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I that the i-Tno
at all. In all
l wo classes, or the
me.l to he necessari-
I uv, i xpressly ezclufled
ii in the management of
Republican Government
Universal sufirago, tlinutjh
public dutios than the rich;
rant are whollv until fu'r 11
r * .
countries save nuts th
poor rather, who arc pre
ly ignorant, are, b
from all particijviti
public affairs. In ;
tb s c mnot be done,
not essential in tlieorj*, seems to be in fact a
naecssnry appenu igo to a Republican system.
Where universal suffrago obtains it is obvious
that the Government is in the hands of a nu
merical majority; and it is hardly necessary to
say that in every part of the world more than
half the people are ignorant and poor. Though
n > one can look upon povc:ty as a crime, and
we do not generally here regard it as any ohjee-,
lion to a man in his individual capacity, still it
must be admitlo 1 that it is a wretched and in
secure government which is administered by
its most ignorant citizens, anil those who have
the least at stake under it. Though intelligence
nnd wealth have great influence here ns every
where in keeping in check reckless and unen
lightened numbers, yet it is evident to closo ob
servers, if not to all, that these are rapidly
usurping all power in the non-slavchoiding
States and threaten a fearful crisis in Repub
lican Institutions there at no remote period.—
In the slave-holding States, however, nearly
one half of the whole population, and those the
poorest and most ignorant, have no political in
fluence whatever, because they aro slaves. Of
the other half a large proportion are both cdu.
cated and independent in their circumstances,
while those who unfortunately are not so, being
still elevated far above the mass, are liigehr to
ned and more deeply interested in preserving a
stab'c and well ordered Government, than the
same class in any other country. Hence, sla
very is truly the “cornerstone” and foundation
of every well designed and durable “Republican
edifice.”
With us every citizen is concerned in' the
maintenance of order, and in promoting hon
esty and industry among those of the lowest
class who are our slaves; and our habitual vigi
lance renders standing armies, whether of sol
diers or Policemen, entirely unnecessary.—
Small guaids in our cities, and occasional pat
rol? in the country, ensure us a repose and se
curity known no where else. You cannot ho
ignorant that, excepting the United States,
there is no country in the world whose existing
Government would not bo overturned in a
month, but for its standing armies, maintained
at r.n enormous and destructive cost to those
whom they are destined to overawe—so ram.
pant nnd combative is the spirit of discontent
wherever nominal Free labor prevails, with its.
ostensivo privileges and its dismal servitude.—
Nor will it be long befono the “ Free States”
of the Union be compelled to . introduce the
same expensive, machinery to preserve order
among their “free and equal” citizens. Alrea
dy has Philadelphia organized a permanent
Battalion for this purpose; New Ytfirk, Boston
nnd Cincinnati will soon follow her example;
nnd then the smaller towns and densely popu
lated counties. The intervention of their mili
tia to repress violations of the ponce is becom
ing a daily affair. A strong Government, afeer
some of the old fashions—though probably with
a new name—sustained by the force of armed
mercenaries, is the ultimate destiny of the non-
slavehohling section of the confederacy, and
ono which may rot be very distant.
It is a great mistake to suppose, as is gene
rally done abroad, that in rase of war slavery
would be a source of weakness. It did not
weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor Sparta, though
their slaves were comparatively far more nu
merous than ours, of the samo color for the
most part with themselves, and large numbers
of them familiar with the use of arms. 1 have
no apprehension that our slaves would seize
such an opportunity to revolt. The present
generation ofthem, born among us, would nev-
or think of such a thing at any time, unless in
stigated to it by others. Against such instiga
tions we arc on our guard. In time of war we
should be more watchful and belter prepared
to put down insurrections than nt any other pe
riods. Should any foreign nation bcs4 lost to
every sentiment of civilized humanity ns to at
tempt to erect among us the standard of revolt,
or to invade us with Black Troops for tho base
and barbarous purpose of stirring up servile
war, their efforts would be signally rebuked.—
O ur slaves could not be easily seduced, nor
would any thing delight them more than to as-
sist in stripping Cuffee of his rcsimenlals to put
him in the Cotton field, which would be'the
fate of most black invaders, without a very pro
lix foi m of “apprenticeship.” If, as I am satis
fied would be the case, our slaves remained
peacefully on our plantations, and cultivated
them in time of war under the snperintendance
of a limited number of our citizens, it is obvi
ous that we could put forth more stiength in
such an emergency, at less sacrifices, than any
other people of the same numbers. And thus
ive should in every point of view, “out of this
nettle danger, pluck tho flower safety!”
How far slavery may be en advantage or
disadvantage to those not owning slaves, yet
united with us in political association, is a
quostion for ilicir solo co: sidcration. It is
true that our representation in Congress is in
creased by it; but so arc our taxes; and the
non'sluvo holding Slates, being the majority,
divide among themselves far the greater por
tion of the amount levied by tbe Federal Gov-
crnmonl, and I doubt iot that when it comes
to a close calculation, they will not be slow in
finding out that the balance of profit arising
from tho connection is vastly in theirfavor.
