was the exclusive legislature for the
District. Rut was that any good reason that they should
give away all the revenue of the nation to the people of tbe
District of Columbia ? If so, the poor of the other sections
of the country had nothing to do but to come and sit down
here in this District, and apply to Congress for relief. It
was not to the amount pro|>osed to be given that he object
ed—no, not the paltrv cost of thirty cords of wood; but be
would state that gentlemen came here to legislate on the
great concerns of the Union, and net to give away tbe pub
lic property. It was not money from the treasury, but the
expense was to he defrayed by the contingent fdhd of ibis
House. That fund was’voteif for the use of the House;
there should be some discretion in its appliration;and if we
may give away a part of it, for the purpose other than for
wlut it was intended, we may give away the whole. He
might well address himself, on this occasion, to those who,
by ihe operation of the previous qnestion, had cut off all op
portunity of remark on a former similar subject. Theinno-
lives were kind, no dnobt, and he gave them credit for
them; a severe storm was raging, and they yielded to their
feelings as men. No such reason could be urged now,
however; for the present was one ofihe most pleasant days
they had enjoyed for some time. But it was said the poor
nf Georgetown were suffcring~sn tnny be the pour of New
York, anil other sections of the Union. In conclusion, he
trusted that the House would, by its vote to day, put a
check to legislation on matters of this sort.
“Mr. ltlair ol South Carolina contended that it was nnt
competent for the House to vote donations of fuel for the
District. Ifso, it wuuld have power also to vote millions
of the public money to feed anil clothe the suffering poor of
He took the article of iron, which he said had been much
harped on, and asked the planter liow much more he paid
for iron now. than lie did Irfore the Tariffactofl8t2 ? and
if no more, how does this happen, when there is a duty of
$23 per ton on the article?"
Without pausing to controvfctt, as we might do, tbe posi
tion of Col. Toombs, by a comparison of prices, as they were
before, and bare been since the imposition of the Tariff of
’•10. we presume even lie will admit, that the prices .of the
artirle may be affected by causes wholly disconnected with
the Tariff; as. for instance, by large importations prior to
tbe Tariff, and in anticipation of it; oy an inflatiob and sud
den contraction ofllie currency; by an over ora scan sup
ply of the commodity. Ac. but we should be plessed to see
Col. Toombs explain the following instance of the practical
operation of the Tariff; and that too, on the very article be
select* in illustration or bis argument: and we hope our
Georgia friends will urge it upon Col. Toombs with all due
pertinacity. The price of English iron in the New York
market.at present, is $62 50 per ton. Nowletus suppose
a Georgia planter and a Texas planter to meet in N. York,
and that each requires n ton of iron fbr tbe use of Iiis planta
tion. The price of the iron to the Georgian would oicourse
be $62 50. and the same to the TeXian • but with tiis es
sential difference: llie Texan could go to theCustom House
and have the duty, which Col. Toombs says is $25 ptr ton,
refunded to him as a draw back, which would of entitle re
duce llie price of his iron, in fact, to $37 50 per ton. Now
will Col Toombs inform his Georgia admires of the la riff
whether the Georgia planter pays this duty Of $25 Or tot 7
And if he does, (as ia most assuredly the case,) what be
comes of the favorite whig fallacy, that “the consuimner dies
not pay the duty ?”
According to the correspondent of the Times. Col. Toombs
admitted that he had avowed the principle, in a speech in
New York,of discriminating, in our Tariff lutes, be
tween free labor and slave labor, in favor of the former,
and glories ie it! 11 Wbat think you of that, slare-holderi
of the South, whether Democrats or Whies ? For a some
what similar avowal on the part of Mr. Clay, Col Ptestnn
publicly denounced him as an abolitionist—declaring, in bis
speeches to the people of this State, that in a conversation
between them on tbe Tariff.at the Virginia Springs, onliii
telling Mr. Clay that his Tariff principles and measure:
would uniimately destroy the value of slave labor [ofcoursi
by discriminating against it in favor of free labor.l and there
by compell the Southern people to emancipate tneir ?!«'’?•
he (Mr. Clay) replied that that waa one of the objects o'
them,(his Tariff principle* and measures,) or words to ilia:
effect.
Col. Toombs was a decided Suilfer in 1833, and d
course a thoroughgoing opponent of Mr. Clay, the Whig!,
and the protective policy; and is now die Whig candidate fir
Congress in the 8th District. He stood shoulder to shoult-
er with us at that lime againt: the whole host of Fedenl
abominations, and is now one ot the most zealous advocate
of them in Georgia! Well, if ‘-times change, and mm
change with them, it is some consolation to know that prix-
ciples do not.”
