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GEORGIA TELEGRAPH
Mr.ssa*. Editor* ' '
ll seems iliaf no in in can presume to think
or act fir himself, if 1":- has ever belonged to
the Whig party of Georgia, without thawing
tip m himself, pcrwtnnlly, a pack who slam
ever ready to Any for the party. •They have,
made their onset tipna me in the last “Messen
ger, simply because I dared to express my iii-
diviihial opinion when civilly asked, and suit
dry certificates are given that my opinions are
ertnneous.—As to the truth or error of those
opinions, the future will settle that matter. 1
might give a host of certificates substantiating
the truth of my statements; nay, I could give
extracts from Whig papers at the North, ac
knowledging that a majority of the Abolition
ist* were from the Whig party, and that they
•were thereby in danger of defeat; and 1 say
again, that no honest man there ever denied it
to mo : bat 1 disdain certificates. The people
of the Sooth may believe me or not. as they
please; I shall stand as good a chance as
others, let what will come hereafter.
1 put it to every candid Georgian to say, if
this is not a singular s'ate of things. 'I lie pro.
pie of the South are reviled and denounced as
Barbarians. Thieves, Robbers and Hypocrites
by the wholesale at the North, their property'
constantly stolen from them, and their citizens
imprisoned in the penitentiary if they attempt
to rega : n it; and not content with this, the
whole Whig party of tlm North press upon
the National Legislature Aho’ition petitions,
denouncing to the world the citizens of the
Sooth as thieves, robbers and hypocrites; and
yet, if a citizen of the South d ires to speak
•gainst this immaculate Whig party at the
North.or simply give it ns his opinion that they
arc rnenvc* of the South, he must he denounc
ed and reviled in a spirit and style of vulgarity
that would make even the Ahcd tiouists them
selves blush; and this, not by the great Whig
leader, John Q. Adams, hut by his allics-in t!>e
South. Here lies all our danger; the South
could defy the ho lility of the world meted, if
all her citizens would be true to her; hut such
is the delusion of party and the love of r fTieo.
that in the boor of peril she will he betrayed
to the enemy for “thirty pieces of silver.”
But it was unnecessary to certify that the Whig
party at the North are tint Abnlilinnis's, for 1
never saul they were.—But T now say that they
are Abolitionists as to the Territories. They
believe, or profess to believe, that no new S'ate
ought to he ndmi'tcd with Slavery. Does
Judge Holt intend to deny that the extract
front Mr. Choate’s speech is not genuine or
that,it is not the sentiments of the Whig par
ty at the North ? yea or nay ? that speerli- is
circulntciLnt the North ns one ol their Text
Books,..nnd.can be easily obtained.
'I nnVr will, however, take up seriatim tho>r
several attacks, and depose of them as they
merit, nnd I hope to do it in a better temper
than has nctuated those who have so wantonly
assailed me. First, in n^der. come the "Editors
of the Messenger, and the Hon. Judge Strong,
ceitainly 1 can have no objection to the edi'o-
r<al comments preceding the extract of a let'er
furnished by Judge Strong. But I must snV.
that the respect there avowed for me by the ed
itors is rather equivocal, taken in connection
with the scurrilous piece against me, ins-rted
bv them in a subs' tpiert part of their paper.
' Now, a* to the extract of a letter—certainlv
that letter is mine. It is to he regretted that
party ma'ice is sometimes suffered to interrupt
.1 1 _ . * «... f tlm n«A«t *o/tr/»n’ rnlolmtto nf
net*. 1 deemed it my duty to take the stump and
address the ci'izens of Georgia, and urge them
to maintain their rights, and their patriot Gov
ernor against Federal misrule ; since then my
humble efforts have been directed to the main
tenance of an indigent family, but if it bpcomes
necessarv. I will agon devote my humble tal
ents to aid. in some small degree, that old pat
riot in pulling down the rule of Federalism in
Georgia, and I know there are enough that will
help us—-Georgia cannot he made a Federal
State. S. T. BAILEY.
MACON, October 5th, 1844.
A FI.T IX THE LOCK.
to the measure, if adopted. Bur how have
all those expectations been fals Bed since?