In a social point of view, tho abolitionists
pronounce slavery to he a monstrous evil. If
it was so, it would he our own peculiar con
cern, and superfluous benevolence in them to
lament over it. Seeing their bitter hostility to
us, however, they might leave us to enpe with
our own calamities, but they make war upon
us out of excess of chanty, and attempt to pu
rify us by covering us with calumny. You
have read and assisted to circulate a gn at deal
about affrays, tlucls and murders occurring
here, nnd all attributed to the terrible demoral
ization of slavery. Not a single event of this
sort takes place among us, but u ;s caught up
by the abolitionists and paraded over the world
with endless comments, variations and exagge
rations. You should not take what reaches
you us u mere s imple, and infer that there is
ti v ist deal more that you never hear. 1 ou
heat all, and more than all, the truth.
nt of honor is recogni-
s'ave region, and tint dis*
-es are freq net illy referred
“trial by combat.” It
: for mo to enter, in
of tbe practice of du.
at length ihnt it does not
fa (
It is true that tlie
zc I throughout th
putes of certain cbisse
lor adjustment to the
would nut be approprint
this letter, into a defence
oiling, nor to maintain
tarnish die character
edge n standard of linnt
may arise from them, however, tli
attributed to slavery, sin
lu.ll
custom piev; ils both in franco a
Few of your Prime Monsters, ol
century even, have 1 " u
beliew. The ultra'
>te io aciiuowl-"
Whatever evils
cannot be
the same notion and
Vance and llngland.
the last half
contagion, 1
it' which si much is
said, and in which rift. s, bowie knives and pis
tols are so prominent', occur mostly in the fron
tier States of the South West. They are nat-
Vallv incidental to th-J condition of society as
ex sls in manv sections of these recently settled
countries, and will as naturally cease in duo
time. Adventurers from the older States and
from Europe, as desperate in character as they
are in fortune, congregate in these wild regions,
jostling one another, and often forcing tho
peaceable and hoaest into rencnntrc3 in self
defence. Slavery has nothing to do with these
things. Stability and peace are tho first de
sires of every slave holder, and the true ten
dency of the system. It could not possibly ex
ist amid the eternal ana r chy and civil broils of
tho ancient Spanish dominions in America, and’
for liiis very reason domestic slavery has cea
sed there. So far from encouraging strife, sucii
scenes of riot and bloodshed as have within the
last few years disgraced our Northern cities,
and ns you have lately witnessed in Birming
ham. and Bristol, and Wales, not only never has
occurred, but 1 will venture to say never will
occur in our slave holding States. The only
thing that can create a mob (as you might call
it) here, is the appearance of an abolitionist,
whom the people assemble to chastise, and this
is no more of a mob than a rally of shepherds to
chase"a wolf out of their pastures would be one.
But wo are swindlers and reaudiators!—
Pennsylvania is not a slave State. A majority
of tho States which have failed to meet their
obligations punctually arc non slave holding;
and two third* of the debts said to Ixj repudia
ted is owed by these States. Many of the
States of this Union are heavily encumbered
with debt—none so hopelessly as England.—
Pennsylvania owes $222, for each inhabitant—
England $222, counting her paupers in.
Nor has there been any repudiation defi
nite and final, c>f a lawful debt, that I am aware
of. A few States have failed to pay some in
stalments of interest. The extraordinary finan
cial difficulties which occurred a few years ago
account for b. Timo will set all things right
again. Every dollar of both principal and in
terest awed by any State, North or South, will
bo ultimately paid, unless the abolition of sla
very overwhelms us all in one common ruin.—
But have no other nations failed to pny ?—
When were the French Assignats redeemed ?
How much interest did your National Bank pay
on its immense circulation, from 1797 to 182i,
during which period that circulation was in
convertible, and for the time repudiated ! IIow
much of your National Debt has been incurred
for money borrowed tp meet the interest on it,
thus avoiding delinquency in detail, by insuring
inevitable bankruptcy ani repudiation in tho
end ? And what sort of operation was that by
which your present Ministry recently expunged
a handsome amount of that debt by substitu
ting, through a process just not compulsory,
ono species of security for another] I am
well aware the faults of others do not excuse
our own, buW when failings are chargeable to
slavery, which are shown to occur to equal ex
tent where it does not exist, surely slavery
must be acquitted of the accusation.