, the running yard, and perhaps a little more on tlie
wider desctipiions—the avetage price of Cotton this
reason, at a liberal estimate will not exceed, 5cents
per pound. It is cleat - then that a tax of 5 pounds
of Cotton, is levied by the Government on eVeiy bag
of Cotton brought to market, ibr5yards is the usua'
quan-tily ill each bag. The receipts of Cotton in
Macon alone, will be on a reasonable calculation,
90,000 bales during the present season. This will
yield at the above rate 450,000 pounds of Colton to
the Government Treasury, which, at 450 pounds
to the bale, would make 1000 bales of Cotton, or
S22.500-
Let it be borhe in mind, that this is the Tariff on
a single article, and one too from which the farmer
derives no benefit, because he gives it away when
he sells his Cotton, and the enormity of the tax is
at once perceived. At the same time we should
remember that dve stufis and other things used by
the manufacturer to prepare his fabrics for market,
and to render them more saleable, are admitted du
ty free.
eery,” we have the evidence now that it was au- j
thoriied by him, and what i9 df nmre importance, | ,| le ,; rst
he now repeats the sentiments of that letter and
will carry them to the polls in Octdbelrartd Novem
ber. Bin further, by the annexed certificates, llie
letter in the Messenger is proven conclusively to
be a “villanous forgery/’ alld though the Mcssen-
‘•othlhk.ffiheM' 1 "'''
I.... or curi!"
days of i lie revolution) were opposed to nri>r„' ne,n "' gln
same parties exist, holding the same principleSL*?jJ3'«
-nil culled by the frame name—there was a Were?-/l 81
Qtid there is a Whig party now, battling in tlieaa ^ 5 .
ous cause—there was a party opposed to th* \\ri!- ne S* or i-
and there is a party opposed to the Whigs note ••?*- lhcD »
of you tell its name?’ 1 *- r ‘
nui.uua .u.fcv-.,, .... Of you tell iu name?” (after a pause) “everaV;i',‘r U * na8 J
ger was forwarned of it; he declared he Would pub- they have in their books—Tory! Tory' i To rv 'ira°L CJn *
.MS-WdUtSaWita by 4ir. Koval, wl.icl. he &XS£S2?3W&fS
very Well knew Mr. Doyfll would not do. We
are perfectly willing td tike this as “a fait speci
men of the truth of the frequent reports of political
changes (and of Monroe county especially,”) and
we only ask every honorable man arrirtng otlh oppo
nents, to read the subjoined evidence and then say
if it is possible foi a party to triumph by such trick
ery as is heie exposed.
From the JUlrcon Messenger, 5th inst.
What Next
We ajked lait week, will be the resort of the Democratic
leaders, after attempting to circulate Abolition papers in
Georgia fertile advancement of their cause? The next
thing we find is a villanous forgery in the Federal Union,
purporting to be a letter signed by John Parker, an old and
respectable citizen of Monroe county, giving llis reasous for
abandoning the Whig parly, (oi which he has always been
a staunch supporter) and going over to Polk and Democracy.
The letter says many clever ‘hings of the Polk family, of
that he had made a had in
n... •. , .. t , ri-.i i Lu...t.,s. his acting with them ns Jeffersonien Republicans. Ac., in
But It may be argued that the Cotton blrdught North Carolina. Itwillbeseen by his letter, which fol-
Macon is not all packed in foreign bagging, and ( lows, that he knew nothing of any such publication, that he
„ . . ., rn is still a Whig, and never knew the Po'k family, nnd that in
that therefore (Ins amount is not paid. Io this* 1 eve _ respect the letter is a vile forgery. This is a fair
we have only to say, that that portion which is not | specimen of the truth of the frequent reports of political
changes (and of Monroe county especially)—and of the
desperate resorts of tlie Democratic party.
t Fj jd e a n ,1 jp me .
MACON;
TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 17, 1844.
FOR PRESIDENT.
^®2*
Of Tennessee.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
Of Pennsylvania.
Democratic Electoral Ticket.
For the Stntc at large,
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee.
CHARLES J. MtDONALD, of Cobb.
For the Districts.