While Mr. Clay is saying he is not personally
opposed to annexation, all Ids Whig friends at
the North, by the press and their speeches,
say that they never will consent to receive Tex
as with her slavery, and it was in this connec
tion that the extract front Choate’s speech was
delivered hv him. Can they get any ex Judges
or street cotton buyers from the North to certi
fy that this is not true ? Wc shall -ec. Nay,
if the Whig newspapers at the North tell the
truth, Vermont and Massachusetts have re
solved that annexation would be a virtual dis
solution of the Union ; and all this, because it
would strengthen the Southern States. Again,
the Whigs et the North treat Mr. Clay’s aban
donment of the protective policy with contempt,
and say they will hold him to his ancient faith
as to annexation and protection ; in short, they
intend to control him, and not be controlled by
lum.
There is doubtless n misprint in the extract
of the letier given. I cannot believe that 1
used the expression “Calhoun Slaves," for I
rememb'-r well, that I intended to write “Cal
houn party.” It is well known that I disap
prove of the abstraction that by the Coestitu.
tion a State may disregard the laws and re
main in the Union—that this was revolution
and so not sanctioned by the Constitution, but
that each State lias a right to judge for herself
and withdraw from the Union, thereby aban
doning the Constitution if her safety require it.
I think when Mr. Calhoun or his friends threa
ten the North, or argue the question of Shivery
withEngland.be or they net unwisely; the one
cannot be frightened nor the other convinced
so as to change the course of either, hut em
boldens both in their agressions, and gives in-, , , „ , . . „ ,
fluonce an i power to such good Wldgs as John ( ,hfl best ^ of th “ Rp P oW,e
Q. Adams—and this is all I intended to convey
Froof of the Combination between ^h'5*
and Abolitionists.
Ex-Governor Seward, one of the most ac
tive and influential whies, in the state of New
York, in a late letter ad lre«sed to the whig*,
nnd Liberty party, writes as follow* :
" The time ha* come to disabuse fh ft m ,blic
mind of it* prejudices. Our adversaries are
broken up in their central councils 8n ,1 j n , h „; r
caucus cohesion. T ev have committed
themselves bevnnd retreat to the extern"
and fortifica io n of Human Slavery The
have kept the word of promise to the ear and
It is whispered about town, that several of ex ^e ("font foreign
tli- CERTIFIERS in ,h. Me*-.,.r n.„r I
saw the certificate uniil it appeared in that pa- I the United States now take their attitud^* °
is that, one or more of. friends of civil and religious freedom nr
humanity, such an attitude as will command
the hat mony* of the most sacred'relations of
life, and tu^re men to net in a manner that
th**ir cooler judgment would condemn. On
Monday teat, lodge Strong came to mv house.-
nnd in a peremptory tone, demanded if I had a
piece coming out in the Telegraph, T renlied I
had; he replied, well, sir, I shall publish yontg s <
first letter to me, jf it is against the Whigs, IJ f c
replied In substance, that I had nothing to con
ceal, and that he was welcome to publish all
my letter.*, that I should act in that matter, and
in all matters for my*clf, that if he chose, be
could adduce hetter evidence of mV attach,
ment and fidelity lo the Whig party in times
past, than that letter, hut that he well knew
that I had changed my nrind as to the policy
and principles ofthe'two parties—there the mat
ter ended. Subsequently the note calling forth
my reply in the Telegraph. Extra, reached
m-. and now we have the Judge’s threat veri
fied —now, since I am to be victimized ns far
as party rancor can drag me up from nn bumble
private station to the altar, l shall struggle n
little to defend myself, and may hone my ene
mies will find there are blows to take ns well as
blows to give; certainly it is a warfare most
disgusting to me, but when attacked, I shall de
fend myself. Why is that letter paraded a-
gainst me? Only to induce a belief that wha* I
have since stated is untrue—Now the public
would hardly expect that when Judge Strong
furnished that letter for the press, he had in his
possession a letter subsequently written, where
in I expressly declare that I wholly reverse
my previous opinions and give my reason* at
large on two closely written sheets—bad that
letter also been published, it would have p'acrd I
nio in a different light, and the Judge would’
hn ve done me justice. Again, I had learnt when
a hov from Cicero the heinous impropriety of
"making privat-' letters public without the con
sent of the writer, doubtless the old Roman
knew nothing of the rules of honor. In this in
stance, I gave my assent that all my letters
should be published, but that was after an em
phatic declaration from 'he Judge that this one
should be published nolens volcns, without ask
ing my assent.