It is roundly asserted that we aro not so well
educated nor so religions here as elsewhere.—
I will not go into tedious statistical statements
on these subjects. Nor have T, to tell tho
truth, much confidence in the details of what
arc commonly set forth as statistics. As to ed
ucation, you will probably admit that slavehol
ders should have more leisure for mental cul
ture than most people. And I believe it is
charged against them that they are peculiarly
fond of power, and ambitious honors. If this
be so, as all the powers and honors of this
country arc won mainly by intellectual superi
ority, it might be fairly presumed that slave
holders would not be neglectful of education.—
In proof of the accuracy of this presumption I
point you to the facts, that our Presidential
chair has been occupied for forty four out of
fifty six year3 by slave holders; that another
has been recently elected to fill it for four more,
over an opponent who was a slaveholder also;
and then in tho Federal Offices and both Hou
ses of Congress considerably mure than a due
proportion of those acknowledged to stand in
tbe first rank are from the South. In this are
na tho intellects of the free and Slave States
meet in full pud fair competition. Nature must
have been unusually bountiful to us, or we have
been at least reasonably assiduous in the culti
vation of such gifts as she has bestowed—un
less indeed you refer our superiority to moral
qualities, which I am sure you will not. More
wealthy wo are not; nor would mere wealth
avail in such rivalry.
The piety of the South is unobtrusive. We
think it proves but little, though it is a cot fident
thing for a man to claim that he stands higher
in tlie estimation of bis Creator, and is less a
sinner than his neighbor. If vociferation is to
carry the question of Religion, the North and
probably the Scotch have it. Our sects arc
iew, harmonious, pretty much united among
themselves, and pursue their vocations in hum-
ble peace. In fact, our professors of Religion
seem to think—whether correctly or not—that
it is their duty “to do good in secret” and to
carry their holy comforts to the heart of each
individual, without reference to class or color,
for Iiis special enjoyment, and not with a view
to exhibit their zeal before the world. So far
as numbers are concerned, I believe our cler
gymen, when called on to make a showing,
have never had occasion to blush, if comparisons
were drawn between the free and slave States.
And although our presses do not tecin with con
troversial pamphlets, nor our pulpits shake with
excommunicating thunders, tho daily walk of
our velgious communicants furnishes apparently
as linlo food for gossip as is to be found in mest
other religions. It may be regarded ns a mark
of our want of excitability—though that is a
quality accredited to us in nn eminent degree—
that few of the remarkable religious Isms of
the present flay have taken root jtmong us.—
We have been so irreverent ns to laugh at Mor-
monism and Millerism, which have created
such commotions farther North ; and Modern
Prophets have no honor in our country. Sha
kers, Rnppists, Dunkor», Socialists, Fourrier-
ists and the like keep themselves afur off.—
Even Puseyism has nut yet moved us. You
may attribute this to our Domestic Slavery if
you chose. I believe you would do so justly.
There is no material here for such characters
to operate upon.
But your grand charge is that licentiousness
in intercourse between tlic-swes is a prominent
tra.’t of our social system, and that it necessarily
arises from slavery. This is a favorite theme
with the Abolitionists, male and female- Fo
lios have beau written o»*it. It is a common
observation, that there is no subject on which
she would write-a book lias furnished her im-
erials—a game too often played on Lourists in
this country. The constant recurrence of the
female Abolitionists to this topic, and their bit-,
terness in regard to it cannot fa 1 to suggest to
even the most charitable mind, that
*• Such rage without betrays tbe fires within.”
Nor arc their immaculate coadjutors of the oth
er sex, though perhaps less specific in their
charges, less violent, in their denunciations.—
CORRESPONDENCE HE! WHEN MR. M. A.LLIS-
TER AND MR. HABERSHAM.
Holies , ol infra
District
iSu V£t l
To tbe Hon. Bim Clay,
Attorney's Office, )
hii.'i, ftSlh Feb., 1:27. J
f State of tbe United States.
Sin—On the 02d instant 1 received from tbe Honorable
the Secretary of War, a communication under date of tbe
noth January, ultimo, instructing mo tb procure and place
in tbe bauds of the Marshal of this district, a warrant for the
arrest of certain persons charged with being engaged in
surveying the lands of the Creek Indians, contrary to the
laws of tiie United Statcsnnd the Treaty of Washington.—
But recently in yonr Islam), a clergymen hns, j
at a public meeting, sligm,)! zed the whole slave
region as a “Brothel.” Do these people thus
cast stones being “without sin”? Or do they
only
*• Compound for sins they are inclined to.
By damning those they have no mind to."
Alas that David and Solomon should ho allow
ed to repose in peace—that Leo should be al
most canonized, and Luther more than sainted
—that in our own day courtezans should be
formally licensed in Paris; and tenements in
London rented for years to women of the town
for the benefit of the Church with the know
ledge of the Bishop—and the poor slave states
of America alone pounced upon nnd offered
up as a holocaust on the Altar of Immaculntn-
nes3 to atone for the abuse of natural instinct
by all mankind; and if not actually consumed,
at least exposed, anathematized and held up to
scorn, by those who
“ write.
Or with a Rival's or an Eunucb’s spite.”