1st (list. R. M. CHARLTON, of Chatham,
2d “ BA’RZILLAI GRAVES, of Stewart,
3d “ GEORGE XV. TOWNS, of Talbot,
4th •• WM. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether,
5th “ CHARLES MURPHY, of Cass,
(till “ WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
7th “ II- V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin,
8th “ ELI II. BAXTER, of Hancock.
(To be elected by general ticket.]
CANDIDATE# FOR CONGRESS*
(Election on the first Monday in October next.)
1st District—CHARLES SPALDING,
paid to the Government, comes out of the pocket of
the Cotton grower, still in the shape of boutities to
the Domestic Manufacturer—for no one will deny
that if there wore no Tariff the foreign article could
be had 5 cents per yard lower, and therefore the
domestic article would, in the absence of the TarifT
be reduced in the same proportion to compete with
iiiC imported Hemp and Gunny.
We shall pursue this subject farther in our next,
and show to any Who desire to be conVihced, the
fallacy of the new fangled doctrine of Southern
Whiggery. when descanting on the “biessed effects
of protecting domestic industry.”
Young Hickory Club.
Another Democratic Association has been organ
ized in this place, under the above popular and in
spiring name; we give below a list of the officers.
President-
WM. G. SMITH.
Vice-Presidents i
A. P. Powers, M. N. Burch,
Wm- Gu.irt, Geo. M. LooA?f,
Asiier Atres.
Corresponding Secretaries.
J. A. White, James S. Smith,
James Ralston.
Recording Secretaries.
J. A. Pringle, E. A. Wilcox,
B. C. H. Evaks.
Central Executive Committee of Bibb county.
Geo. M. Logan, Samuel J. Ray, S. M. Strong,
J. A. White, Richard Bassett, John Bailey, Henry
Newsom, Samuel B. Hunter, A. P. Powers, J. M.
Green, M. N. Burch, C. A. Ells, Stephen Wood
ward, John G- Coleman. Cicero Tharp.
The Central Executive Committee of Bibb county,
j are requested to meet at the Club Room this eve-
ning, at 4 o’clock, P. M. Punctual attendance is
required, as business of importance is to be trans
acted.
2d
3d
4th
5i!i
Clli
7llt
8i!i
SEABORN JONES,
A. H. CHAPPELL.
If. A. IIARRALSON.
JOHN H. LUMPKIN,
HOWELL COBB.
ABSALOM JANES,
E. J. BLACK.
The Telegraph
Will be furnished to Subscribers from the pres
ent number, to the 1st January next, for 50 cents
paid, in advance.
To Correspondents.
All letterslo this Paper, on business or other*
wise, must be post-paid to receive attention.
Vermont Elections.
The elections in this State have resulted in fa
vor of the Whigs, which no one ever doubted
would be the case. Their candidate for Governor,
Slade, will have a majority of near 4000. Harri
son's majority in 1840 was 14,422. It will be re
membercdrlial Slade is the leading Abolitionist of
that State, and therefore concenttated the strength
of the two parties. Next to John Q. Adams he has
perhaps done more injury to the South than any
Northern Abolitionist. But whether he too, like
Adams, "is a much abused man,” Mr. Stephens
has never yet informed his friends in Georgia.
Hemocrallc Meeting in Twiggs.
The Hon. A. H. Chappell, and Hon. Marshall
J. Wellborn, will address the citizens of Twiggs
cctinty, on Thursday, 26th inst.
The citizens of the adjoining counties are re
spectfully invited to attend.
MosttOt County, August 3tst, 1844.
To the Editors of the Georgia Messenger i
Gentlemen—Although I am averse to appearing before
the public in my declining years, even in aelfdefencc. yet I
cannot forbear noticing promptly a letter published in tbe
Federal Union of Iasi week, purporting to have been writ
ten by myself. It is there stated that I had left the Whig
ranks, and that I knew nnd acted wiih the father of Jas. K.
Polk politically, in the State of North Carolina. In the first
place, I had no acquaintance whatever, with any Sucli char
acter as the gSrilleinan alluded to in said letter. If said
Polk had a father, he may, or may not, have belonged to
the Republican party—I know nothing about his political
views or actions. As for detaching myself frolii the Whig
party, with whom I have acted since its organization, I pro
nounce it a base falsehood. I shall live and die a member
of that party, if they continue to advocate such measures as
have been taught and advocated by our Revolutionary Fa
thers, and which is now inscribed Upon every Whig banner,
ar.d found at the mast head of every Whig newspaper in
the whole Union. What! I vote for “Polk. Dallas and
Chappell!!!” Never! never! I intend to vote for men
and principles; and I conceive that those qualifications at
tach td neither of the aforesaid getitlethen. In conclusion, I
pronounce the whole letter a vile forgery, and I have deter
mined to ferret out the name of the author, and deal with
him in such a manner as his olficionsness deserves. And I
now state that any party who can deliberately write such a
vile letter for political effect, in the absence of principles,
for the purpose of deceiving the honest voters and yeomanry
df the country, disserve no couhteuanre. It is certainly a
desperate shift—but is in character with many of the pitiful
subterfuges df the falsely styled Democratic party.