But what are the facts? the letter from
which the extract is taken was written the n<#^ :
dsv after 1 arrived in Vermont from Gcorgte,
I had seen enough even then, to convince me
of the danger that threatened the South, but I
had not learned then the feelings of the two
rallies toward the South, and I believed th.it
Mr.Clay having shown by hisspeech in the Se
nate that he was sound upon the subject of Sla
very, and by his tetters, that lie was opposed to
a Tariff for protection, that h-s follower, both
North and South, would adopt his policy as
their own, and abide by it. True, be was op
posed to the annexation of Texas, a measure
which I fas all my friends in.Georgia know if
they would speak.) have been from the begin-
ing ardently in favor of. I believed, however
that in that matter he would bo guided by Con-
;<icsk ns lie **« not opposed to Slavery, and
Would rrcorril^lh'* federal f» -ond* a. I he No-fa
per. Another rumor
them has declared that the part embraced in,
(parenthesis), which is the only ohjectionable j * R f e £J PCtan 0°'fidence of th» uprising mnp-
portion of n was not in the original. The j jJjetefon*secure the confidence of th e people
Democracy care no* a fig whether these ru- of America. Once comnel our countrymen
mors are true or false. It is sufficient for them j to admit that the whig party are, as they truly
to know that the extracts below clearly sub- arR -*be party of emancipation and of progress.
stantiate Col. Bailey’s statements, and vo
lumes can be produced to corroborate them if | strike down the
necessary.
in that letter. But if Judge Strong believes
that its publishment will injure me or gratify
my enemies, lie is welcome to all the pleasure
it may afford him. Certain it is. I hope never
to try to take a like revenge upon any one for
whom I profess to have, not love, but the least
respect. But the Moloch of p- rty must he sa-
tia'ed, and I may as well he the victim as ano
ther.
And now as to Mr. Bond, of Lee. All that
was said on the occasion alluded to, I do not re
member; hut I do nm'-mher of holding a
•hoit argument with Mr. Bilbo, wherein I con
tended for the right of Congress to pass a Ta
riff for incidental protection—but that 1 spoke
enthusiastically of the prospects of the Whigs
is not true, for no one ever heard me so speak,
even when l was strongest for the Whigs. It
is easy to account for the error of Mr. Bond,
meeting woli old friends. I did not desire to ob
trude my political ~I» „n them. Dr.
Meals was zealous, and they all appeared im
bued with warm political feelings, and when
they treated me as holding the same opinions
as formerly. I did not feel called on to put them
right, and Bond took the enthusiasm of others
for mine. But it is probable that l expressed
n belief of the success of Mr. Clay and the
Wing party, for I then believed that thev
would succeed, but I could not have expressed
any desire for such success, fv I l»ad before
then so exp'essed myself. Three weeks be
fore then, I had declared on board of a boai
near Rochester, in New York, that I should
vote for neither Clay nor Polk on the occasion
of taking a vote on hoard the boat for President,
and that was my then determination, fori had
seen enough and heard enough, to convince me
that as a citizen of the South 1 ought not ttvaid
the Whig party of the North to acquire power,
as the election of Mr. Clay would certainly
have thtft effect, and yet could not bring my-
elf to the resolution of voting against friends
for whom I had then, and feel now the greatest
respect; moreover, I anticipated and dreaded
the onset of the pack who have been let loose
upon me, for I know tte-re are men in nil par
ties who cannot appreciate the feelings of one
who votes as his conscience dictates—men who
believe if a man has once thought and acted
with them, thai he is a machine hound never to
change lrs opinion or action, and that if he
does he does it corruptly.
Next, come the Obears, and other*, with
tlieir certificate to prove that I am mistaken a-
bout Abolitionism ; I give it up, doubtless they
know more about it than I do, and ten to one
these same gentlemen on their return to the
North, after having made a fortune out of the
Southern people, can be got to give a certifi
cate that Southerners are the clevere*t gulls
thev have met with or read of in Gulliver or
any other author.
Next comes ex-Judge Holt, who flew with
the speed of steam from Saratoga to the Fall*,
and from the Falls to Boston, and then hurried
home, and of course he knows all about the
sentiments of the mass of the Northern people,
no one doubts, the Judge believes all that the
very polite people of Boston told him—they
deny there now that they are Federalists, or ev
er wire, but the Judge proves no error in my
statement.