But I do not intend to admit that this charge
is just or true. Without meaning to profess
uncommon modesty, I will say that I wislj the
topic could be avoided. I am of opinion, and
I doubt not every light-nnnded man willicon-
cur, tlm the public exposure and discussion of
this vice, even to rebuke, invariably does more
harm than good; and that if it cannot he check
ed by instilling pure alid virtuous sentiments, it
is far worse than useless to attempt to doit, by
exhibiting its deformities. I may not,‘howev
er, pass it over; nor ought I to Lei any delicacy
in examining a question to which the Slave
holder is invited and challenged by Clergymen
and Virgins. So fur from allowing, them, that
licentiousness pervades] this region, I broadly
assert, and I refer to the records of our Courts,
to the public press, nnd to tho knowledge of all
who have ever lived here, that among our white
population, there are fewer cases of divorce,
separation, crim con, seduction, rape and bas-
tardy, than among any other five millions of
people on the civilized earth. And this fset I
believe, will be conceded by the Abolitionists
of tliis country themselves. I am almost willing
to refer it to them and submit to their decision
on it. I would not hesitate to do so if I thought
them capable of an impartial judgment on any
matter where Slavery is in question. But it is
said that the licentiousness consists in the con
stant intercourse between white males and col
ored females. One of your heavy charges
against us has been that we regard and treat
these people as brutes; you now charge us with
habitually taking them to our bosoms. I will
not coinmeut on the inconsistency of these ac
cusations. I will not deny that so nc inter
course of the sort docs take place. Its charac
ter and extent, however, aro grossly and atro
ciously exaggerated. No authority, divine or
human, has yet been found sufficient to arrest
all such irregularities among men. But it is a
known fact, that they are perpetrated here, for
the most part in the cities. Very few mu-
Iattoes are reared on our plantations. In the
cities, a large proportion of the inhabitants do
notown slaves. A stiil larger proportion are
natives of the North, or foreigners. They
should share, and justly, too, an equal part in
this sin with the. Slave-holders. Fact3 can-
not be ascertained or 1 doubt not it would ap
pear that they nre the chief offenders. If the
truth be otherwise, then persons from abroad
have stronger prejudices against tho African
race than we have.—Be this as it may, it is
well known that this intercourse is regarded in
our society as highly disreputable. If car
ried on habitually it seriously affects a man’s
standing, so far as it is known; and he who
takes a colored mistress—with rare and extra
ordinary exceptions—loses cast at once. Yt u
will say that one exception- should damn our
whole country. How much less criminal is it
to take a white mistress ! In your eyes it
should be at least an equal offence. Yet look
around you at home, from the cottage to the
throne, and count how many mistresses are
kept in unblushing notoriety, without any los9
of caste- Such cases aro almost unknown
hero, and down even to the lowest wa'ks of
life it is almost invariably fatal to a man’s po
sition and prospects to keep a mistress openly
whether white or black. What Miss Marti-
noau relates of a young man’s purchasing a
colored concubine from a lady and avowing
his designs, is too absurd even for contradic
tion. No person would dare to allude to
such a subject in snch a mauner in this coun
try. If lie did, he would he lynched—doubt
less with your approbation.
(to be continued.]
>f eminent virtue
anil no which in ■
ladies
dwell,
maids,
insatiut
States with llie
endless herntion.
much delight to
cial learned old
Miss Marlinoau linger with such nn
relish.' They ex-pose it in the Slave
>-t minute observance trail
Miss Miirtineau, with pecu
liar gust relates a serier of scandalous stories
which would have made Boccaccio jcalousofner
pea, hut which arrf so ridiculously false ns to
leave uo doubt that some wicked wotr, knowing
SAVANNA H, Juno 24, 1815.-
ilm AIozo and the Treasure found by him on
the banks of the Altamaha.
Dear Sir—It is not probably kutfwn to nin
ny of our citizens, that a regular trade was car
ried on in England with the Spanish Provinces
in America, nnd elsewhere, by the Birming
ham manufacturers of spurious Spanish del
lars, from ihe year 1790 to 1800, and perhaps
to a later period. This base coin was made
and sold in Birmingham, as they sold any other
hardware—giving to the metal tho appearance
and stamp of Spanish dollars—and wore bar
tered nwuy at the rate of about five shillings to
the pound sterling."
These manufacturers made with impunity
this base foreign coin in great quantities, but
would have been hung, every man of them, if
they had tried their skill on an English sixpence
The merchants of that period, settled in Sa
vannah, were urged to take large sums of it,
and I was informed recently, by a gentleman
of great observation and knowledge, who was
in England about the year 1799, and spent
some time there, that to the honor of these mer
chants the offer was indignantly declined, mid
in justice to Capt. Swarbrack, I mention his
name, as he was particularized; yet doubtless
ly much of this Birmingham money found its
way into Georgia and the Floridas, and tho
large amount said to have been got by Mr. aIo-
zo (who is a very honest and clever man,) was
without doubt taken by speculators to die
place where it was found, lor the purpose ol
trading it ow'ay to the Indian?, lor skins and
other products of die wilderness country, and
for security, was buried where it was discover
ed by Mazo, and such sums only disinterred as
might be wanted for trade. I understood that
the data of these dollars was 1795. They may
be worth something to Mr. Mozo, at least, I
should suppose, to the amount of the silver they
may contain. It is probable they were secre
ted by persons who were either destroyed by
the Indians, or wore obliged suddenly to vacate
the trading establishment.
i ours truly,
w, j. mcintosh.