Well, gentlemen Editors of the Federal Union, if you
have any regard for truth. I hope you will do me the favor
to correct the falsehood, which you havb been made thd in
strument in circulating.
JOHN BARKER.
Witnesses to the signature of the above letter.
D. D. DOYAL.
W. W. WOOL3EY,
WM. SWAN.
JEPTHA P. PARKER.
Also three ladies present;
(CP Recorder ind Jourtiil will copy the above;
To the World :
I shall vote for Polk, Dallas and Chappell—I
shall vote with an open ticket like every freeman
ought to do. Every man will be at liberty to pub
lish it if he chooses.
GEORGIA. Monroe county.
This is to certify that D. D. Do.Vat eSttife to my house on
the first day of September, 1844, with a written certificate,
stating to me that someone had written a letter to the Fed
eral Union in my name. Doyal said he believed Ambrose
Chapman wrote it, from what he beard him say He slated
that li a lvi/1 caon tliss loti au !. ...
. time n/i
conscience, and fe a -;„
, . ... impression, immediately h, P
himself to qualifying his remarks. He now stntesiK? c
would be unfair, uncandid and ungenerous to sav i' t
whole Democratic party are tories. The mass of thi “ e
those not huhting office, were es honest as himself „ P * rly ‘
Whig in I lib konst. We now understand himto'tav
the mass of the party were not Tories, he still 1
that their leaders were. led ’ b “t
Wb may nothavfe given Mr. Poe’s exact!anrraaeein.- •
f instance, hut aaseh wr* haliava waa »Vi« =«,..? _ t® , ™ .
spirit of
ry instance, but such we believe was the sonl and
his remdrkS.
N W BATTLE,
S H MARTIN,
JOHN HAMLIN;
KIIHC DILLARD;
W F BROWN,
WM THOMAS.
W T WILSON.
WM DEWBERRY,
A TALMAGB.
NATHAN PHILLIPS.
WILEY II POPE
WILLUM SIMS.
JbHN H FLOYD
ARCHEBALD DAVlS
JOHN SLACK,
H CHERRY,
T STEWART,
S P MORGAN.
W C JONES,
DU* More names if necessary fcan be had.
From the Mitledgevile Recorder, Sept 2o, 184
Mr. Chappell
The late hour at which this worthy gcntelman wa* nom
inated has prevented him from minding, as he would have
wished, with his fellow citizens, and has precluded that in
the District. The House had no right to give away
public money for any 5uch purpose ; and if gcntlrinen were
disposed to l>e liberal, let them be libcr.*il out of their own
money. He, therefore, moved the substitute above.
‘•Mr. Polk asked for the yea* and nays On the amendment
observing that be wOnld vote for it with the greatest plea
sure/*
Pending the question on Mr. BUir’s ainendineut. the pre
vious question was moved by Mr. .*“lorrs, of Npw York, (a
gentleman who was in favor ol voting the money otiJ of the
treasury instead of his own pecket.) and being demanded
by a majority of the member* present, the said previous
question waa put, viz: •‘Shall the main question be now
put T M It passed in the affirmative, by yeas 3C-I, to 31.
Mr. Woodbury’s Speech.
Wc cannot too strongly commend this speech to
our readers on the subject of the TarifT and Texas
xtracts from which will he found on our first
page. It was delivered in Bangor, Me., and it is
gratifying to know ihat this pure and incorruptible
statesman, though living almost within the din of
Northern Factories, thinks and feels for and with
the South, at the same time carefully guarding
all intercstsof the Union; while Southern men are
found abandoning the high ground of strict construe
tion of the Constitution, and would betray us into
the merciless hands of those who care for naught
hut their individual aggrandizemenr.