Next comes n scurrilous piece from a puppy
beneath my notice, the miserable tocl tries to
insinuate that 1 have ceased to practice in Bibh;
doubtless he believes I have, although I am at
every Superior Court in the county; the fact is,
[ have to keep out of the way of this “nice young
man.” I am afraid of him, being a little ner
vous, moreover, he does nearly all the practice,
so that there is no practice tor me. Again, he
has found out what 1 never said nor knew, that
Titus Hutchison is my uncle, or any relative of
mine. I am sorry that edito s who profess to be
my friends, and for whom I have always had a
high regard, should have suffered such a libel
in their paper.
F*-r the present I have done, this warfare
is none of my seeking, hut now it is begun, I
am not the one who will be f iund running or
backing out. I m»de no attack Upon, nor
charge against the Whig party ol" Georgia, nor
any member thereof, but because I saw fit to
express my humble opinion of a certain class
at the North, 1 am lo be trodden under foot and
annihilated by men here in the South ; but
they are mistaken, they are not the whole peo
ple of Georgia, I know the Georgians, ano I
love them, for th- y have hcietofore been my
friends. awd 1 know they will not all forsake me
now. Twenty years ago, when the patriot
’IVmtp * a* smuggling against Federal bayo-
COT.. *1. T. BAtt.KY’8 T.ETTEB.
AVe ask every patriot, every Southern man,
every citizen whether native or adopted, whose
heart heat* in unison with the land of his own
surny cbme. to read and ponder wpII upon the
letter of Col. Bailey. It is the vindi *ation of
an honest man, whose patriotism would honor
Col. Bailey,
for having the manliness and patriotism to love
the State with whose dpstinv his f irtunes for
weal or for wo nre connected better than the
success of a party, has been s'ngled out a* the
next subject for the Whig Guillotine. In cor
roboration of the facts a’leged against the
Whig party of the North in the letters of Cob
Baily, we will not attempt to mislead our fel
low cit'zens of Geargia with pariizan certifi
cates, but will give them proof from the living
record, from the speeches and letters of such
men as Webster, Choate, Seward, Slade,
Adams and Burchard—men who are known
to every school b<>y in the Stale, ns the Conceded
leaders and oracles of Whig principles at the
North: such evidence is worth ten thousand
certificates. People of Georgia, read then for
yourselves, and remember that by the vote you
cast on Monday next, you may in some degree
be the humble instrument of vindicating the
institutions nnd honor of your State from the
foul calumnies ol your wo. or virtu
ally abandon her to an uncertain fate. The
people of the South are upon the brink of a
precipice, and it becomes the m as men and pa
triots to exam ne the ground upon which they
stand.
THE VALUE OF ONE TOTE.
Let no Democr.it fail to vote on Monday
next. The value of one vote is incalculable—
one vote may save the District. Nay, it may
be the very salvation of your country itself.—
Remember that by one vote alone the Decla
ration of Independence was carried. One
vote alone secured the election of Jefferson
• ver the traitor Burr. The one vote of Martin
Van Euren saved tiie South from a deluge, of
incendiary abolition publications which might
have otherwise proved an unceasing tide of
conflagration and death to the people of the
Southern States; one vote may elect COL.
CHAPPELL, and we must do that, in the
language of the brave and gdtenl Sarke, of
revolutionary memory we say “Boys we must
sleep in Bennington lo night, or Molly Starke
a widow.”
TO THE BEinOc'BACT OF THE OI.OBI-
Ol'S TillKD DISTRICT.
The eyes of the people of twenty-six sovere
ign and independent States are upon you.
The hopes and freedom of the South as
well as of a kindred republic a e in a great
measure in your hands., On Monday next
you will have the high privilege of vindi
cating the course of tlte noble Chappell-
tlie unbound Promethius of the South;
will you show yourselves equal to the great
trust committed to your care; will you
show that the spirits of the fathers still ani
mates the bosoms of their children, and that the
fearless and noble spirit of the Georgian yet
lives to sustain and vindicate the man whose
only crime is that he loves his State and the in
stitutions of her people, too well ever to sacri
fice them upon the altar of party. Under
such circumstances the election of Col. Ch»p-
ceil will be no barren triumph. The glory of
the District w.ll be the common property of
all its citiz> ns, and they may proudly challenge
ns they will receive from their democratic
br< thren of the Union, the “Star of the
Legion of IIonoH.”