John Crowell, Agent of the Indian*, requesting him, ns soon
as rnighr be practicable, to send to this place, such wit
nesses as me necessary, and could be procured, for the
purpose of establishing before the District Judge the facts,
on which to foand a warrant of arrest, and delivered the
same to Lieutetuyil Vinton,who left thiscity yesterday for the
Greek Agency. On the same day I communicated to the
Honorable the Secretary of War, a copy of the letter, and
stated, that as soon as .the warrant could he obtained, I
woald deliver to the Marshal such instructions as would be
necessary for bis guidance. Thus much I have felt it my
duty to do, in compliance with the order above referred to
because I did not think myself atflibeMy, by a resignation o
my commission, to create delay in tbe proceedings, or to
leave-the interests of tho United States unrepresented in
this District. Some time must elapse before ihe arrival of
the witnesses from the Agency, and I therefore avail myself
of thp interval thus afforded, to comniunicaie.lhroitgh you,
most respectfully to the President, that neither my feelings
nor convictions, will permit ine to prosecute the case in be
half of the United States. In a contest in'v.’hich the inter
ests and character of Georgia are so deeply iuvolved,
should feel myself unworthy of the office 1 bold and of the
confidence which tbe President bas hitherto reposed in me,
f, contrary to my own views of right and the higher duties I
owe to ray native State, I could array myself against her.—
If, therefore, it becomes necessary that further proceedings
should be had in this matter, I have no alternative but to
ten ler backto th 1 ; President, the trust which has beon conti
ded to me—a trust which, for eight years I have faithfully
and zealously discharged, aud which 1 only relinquish, be
cause I can no longer retain it with honor to myself.
I have the honor to be. Sir, with great respect, your obe
dient servant, • ■
RICH. }V. HABERSHAM.
Mr. ilrAUitlcr to Mr. Habersham.
Savannah, August 57th, 1834.
Dear Sir—Misrepresentation from quarters I am persua
ded unknown to y.ou, is busy with the circumstar.cas atten
ding my acceptance- of the office of District Attorney U
States for this District, at the period of your resignation.—
Differ, as we may, upon some of the doctrines which divide
the community, there is oue thing in which I am sure we
both agree, viz: a determination to do no injustice to a po
litieal adversary by the suppression of what is true, or the
suggestion of what is false. It is in the course of the pres
ent canvass charged upon me, that I accepted the office of
District Attorney, with a view or under a pledge to prose
cute the surveyors of those lands lying within our jurisdic-
tienal limits in the occupancy of the Indians. This we both
know to be untrue. The office was accepted by me, after
consultation with yourself under the belief that during the
interval that had elapsed since your resignation, circumstan
ces had occurred which rendered it improbable that the du
ty of prosecuting the surveyor would be exacted from your
successor. You cannot fail to recollect my declaration, that
no inducement could urge me to prosecute the surveyors, or
take the office, pledged to tbe performance of such ungra
cious duty.
Subsequent to this interview, a lettor of acceptance was
penned by me, submitted to aud revised by yourself, the
terms of which we deemed such as to authorize my instant
resignation of the office, if called on to prosecute the survey
ors.
As you were the friend wiih whom I communicated con
fidentially upon die subject, I have to request you to vindi
cate uie by a declaration of the truth, from the imputed hos
tility to tny State, involved in the false assertion, that I
accepted the office ftf District Attorney with a view-or un
der a pledge to prosecute the surveyors.
Very respectfully,
m. h. McAllister.
R. XV. Ilaberuhnm, Esq.
Mr. Habersham, ta Mr. MAllister.
Savannah, Aug. 30th, 1S34.
Dear Sir—Yonr letter of the 27th insl. did not reach me
until late that evening, and my engagements since have
been such as to compel me to delay my reply until to-day.
You say -that it lias beeu charged upon you. that you ac
cepted the office of District Attorney with a view or under
a pledge to prosecute the Surveyors of those lands, lying
within our jurisdictional limits, in tbe occupancy of the In
dians.” And to enable you to refute this charge you call
upou me -‘as the friend with whom you advised at that pe
riod.” and you refer ine to certain tacts within my knowl
edge,as full proof that the charge is unfounded; and you
ask ine to confirm the truth of those facts—I recollect all the
circumstances which you state in your letter, and believe
that you have stated them correctly.