case of Mr. Chappell, than in many who might have been
ptesented for their suffrages. For the reputation of this
gentleman is certainly commensurate with the limits of onr
State, and far, very far beyond those limits. And it is a
reputation sufficiently solid to justffj; the suffrages of all
who wish to be represented by an ability unquestioned and
an integrity beyond assault. This gentleman, withal, pos
sesses in a high degree, qualities more rare in public life,
and by a large and the best portion ofsociety, more esteem
ed than even ability, be it ever so decided. He is posses
sed of a purity of feeling and character which not only a-
dorns ralct,l,... ev.ramies the proper use of it.ond renders
him a proper and safe guardian or a trust so uncreil ax (list
-of the representative ofihe opinions and feelings of near
half a million of his fellow-citizens. In a word, we thinh pH
who really know ourcandidate, will join us in the expres
sion of our confidence, that if chosen by the people theirre-
prrsentative in the national councils, ho will quite as much,
at least, adorn and elevate the station as the station is capa
ble of elevating him. This is a lofty tribute, we feel when
we otter it, but we feel no less truly, that it is as just as it is
lofty, and especially appropriate at our hands, who by onr
position have necessarily been brought very often to the con
sideration or the public and private merits of the gentleman
We do not desire to write a panegyric on Mr. Chap
pell, tsuch as we esteem him; we only present him in a
friendly way to the voters of Georgia, with the simple re
mark, that it character, ability and worth, will insure votes
in Georgia, Mr. Chappell certainly will represent her.
[From the Savannah Republican, same date.]
Mr. Chappell has been very long favorably known to the
people,as a sagacious ucd profound slatesman. whose views
of public policy have been distinguished by a eomprehen- ,
sive and far reaching scope, undimmed by the selfishness Of ; hands of the Macon Messenger. He refused to give it up,
the Party Demagogue. We cheerfully commend him to | but stated he should publish it unless demanded Dy Doyal
that he had seen the letter, and it was written in a beautiful
hand. L r pon these grounds I gave him the certificate I did.
When 1 came to see the letter, it was the one that my son,
Col. C. Parker, had written. He was authorized to write-
such a one from what I had told him. The principles eon
tained in that letter are my political principles, and I shall
be found canying them out in October and November. If
there is a word in the certificate saying tnat I intend to vote
for Clay, it was not read to me.
his
Signed JOHN y, PARKER.
September 3, 1844. mark.
Teat, HAYWOOD HARPER.
PLEASANT L. FOSTER,
JAMES DUNN.
JAMES FOSTER.
GEORGIA, Monroe County.
This is to certify that I was at the bouse of John Paikcr,
in Monroe county, on the first day of September, 1844.
When I got there’ I found I). D. Doyal with an instrument
of writing which I look hold of and tried to read, hut could
not make out one word in five. Mr. Doyal took hoM of it
and read it. There was not n word read to him that he
(Pirker) intended to vote for Clay. I further state that I
never signed the certificate given by Mr. Parker, nor au
thorized any one to do it for me.
Signed. J. P. PARKER.
September IS, 1844.
GEORGIA, Monroe county.
This is to certify that I was at the house of John Parker,
on Sunday, the 1st ofSeptember, 1844. When I got there,
D. D. Doyal was there with a written paper. The coments
I do not know—1 know it was quite short.
Signed, NANCY PARKER.
September 12,1841.
GEORGIA, Monroe county.
This is to certify thst I never signed the certificate riven
by John Parker, which I see published in the Macon Mes
senger, nor authorized any person to do it for me.
Signed, WM. W. WOOLLEY.
September 12, 1844.
GEORGIA, Monroe county.
This is to certify that John Parker authorized me todraw
the certificate that he gave in contradiction to the one in
the Federal Union, from D. D. Doyal, or any person in
whose possession it might be found. For he says that il
was obtained through fraud or what he conceives to be the
same, misrepresentation. I further stale I found il in the
Too Good to be Lost.
A fiicntl tells us the following anecdote :-=-’*In
Houston county, a good Democratic farmer, like
most of the thrifty men of that county, lias a work
shop on his premises for ihe repair of his tools, <Scc.
Not long since a Whig neighbor of hi.«, who was
busy in circulating the documents uf iiis party, call
ed nn him, but not finding him at home, left n num
ber of the "Whig Rifle” on his workbench. Our
farmer coming in shortly after, picked it up and
began to read, when, to Iiis surprise the first article
that met his eye, was an argument in favor of the
restriction of the Vein Power. Ho resolved in a
moment, what to do, so taking a handful of wet
clay he bespattered the paper and hong it lip in his
shop. Iiis neighbor called the next day to know
how be liked the "Whig Rifle." "Rifle?" said
he, 1 saw no rifle, but in place of it a d—d old Brit
ish Musket, and that aimed at the heart of the Con
stitution, then pointing to the paper with the dabs of
clay on it, nc said, ‘and there sit is my commenta
ry cu the anicle,’ The coon took the back nack.”
th« confidence oftthe people, as every way competent to ad
vance their interest, and utterly incapable of abusing their
trust to subserve his own ends.