When such Whigs ns Col. Ba'ley withdraw
from their former political associations on ac
count of what his own observafon nnd experi
ence have tnught him to be the settled pf tlci-
ples of the Northern wing iff the Whig party, to
wit: the most relenfl* *>• hostility to the South,
and her peculiar institution*. Most men who
know Col. B. miist be sat sfir <1 that “there is
something rotten in the state of Denmark.”
and we shall no longer ha ve to complain of
anv portion of our f.'llow-citizen* that they
strike down the arm which uphold* Republican
institutions and controls them for the public
welfare,”
I am dear sir very respect full y, vour oh’nt
servant, WM. H. SEWARD
It will be seen from this, that Gov. Seward,
in charging his opponents, (the democratic par
ty) with having eommited themselves beyond
retreat to the extension and fortification of
sla.tery—makes no exceptions in f.ivorof that
party, either at the north or south, but includes
both alike in his charge, Is not Gov. Seward
good authority, or can it be possible if any por
tion of the democratic party at the north are in
any way connected with the abolitionists, if
should have escaped him. Gov. Seward’s
means nnd opportun'ries for informing himself
correctly on the subject, are far better than
those who are attempting to conceal from the
people of the south, the true state of parties at
the north.
The following extracts from a letter, addres
sed by CHARLES BURCHARD. one of the
most influep'ial and talented abolitionists of
we*tem New York, to the Hamilton New York
Millboy, on the 2d of July last- will show
whnt light Mr. Clay’s present position is re
garded by the abolitionists there, of whom
this Burchard is chief:
tt?*’ “Having after mnture reflection, ar
rived at the conclusion that it is mv rl..iir «„
cast mv vote for Henry Ctev at th** next pre-
• tv.- nun, i ueem it due to tbs friends
with whom I have acted in the Liberty party,
and who have been pleased to honor me with
a public mark of tlieir confidence, frankly to
.state the reasons which have brought me to
this conclusion. It is necessary to premise that
the contest lies wholy between Mr. Clav and
Mr. Polk. Noi>e are so sanguine as to expect
that Mr.Bimey will carry a single siat-, or
even that he can concentrate the present
strei gth of the Lib-rty p^orty Henry Clay or
James K. Polk will be next president of these
United State*. This is morally cenain. What
then is the great issue to bederided by the con-
test ? To my mind it is clearly and indubita
bly this : Whether Texas ax she is, with' her
slavery and her debts, is to be immediately an.
nexed to this Union or not ! In other words,
whether slavery in this country is to be placed,
humanly speaking, hopelessly beyond the
reach of anti slavery efforts, and forever or in
definitely perpetuated, or to be left ns it is, ex.
posed to the opposing influences whieh are now
so actively and powerfully at work in hasten
ing its overthrow. I say this, to my mind is
the great issue."
* • * • •
“Whatever faults belongs to Henry CUy,
open hearted honesty has not been denied him
by bis bitterest enemies, who knew him or had
any honesty themselves. I do not therefore
have any feurs ol Mr. Clay on the Texas ques
tion. The noble sentiments of his letter will
govern him in this matter, and that vil'anous
scheme of the advocates of perp'-ttrif slavery,
and swindling speculutiorsand and script own
ers, to hang around the neck of this nation, the
sinvcholdiug, insolvent, Botany Bay of rhe A-
mericati Continent, erm find no favor while he
stands at the helm of this government. Here,
then, l repeat is the issue before the American
people i Polk, Texas, War, nnd pc, pe/ual sla
very or Henry Clay, no Texas, no War, and
slavery (at the worst) left as it is.
# * * m •
‘•If one succeeds, we are to have a slavehold-
ing nation whose inhabitants rebelled from
their rightful governmeat. and conquered a free
country, and cursed its virgin soil by planting
upon it the foulest system of oppression on
which the sun ever st'Oiie, yoked wrthe car of
Out destiny ; by which act we shall plunge in
to a bloody war, saddled with a debt df un
counted millions—the organic tew of ourgfori
ous constitution destroyed—the political rHa-
tiotiS between the nr>rfb and souih changed—
the ddrW'in 6f slavery placed upon a throne
'high &> lifted up,’ win re he can laugh to scorn
our puny efforts to d-throne him,; and our
country made a hissing arid By-word throughout
the civilised world. And afl fhls to please (he
unblushing advocates of perpetual slavery,- itnd
a set of unprincipled and selfish speculators in
Texas land scrip'. The notio'tt of the South
ern annex itioniits is open and avowed. It is
to extend and swet/rfc the ‘peculiar institution.’