Tjie conditional letter of acceptance to which you refer,
was examined and revised by myself, and 1 have no reason
to doubt, was sent without material- alteration—it was ad
dressed to the late Judge Johnson, then the Circuit Judge
of tbe United States lor this District, under the following
circumstances: After 1 had tendered, conditionally, my re
signation of the office which you now hold, on the 8Sth Feb
ruary, 1827, much time elapsed before a new appointment
was made, probably because there was no applicant. At
the next May Term of the Circuit Court at Xldledgeville,
Judge Johnson requested to see me at his room, and there
urged me to recal my resignation, stating that if I would do
so, 1 woulJ be immediately re-appointed, and in confirma
tion, showed me a new commission trom Washington, duly
executed, but in blank, and said he was author. -3 to fill tho
blank—1 however declined; upon which lie requested me
to name any gentleman of the bar ill Sa vannah and lie would
appoint him—this I also declined to do. He then request
ed uie to uame such gentlemen of the bar, as 1 supposed,
might be induced to accept the office—I named four, and
among others yourself, as gcnllemen.qualitied to discharge
the duties. The next morning he told me that there were
objections to three of those gentlemen, not however affecting
either their characters or ability, and said he had selected
You—you were then in Savannah ; and when I met you on
my return, you mentioned to me that you had received a
letter from the Judge offering you the office. The subse
quent occurienccs as far as they came to my knowledge,
you have correctly stated in your letter.
You preface your call upon me with tho following sen
tence: "Differ as we may upon some of the doctrines which
divide the community, there is one which I am sure we
both agree, viz: a determination to do no injustice to a po
litical adversary, by the suppression of what is true, or the
suggestion of what is false." I have responded to this ap
peat in a way and with a candor of which I hope you will
find no reason to complain. But you address me as a polit
ical adversary—I am opposed to your election, and will
do all 1 honorably can to prevent it: My private feelings •
have undergone no unfriendly change towards you; nor have
I over permitted a difference in political opinions, if in my
. 1 i r ;.i rivnte friendships
power to prevent it, to interfere with my private friendslii
—I oppose your election, because I am directly opposed
some of the opinions and doctrines, which I believe you
entertain; nnd upon which I presume you will act—I can
lend my support to one, as my representative, who will sus
tain the present administration of the General Govern
ment ; or who denies the right of Stale : tilerposition, to
present the operation of an unconstitutional law, after
a fair resort to the btllol box has faded, or when the
mischief is Uo urgent to permit a delay to that resort,
AS WASTES CASE IN GEOIKIIA AT THE TIME OF MT RESIG
NATION, Having fairly responded to your call, and render
ed to you justice' as far ns was within my power, you will
not deem ine unreasonable, if I avail myself of this opportu
nity of doing justice to myself, even although I may subject
you to the perusal of a longer reply than you probably anti
cipated.
In consequence of my resignation. I became immediately
the subject of the most untreasured abuse, through some of
the Clark Gazettes in our State and a few of their fellow
laborers out of it. This I did not deign to notice at the
lime, nor. have I ever written a line for publication on the
subject ol tny resignation. A writer in the Macon Tele
graph, then a Clark paper, but now a Union one. anil march
ing under the same banuer with yourself, and I believe still
conducted by the same editor, not content with denying my
right to resign and tho principle, upon which / resigned,
attacked my professional capability and charamer. and en
deavored-to degrade me in public estimation^ The most
abusive portion of that article, ns far as related to tn^-self,
was transferred to die most conspicuous column of the
Charleston Cornier, and there published in the midst of my
professional as well as personal friends.
That paper was then friendly to the Adams Admieis-
it alibti. is now a Union paper, nnd also tnarchitig under the
same banner with you Act/ and was l believe almost the on
ly naper which was unprincipled enough to copy those scan-
rfafs from the anonymous piece itt the Macon Telegraph,—
Had the whole article Been co| ied, I should have had little
to object, for in the latter part. Gov. Troup "and hisbeir
presumptive" (Mr. For*ytli succeeded Col. Troup) were
denounced “03 fellow laborers‘in treason.” amt Mr. Berrien
who was then at XVnsbington as Senator trom our State fi
gured a3 “theii disciple” tn that valuable branch of educa
tion. 1 was at least in good company; I was charged with
perjury, because 1 had refused to discharge the duty itnpb-
sed upon me, and thereby delayed the proceedings of the
President. This was false as will appear by reference to"
my published letter to the Secretary. I immediately on the
receipt of the order, took the-proper steps to procure from
the Creek Agent, the testimony on which the application for
the Warrant must have beeu bared; and I communicated
•to the Secretary ofWar, a copy of my letter to Col. Crow
ell asking (or the testimony, and apprized him, that us toon
ns the warrant could be obtained I would place it in die
bands of the Marshal, with the necessary instructions; “that
thus far I had fell it my duty to db, but if required to go
further ho must consider that, as a tender ol my resigna
tion.”
You perceive then that the charge, even of a refusal to
obey tbe order was false. But it was deemed necessary by
seme of the then administration papers to slander me; ap.l
as no just cause could be foubd. they were compelled to re-.
stmt to a course now quite familiar, they made one. Mv re
signation was based upon a principle which they did not
then relish, amt in the consideration of which with great
bitterness of feeling the Union papers at the South, arc at
this dnj, l believe, unanim us. The principle is, that in
n conflict between the Federal Government and our.own
State, acting through iter regularly con tinued organs, our
allegiance is due to the State of which We nre citizens.—
That this was the principle; and the avowed principle, is
manifest from the following extract from my letter ol resig
nation already published: "In a conte-t in which the inter -
<■■•is and character of Georgia ire so deeply involve 1, I
should feel myselt unworthy of tbe office I hold, and of the
confidence which the President has hitherto reposed in me,
tf enntra-y to.my own views of right and the hi
l owe to my native State I could array myself against Imr.'’