We have selected tho above extracts from the
Southern Recorder and Republican, to show what
was the opinion generally entertained, not only by
the Whigs but all parties, of the purity and Unblem
ished integrity of Mr. Chappell. The opinion of
the press was universal and thatufthe Macon Mes
senger was more fulsome and adulatory, we
would commend it to tho perusal of that veritable
print. Ic these disjointed times they seem entirely
to have forgotten what even a year since they were
so eager to proclaim. The party hacks arc now
vociferating all over the country their foul and slan
derous assertions, that Col. Chappell is now actua
ted by.the base and sordid motives of interest, that
lie is interested in Texas lands, which now prompts
his course.
We are authorized to declare most unqualifiedly,
that Col. Chappell has no interest either directly or
indirectly in Texas lands, nor never had. So
much for this calumny. Wiiat next ?
Mr. Mil Parker and the Messenger.
In our last we stated that Mr. Parker was seen
at our Convention walking in the procession and
carrying a banner, all of which was attested by a
good Whig of this city. The Messenger did not
deny tlie facts, but threw out a dark hint that this
good Whig should be attended ro in due season.
After reading the certificates below, we should
be pleased to know in what manner this good Whig
is to receive the friendly attchtton of our neighbor.
If tlie damning proof of guilt somewhere in the
Whig ranks is not now apparent to every one, we
despairoferer furnishing it. So far from Mr. P’s
Doyal refused ro draw il from the fact that he was instru
mental iu procuring of tlie above from said Parker.
Signed. PLEASANT L. FOSTER.
September 12, 1844.
GEORGIA, Monroe county.
I hereby certify that I was at the house or John Parker’
in Monroe county, on Sunday, 1st September, 1844. when
D. D. Doyal came to Mr. Parker with a written paper,
read the same to him in my presence. The —’
writing wasou . “ “““*** , ” _i
one side of a letter sheet, ind I do not know that it filled the American question was disorganizing in Us iem.eney. aw
whole of ttat aide even. And further, it was stated by Mr.
Doyal to Mr. Parker, that he believed Ambrose Chapman
and some one else, who, I do not now recollect, wrote the
recont letter to the Federal Union under his signature, and
that Christopher Parker did not write it because he did not
believe he had sense enough to write such a letter. I am
confident that there wds not more than one side read to Mr.
Parker, because the paper w«i not turned ever by Doyal
while he read. Given under my hand, this September 4th,
1844. WM. C. SWAN.
E3” The Mdcdn Messenger, the Journal ard Recofder,
Milledgevilfo, are requested to publish the above.
FOR THE TELEGRAPH.
FOR THE MACON TELEGRAPH;
To WASHINGTON POE. Esq.
Sir,—During the late war, Mr. Webster declared tl, s i
he would not vote one dollar appropriation tor iu expense *
though the “enemy's cannon should be battering dowiuhe
walls of the Capitol.” And to endorse this sentiment more
fully, the Tederal Legislature or Masc.-icliusetit voiej ,
iu Senate chamber that it was “immoral and irreligious i"
rejoice at the victories of their country over Great Britain '•
The aame man that uttered these ssntiments still lirnto
side with England in 1644 on the Texasquesnon smi to on
pose equally with that power the extension of our republi
can institutions upon this continent.
How is it then, that although you coincide with Webster'
and Seward. nnd_Slade, and Birney, the very -head and
front of the Abolition parly of tlie North in opposition to tbe
annexation of Texas, you could still charge a portion of
your fellow citizens with being tories.
You kindly say in your explanatory note addtessed to E.
A. Nesbit, Esq. that the Democrats “who were not in pur
suit of office” were as honest as yourself or any member
of the Whig party. The charge is equally abrupt and un
founded as it the denunciation included every voter of the
Republican party ! For the very men that vou denounce,
(or at least many of them) have by their noble conduct in'
the field of battle, established their patriotism before the
American people. What! are ihe hetoes of 1812, ‘13,
and ’14. those who in the darkest hours of the republic, up
held our country’s flag and cheered the desponidng hearts
of the patriot, to be thus rewarded for their glorious ach
ievements?