The correspondence connected with the tele
Treaty negotiations views this b»'yo-id contra
diction! This vittb of the question cannot be
blinded.
If the o’her succeeds, then all the evils we
have enumerated will be averted. We shall
h"ve no Texas, no war, no change in the con
stitution, no national disgrace, and the peculi
ar inst tution in our country left as it la, to
( The War horse of Troup ; and with Troup.)
Here is shoit work for you. Here’s the
way Col. Alford, doffs whiggery.
Hamilton, Sept. 11, 1844;
Ctntlenuni—1 hate this moment rekd old ,
Troup’s letter. Set me dowu for Palk, Dallas stand or fall upon the territory it has already
and Ha r ralsotr. attd I am with yotf as long as cursed and withered and exhausted of life, sub.
you fight against Clay, Advms and Slade. I ject to the influences which are now success.
Yours, Ac. JULIUS C. ALFORD. fuHy assailing it. What hater •( fl^yerv
what lover of hi* cotlntrv ran hesitate as lo
course of duty in this crisis ?
Thus I have imperfectly set forth my. views
of personal duty in the approaching canvass.
I felt it due to friend* with whom l hive politi
cally acted for some time past to be thu* frank,
that they might understand and appreciate my
motives 1 wi*h to act openly and honestly in
’•II that I do, and refrain from every thing which
I should f-el ashamed to be proclaimed from
the house-tops. A great and fearful crisis, in
my opinion, presses upon this na*ton. I wi*h
so to discharge my duty in reference to it as i
to preserve a conscience Void of offence to
wards God and man.*’
CHARLES BURCHARD,
Again, one of the great hich priests of
Whiggery and Abolitionism in Vermont, Wm.
Slade, late Whig candidate and Governor •-
lect, nf that State, speaking of whnt he char
acterises as a new and fearfully important
question to wit: the annexation of Texas, held
the following language.
”1 need not say that the success of our
opponents in this Presidential election would
be the success of this measure. Their candi
date has been selected for the very purpose of
carrying it. He is committed to it irrevoca
bly. And where is Henrt Clay?—opposed
to it; A ND OPPOSED FOR REASONS
OF PERPETTAL FORCE. THE ACT
OF TAKING A STAND IN OPPOSITION
TO THIS MEASURE. HAS GIVEN HIM
A NEW CLAIM TO THE C< ‘NFIDF.NCE
OF THE NATION. HE HAS IN EF
FECT 8MD—LET US STRENGTHEN
AND CONSOLIDATE OUR PRESENT
UNION. RATHER THAN HAZARD ITS
EXISTENCE IN AN ATTEMPT TO EX
TEND AND PERPETUATE SLAVERY
MR. CLAY DOES NOT WISH TO PER.
PETUATE SLAVERY. He hn s no sym
pathy with the absurd and monstrous sentiment,
that its perpetuity is essential to the perpetui
ty of republican institutions; and whatever
may be his view# in regard to immediate e-
mancipation, he stands, in reference to the
great issue on which the question of Slavery is
now turning, on the side of freedom and of
his country.
“The Whig party occupy, at th : s moment, a
position of unparalleled interest. Beside their
advocacy of the measures to which they have
long been committed, they constitute to all
present, practical purposes, the true “Liberty
party;” because, with the'r great leader, they
are coming to the rescue of the Union by re
sisting the consummation of a scheme, whose
avowed object is to augment the power of Sla-
verd, and fasten its rule irrevocably on the
country. I respect the motives, and concur in
the main with the ultimate aim of my friends
of live “Liberty party,” 1,ot>x— -.,
imni urg-ntfiDMuii martequaie, and inappropri
ate, to the end proposed ; but I should uo vi
olence to my own feelings, and disregard the
dictates of ttty most d -liberate judgment, if I
were to withhold my support front the Whig
party—since it is not only pledged fa the poli
cy of Protection—to the lienificent measures
connected with the disposition of the Public
Domain, and to the effecting of reforms loud-
ly demanded by a suffering and misgoverned
country, but stands at this moment as the only
effectual harrier against the speedy consumma
tion of the dangerous and suicidal scheme of
Annexation for the purpose of peipetuating
Slavery.