This I say was the principle; nnd although the administra
tion papers of that day condemned it. as do also the admin-
istra ion papers of the present day. 1 had the sntulaction to
find that my course was highly approved bv many valued
friends, .-nine of whom I do not the less value because we
are now found in opposite ranks: Ihn. 1! to the satisfaction
to find, tint it was approved by the citizens of tny county
who on the first opportunity elected me their representa
tive, by an overwhelming majority; and two years after, 10
tbe State Senate, without opposition 1 ; .utd that it was also
approved by the Legislature, then nearly divided between j j t
Tr up an i Clark b; a joint resolution of com- y
mendation, passed witlt unusual unanimity. The condition *'
contained in your letter of acceptance was also highly satis
factory to me, because it seemed to give your sanction to the
principle upon which I had acted; perhaps in this I may
have done yon injustice, for the principle is now scouted
by all the presses of the party with which you arc acting.
and the Union party of South Carolina seem to be almost
ready to take arms agaiust it.. A curious way, by tbe bye.
of preserving the Union. The Adams papers in Carolina,
and the Clark presses in this State, have presetved their
infractions
Now
dgc In
of the Con
interpi
rr Ii
’Coral (; ov
arresting .
uitution by the F<
for tbe purpose of
tts; and that such judgment!,,,,, ,
on of a State is only liable to be overrule,I t?.! 1 '
oi turee fourtiin of all the Mnte arting u:uh- r f ] ( * " *
ir atnemlini' the Constitution of the L’nit.-,;
that this pretension of the right of evet v St- * S ''
• itself, together with that other which assorts ^
£tate has parted with no portion of her Dover?' - r , tv ' r> *
she entered into this confederacy, or in other words h
ter a part is taken from the whole, the whole -tiff re™:-'
are claims ur_'ed by many honorable men with ..t,,"' 3 '
intentions, I am free to admit. But good intention,
ct saved a country, the truth is* we can only
ihe tendency of the public conduct of men bv tin lrdoetrsg 1 *
and what says Mr. Madison (c’nrum et venerahi’e
of the doctrine ccntained ir. the above recited res
which is identical with that commented on by him in \1£?
j as the South Carolina nullification.^ This brings us(,“”
: that venerable patriot) to the expedient lately adva r . c lb’
which claims for a single State a right to appeal aga-'-V. *•
, exercise of power by the Government of the United ft,, 11
decided by the State to be unconst tutional, tn the parties!.
the constitutional compact; the decision of the State to';.,.
, 1. . • . IV- -A — f — IR l*.,i n -w tliA net r.- flirt rr r\ • • O-P... n.. ■ » ‘ ’
consistency. If such is not the true principle, then it fol- j the cflectof nullifying the act tr: the government of litet-'*
lows.that in case Georgia hadcotne to blows with the Fed- | ted States, unless the decision of tlm State be rerers-jSl
three fourths of the parties. Tiie distinguished natntj ri,
high authorities which appear to have asserted snrl '
practical scope to this do, trine, ontitle it to a ro5pe cl w j. ; ?
it might be otherwise difficult to fee! for it. Can morr:
necessary to demonstrate the inadn.is.Ability of such a
trine, than that it puts it in the power of tiie smallest lyT
tion. over ono fourth of the United States, tiiar. is ,jf ..... '
States out of twenty-four, to give the law,and even there?
stilution to seventeen Stoles, each of the seventeen har,„j
ns parties to the constitution,an equal right with each oft.,
seven, to expound it, and to insist on the exposition? -p;
the seven might, in particular instances, he right, sadq
seventeenth wrong, is more than possible. BattoesbhSu,
a positive, and permanent rule giving such a power to ( Cf ),
a minority over such a majority, would overturn the
principle of free government i'self. and in practice ttece,u.
rily overturn the government itself.”
-I can imagine no more-conclusive proof of the unsotaj
r.ess of the doctrine In question, than is to be lotmd in ti;j
reply of Mr. Madison. It .'trikes ma with the force of d e .
- mohstration and the light of truth. And l am. or those »1 : „”
think with me, amenable to the charge of ^consistency, fe.
cause having been prepared to defend the rights of our S .-.
from the encroachments of the General Government. *5
stand alike ready to defend that Government from whit* e
believe the unjust pretensions of a party in the State? {
selfhold that the State nnd the United States have their rrj.
pective claims upon me. To answer the former, 1 refoiej
in 1827. io take office without reserving to myself tlte right
of instant resignation, should a duty be required of c ,
which I deemed, under the circumstances, incomprabj,
with' those claim '. , For the purpose of responding to
which the latter have on me, as one of her citizens, I »tn« t »
at out to resign that office. The charge of inconiitte^
should not be even indirectly imputed on grounds like th ese J
In truth, suclt a charge (to use vnur own language.) is
rally tesorted to ns a substitute for argument to mislead
ignorant. It ought to be left to the exclusive use of voU,;
politicians, to whom alone such weapons properly belonf.