Is Col. Butler of Kentucky, a torv? Do you that de-
nounreour own Newnan and Tennille, the one covered
with wounds, and tho other who left an arm upon ihe i ti
ll* field ? Did Cass and Johnson and Gaines, those gallant
old warriors, who by their glorious victories have earned
an imperishable fame, prove their toryixm by warring
against old England? And are you willing thus to dese
crate the most glorious recollections that hover aiound the
American Eagle—to brand that man with being a tnry, who
defeated, ignotninously defeated the veteran legions of Wel
lington, saved tbe fairest City of the West from conflagra
tion, and the daughters of the American people from the
unholy violence of a licentious soldiery ? People of Geor
gia I are you willing that the Hero of New Orleans shonld
bfe thus defamed, and that no voice be lifted up in his he-
half? But the old soldier needs no defence. Hit adtt-
cates are the hearts of the American people—It defamation
cannot strip one leaf from the laurels with w hich they hare
ddorned his brow.
But will yrtu ttll us why it is that you here resorted to
such unmitigated abuse ? You are to be permitted to deal
out at your leisure, charge upon charge, libel U|ion libel,
upon the great and the gnod ofihe land, while your friends
claim that yonr opponents have nt> right to expose your po
litical tergiversations to the people. They go fartlirr—they
not only proscribe ihose wild ate active in the canvass, but
tLey dare to threaten me through bnonyuious rommuni
cations; hs though they suppbsed that I could be silenced
by the same abject fenrs and servile motives that actuate
their own conduct. Let these men who lurk iu tbe dark,
and are ready to use tlie assassin's knife to silence the in
dependent expression of opinion, kntw that I hold it a»
the most “inestimable boon" of aft American citizen tx«
only to vote as my judgment may dictate, but freely to do-
cuss before the public your claims to office and your chart
acter as a public mnn 1 But pardon this digression and le
ns return to the subject.
Tuc same, misfortune In your explanation of this charge
still accompanies you. You first make the most unfonu-
nate blunders, and then in your attempted exculpations,•
are involved in still deeper difficulties. You shon'd not
only think twice before you speak, hut submit vour pro
ductions lo a mare cautious and considerate friend (Iran ton-
correspondent of the Messenger. In your lener to lifn af
ter stating what vnu did say. and what you did ihH say.
yon proceed to make this grave statement.
“That the Whigs of this country have always been found
battleing for ihe privileges of the people against the usur
pations first of the King of England and (hen (lie Chief Ma
gistrate nf this Confederacy from our Revolutionary strug
gle to the present time." If you were as w ell read in flat
polit'cal history of the country as you arc in I’rinee's Di
gest, you would have known that parties did not assume
a distinct difference in name until the contest between Job"
Adams and Mr. Jefferson, when the country became divi
ded into two great parlies, the Federal and" llpnblican or
Democratic. Mr. Jefferson assumed the head of the De
mocratic and Mr. Adams that of llie Federal party X«v
formidable party was ever arrayed against Gen. Washing
ton's administration—and yet in ihe fare of this (art, inn
tell the people that the Whig party battled against (he
Chief Magistrate from our "revolutionary struggle to the
present time."
It is true, that as great and good as Gen. Washington
was, there were men even in those days, that envious of
his renown, opposed his administration and would hare
detracted from his merits both as a hero and a statesman.
Bat it has been left Cir Mr. l'oe’s historical acumen to dis
cover that a Whig party then existed to battle against Gen.
Washington simply because he was tlie Chief Maeistrsie
of the country. The same party I suppose continued (be
war against tbe administrations of Jefferson. Madison,
Monroe, and so on up to the ‘‘present lime” and will IK*
doubt continue the war until Mr. Clay is elected, and then
I presume they will most graciously grant lo ihe country an
armistice! But the people of theUnited States seerag so
little harm resuliing to the Union from (his protracted war
fare upon the Chief Magistrates of the ccmnlry from “our
revolutionary struggle to the prcscct time” by the Whig
party, will no doubt indulge their pugnacious propensities
by the elevating at least one more republican adiTinistratioir
into power. You will not therefore, sir, he |restrieted in
the exercise of what^’ou proclaim lo be a public yirtoe,
wit:—the battling against the Chief Magistrate of your
country. 1 presume [when you penned the above
tnent that yon were fresh from the “Lest of the Barons
and thougnt like old Warwick you would soon be able to
make ana unmake Presidents at your pleasure. Suffer ir»e
however to remind you that such romantic folly, however
delightful the illusion, is but ill-adapted to the plain repub
lican natures of the American people. And wiih nil your
plausibility you will never succeea in making them belic'C
that there was any virtue in battling aeaioft such men a*
Washington. Jefferson, Madison and Monroe.