I tender my salutat'ons to my fellow citi
zens. who may be assembled at your meeting,
while I remain,
Yery respectfully, vour ob’t. serv’t.
WILLIAM SLADE.”
Webster’s speech »Vmut twelve days ago
on Boston common, is “proof as strong as ho
ly writ,” that the Whig party in ihe New Eng
land States as well as a large majority of that
party in the adjoining free States, are “hand
and glove” with the abolitionists. We sub
join some extracts from the speoch in question,
and leive it to the plain common sense of eve
ry man in the country to say what is the issue
here presnted.
“Then, on tire other hand, there is Henry
Clay. Hi* opinion on this subject of Annexa
tion has been repeatedly expressed. And,
gentlemen, allow me to say here, in this con
nection, that 1 know of no m. n who has taken
the ground of opposition to this project earlier
than myself. It did happen to me some seven
vears ago, in h speech made at a meeting in-the
city of New York* to state my views on this
matter; and those views have not been chang
ed. I spoke them then, not bring, and nev
er being afraid of committal, on what 1 thought
valid grounds. Those grounds are no lesi val
id now than they were then. 1 have no new
sentiment upon the question. And I, lor on6,
say that—under the present circumstances of
the case -I shall hearaly give my vate to Mr.
Cla^. Among othe^ tlii | >g£, because he is
pledged against the Amrexwtiotf of TexaS.-^=
With tin opinion's he has expressed in his
speeches attl letters, there c*u be no contro
versy on the point. These opinions tfre my
opinions. HE HOLDS AND I HOLD
DISTINCTLY THAT ANNEXATION
MUST AND DOES TEND TO THE EX
TENSION. PROMULGATION & PER
PETUATION OF SLAVERY. If there be
any here, any elsewhete, who thinks that An
nexation can advance the freedom of any one
— 1 cate ticrt of whnt color, for 1 would regard
tho*e of all colors—from that roan 1 must dif
fer. With me Annexation must be opposed,
firmly, readily and steadily.
But the strongest and plainest exposition of
Mr. Clay’s views on the question of slavery, is
given in the following extract from the same
speech:
“Mr. Clny is against annexation, except it
can be effected with the common consent of the
Infle country. He has said that he regards
the Union as M grand copartnership, into which
no new member can be admiuea ogoto*; the
will of any one of the general copartners. And
he holds himself bound to oppose annexation,
without that general consent. Here i ; « bis
Ple'l^e, and I stand upon it. I bal\etfe fa his
honor and principle* (A vci$f fa thy
here exclaimed, “WE Wlt.1 TiKf tstoi
AT MIS WORD.") M?wL T * K * “ ?
WE WILL TAKE HIM AT ms WOKD,
AND HE DARE NOT FORFEIT IT.? ^
Now it is distinctly stated fa the abdve ettiact.
that the Northern wing of (he great Whig 'array
intend to hold Mr, Clay to his pledge fa rela*
tion to Texas, or in other words, it is here
plainly declared, (hat if Mr. Clay is elected, the
Government and legislation of thwcotinfry meat
lend to the views of the WEBSTER, the AD
AMS, the SLADES; and the SE.WARDS,
What can the people of the slave holding
States expect from such Councils. < -
But as a crowning argument to this black
catalogue, we give nr. extract from Prentice’s
life of Clay. This Biography of Mr. Clay has
never been disavowed either by hitbtelf at hb
friends. Mr. Prentice, the author of it* is now
as he always has been, one of the most cote,,
asd rampant Whigs in the South West... ”<.ho
neighbor, confident, and intimate friend of Mr.
Clay, and doubtless as well acquainted with ins
sentiments on this and. every other subjeci, as
any man in the Union—at any rate; it is Wfag
authority, and cannot be gainsaid as a Demo
cratic fabrication. Here it is, read it fur your*
selves;
“The commencement of Mr. Clay’s pofiite
c»l career may be dated as far hack a* theyear
1797—a period at which he had scarcely begun
the practic ■ of law. The people of Kentucky
were then about to elect a Convention Id frame
a new Const itution for the State; and one Tea*
ture of the plan which had been submitted to
them, was a provision for the final emanripat "«c
of the stdve population. The strongest' prsjtti
dices of a majority of the people in every port
of the State, w ere arrayed against this metterr,
and Mr. CLAY wasnware of the fact, but hfc
SENTIMENTS and his feelings were"on the
ride of EMANCIPATION ; and without tak
ing a moments heed to his popularity."he'enfer.:
e<? into ihe defence of hi* FAVORITE t?Qts*
TCY, with all the deep and Unquestionable .ar
dor of his nature. His vigorous pen'was btfsy
in the public journals, and his eloquent vd : ce
w*8 raised in almost every assemblage, in favor
of the election of men to the Convention, who
would contend for the ERADICATION. OF
SLAVERY. Let it not be supposed, that the
principles which lie essayed to vindicate, were
the same that were avowed by certain ill-judg
ing philanthropists of the present day, ' He dni
not propose to break suddenly down the Kariisf*
of the foarfuf lake, and let the da^k and thun
dering torrent sweep over the country like the
tide of death—but to open an outlet through
which the waters m’ght pass off in silence attjA
saf®«y T" 1 *.. -imaele was a fierce one, but th»
advocates of stevery prevailed, and the young
champion of liberty and equal rights, who mode
aristocrats of the tend tremble for their ancient
prerogative, became unpopular on account of
the part he had acted. The trua principles of
slavery Were not then tfhdertrfffOd. The idea if
emancipation was new. If alarmed the preju
dices of the multitude, and Mr. Clay’s power
ful vindication* of it wer© regarded hy maay c
as the brilliant but wayward efforts of a yMing
votefy of ambition striving to attract attention
hv the startling and paradoxical character of ilia
opinion*, than as the results of a calm and d<*>
fi 1-erafe chWvicf’on of richt. This wss unquew-
tionab'v a mistake. His SINCERITY IN
opposing Negro servitude wsi
manifest from every act of his life—from hN
professional no less than hid politftat exertion#.'
Whenever a slave brought an action of law for
h : s liberty, Mr. CLAY volunteered aa his sd>
vneate ; and it is said, that in the whole
of hi* practice, he never failed to obtain a de
cision in the slaves favor. A passion for the
liberty of mankind seems to have, at that early
period, been a portion of his being, and he has
never changed s’nce. He has been the "slaves
friend through life. In all stations ho has
pleaded AFRICAN FREEDOM, without fear
from high nr low. To HIM, MORE than any
other individual, is to be ascribed (hat GREAT
REVOLUTION which has taken place in tbs'
ptfbfie sentiment upon this subject—* tovohr-
tion, whose wheels must continue iff tsote in
ward. till they teach" the (faafl of tJNfVERSAfa.
FREEDOM. A conviction of the expediency ’
nrtrf necessity of EMANCIPATION, httbeo)
spreading further and further among our coun
trymen, and taking deeper and deepet* root iff ,
their minds, and it requires not the spirit (if
prophecy to foretpll the END. This rapid >
and continued triumph of the PRINCIPLES, A
of which it was the object of Mr. CLAY’S first j
political labors to establish, may well be a 1
source of pride to him, and honest exultation tw '
hfs friends /*
The following is a frCsb fattef from Mft
Clay. It is, if possible/ more explicit in re
gard to tke Tariff, than his former tetter On'
the same subject.
Ashland, 9tli September, 1844.
“Gentlemen—I this day received your let-
tef, addressing two inquiries to me—Msi, Are
you in favor of the Tariff Act of 1842'—and
•2d, Would you, if elected, support the Act
as it is, without modification, or would you bo
in favor of modifying it V
“I have so of en.- gcntfcmtfa/ expressed toy
opinion in favot of the Tariff of '42, that thd
only regret I feel is, that you should deem it
at all necessary to request any renewed
pression of if. Nevertheless, I take pleasure
in complying with your request, in saying that
I am of opinion thnt the operation of tho tariff
of ’42 has been eminently salutary; that J aM
decidedly apposed to its repeal; that I #h*sti
regard its repeal ca a great oat ions! Cafatoit
and that I am unaware tf the netitsity of amp
modification in it. I am therefore opposed
alike to its repeal or modification. A fixed and
stable policy is what the eouatry new asoei
needu, and I sincerely hepe that the Tariff ok'
1842 may be maintained, and thus tfierd a #e\
curity for that desideratum.
1 am revpefafcHj*
Yo«r oVsdvept«erv4nW„
ClAlv
Messrs. MrHer, Lyaph, Dp**W*00v Moore,,
S* Here, Blyle* Sfaydfr, Peffvr, and