But upon whatdoyou found this charge of tnry ism against
the Democratic party of the United Stales. ^
of their sympathy Cor the young republic of Texas 7 .‘-ball
it be surrendeied to minister to the infuriated fanaticism o
the Abolitionists ? Or do you aeree with the greet
of your party the (Richmond Wkif) that the possession ot
Texas by England is not lobe deprecated. H«>w hup b»*
it been since you arrived at the conclusion that this g™
FORSYTH, Sept. 1.1, 1811.
Mr. Editor.—W r e notice in the Messenger of t*’e 29th
August, a note addressed by the Hon. E. A. Nisbet. to
Washington Poe, Esq. in which he states that a report had
been circulated in Macon and vicinity, and he doubted not. -
it would extend over the District, that he (Washington Poe) j would not yield to the prevo
had stated in a public speech delivered in the town of 1 1 * 1
Forsyth, “That tne Democratic party were all tories.” He
inquires oi Mr. Poe if he had used such language, if not,
what he did say on that occasion.
Now, as we were present, and hesrd that part of his ad
dress when lie referred to the matter above alluded to. and
as we do not believe that Mr. Poe replied to Mr. Nisbet’s
note fairly and candidly, and being anxious to relieve our
selves and our party, !rom|ihe foul imputations of having fra
med and given currency to a report ndt based in truth, we
have determined to publish to the voters of this District and
to the world, what we deem a correct statement of this gen
tleman s remarks in Forsyth.
Mr. Pob, after paying complements to the ladies presen
that the addition of five new stars to our national btnoev
would endanger the Union. .
Let the Messenger republish your letter of 1832,
these questions will be fully answered. Are you willing
that that letter should again see tlie ligln ? Or like tbe W;
ter of Mr. Clay's in F.P. Blair’s possesaion, are you airs*"
of the effect its re-publication might produce ?
How different is Col. CbappeU*t position before the vo
ters of Georgia. The Legislature arranged this districtt
as to give hun a majority of 857 ^votes. We sent him *
Congress to represent the people and not Mr. Clay. **
refused to surrender K\& judgment and his conscience ^
the Federal dictator, and voted against a Protective - *
riff. He nobly rejected the office that the Whig P* r 0 *
necar^d to him by giving him an overwhelming major 1
and appealed to the virtue of an independent people'oJV
tify his course. And for this he has beeu denounced, p
scribed and vilified. .
The people will not see him sacrificed for not w*’.® a
represent their interests in Congress. He recognized
republican the sorcreitfii trill of the pc°P
railing monarchi.«ni of a f 'i
by submitting to the sovereign will of Henry CltJ* ^
though for a time they may shadow his greatness )
traction and calumny, by invective and abuse, ^
with which a fierce and unscrupulous faction wo .
shroud him shall roll off benenth hi* feet and lie '
l unbroken sunshine of popular ^
Respectfully* S. M.
an residing
1 erect in the i
Extract of a letter to tlie cdilar, frem a gcullcu::
n Cherokee: _ ,,«q .
“Ourgain in Murray will not fall short of I.5" r
the 3th, Lumpkin’s majority will be from
coot).
Tories were in favor of royal prerogatives. He said tho
s ® nit Pities were transplanted into this country previous to
tne revolutioH—llie re was a party rtow that called themselves
letter in the Federal Union being a "villanuus for-1 ci*y'D^^bmI.?tho“ s hlVTnfl 6 'cmeT 1 ^
, t . w i —^ iu kc. mtiitra in xociit, 1 iiil x. uiijum u j itjcji't •.
Sa n wa* n E°nar«d ,r, L , p “I'Tf*' 1 "' the origin of ! h ju „ heard from Chattooga, (he immortal Colq •
parlies was in Rnoland. In England there were two par- I J , ,, a public discus.-oi
ties, one Called Whigthe other Torv—the Whig: nlway < dcalln g "death blows to \\ higgery.^ A . [>jn] arl )
battling against the prerogatives of the Crown, while the cornea off at thi. place on the 12th, Co quilt,
8 am ford arc expected.
You can assure our tri
our gain will average fn
5th.*’ -