There are other portions of your letter thdt impose c k on
me the necessity of a reply thereto. I concur c ntitely £,•,
you in the proposition that certain great and exclusive riritj
are reserved to the State. It is as to die remedies tote,..,
plied in case of encroachment on those rights tint a diver,,;]
ty of seutiment exists between us. These remedies in B 'l
apprehension, are either constitutional or extra consiitutioj'
al. Yonr remedy, no noraea gencralisiniutn of which i.
State interposition, which it is to be presumed, consul, tf
various specifics, as they are to be applied you say, “ W .
cordingly to the nature and violence of the disease,” it
impossible for me to classify, as you have no; enamerstfi)
the various nostinms which it includes. One, as prescribed
by a distinguished member of your political faculty. I h« e
selected, and referted to the authority of Mr. Madisan.i*
prove the inadiiiissibilily of its being considered among its
constitntional remedies. _ A few observations in regard to
these latter, In your opinion die action of the people, ty
petition, remonstrance, protest and the various other mitii
by which their voice.mav be expressed, without going
yond the range of constitutional remedies, and so allvdc
eral Government, the whole Troup party would have been
traitors—and if worsted, would have been liable to be exe
cuted as such, Did die Troup party admit this to be so at
the time?
I have another claim for justice to intrude upon you.—
If the denunciations against the political party with which I
am associated, of being Disnnionisls, SeditionisCs, and
Traitors, had not in atty manner received your sanction,
■ I should not feel myself at liberty, on the present occasion
to trouble you with the subject: but ns a member of the
State Rights’ Party, I must come in for a share, perhaps a
full share, of these delicate attributes. And in yottrOradon
on the 4th of July last, there is a squinting or the same
kind of compliment to the party, or to a portion of it. As
you have called upon me to relieve; you from a charge made
by others, and not affecting your moral character, you can
not 3urely refuse to hear me on a charge, sanctioned insome
measure, by yourself cu a public occasion, and which if
trut, ought to subject me to the contempt of every honejt
mon. It is possible that a few individuals widely scattered,
but I know none'such, may have attached themselves to our
ranks, who are wicked or mad encugh to wish for disunion;
but is it not equally possible, that there are also among your
unionists a few who would be willing to bend the pliant
kee to a despot? Tho truth is these hard names are always
freely applied in times of high political excitement„and are
generally resorted to os a substitute for argument to mis
lead the ignorant In the great contest between tho Fede
ral and Democratic Parties, Jacobin and Tory were as
freely applied to most illastrious and patriotic men of that
time, as disunionist and submission men are to those of the
present day. But those great fathers of our liberties have
now gone to their honorable graves and there they sleep
shielded by their own virtues and their country’s love; and
who *o vile, as to inscribe on their tombs—Tory or Jacobin?
I am sure you have too much good sense to apply these
terms in sober earnestness to any portion of your fellow cit
izens—they ought to be left for the exclusive use of vulgar
politicians, to whom alone such weapons properly belong.
The State Rights’ party, of which I am one, (11 agree 111
party, of which 1 am one, (It agree
e—the right of State interposition; ai
are all, as I solemnly believe, as fervently devoted to the
preservation of our happy Union, as any other political par
ty in the country. That certain great, important and exclu
sive rights, arc reserved by the Constitution to the Slates,
no one I think will deny; and that these rights are reserved
to the States ^respectively, and not as a body. I thinksi-s
£qn»lly plain. If a State has rights, she must also have the
right, indepeudent of others, to protect them, and no other
power can lawfully control her in the otercise of that right
of sejf protection, or ic the selection ofthe means; she hav
ing a just regard to the rights of others . Some of the State
Rights Party may have expressed a preference for a partic
ular remedy—claiming the right of a State to interpose. I
do myself, with si large portion of my political friends, think
it wiser to select and apply the remedy according to the na
ture and violence of the disease. I do not approve of the
Saugrado system, of warm water, in every case—Georgia
made such selection atffi applied it with eff ect in 1826—18-7.
under Troup. Carolina also selected Iter's, wltit U resulted
tn a mo iification of the Tariff satisfactory to her, and the
only evil result ofany lasting consequence, from its applica
tion has been, the disgrace ot our State Book by the passage
ofthe Force Bill. liven that remedy yas unquestionably
better than youts by Revolution—because in revolution, a
ntan has the gallows in prospect, no matter which side he
takes; anil he is seldom permitted to remain neutral.—
Your other remedies by remonstrance, ptotest. fcc are what
in medicine, are properly called brick dust remedies—they
serve to amuse tbe patient, but operate neither to increase
or retard the disease. There is one point, however, in
whie.t I have little d-. ubl we all agree. The hope that there
will in future, be uo necessity for the application of any
olher remedy than that of the Ballot Box.
I have doue. I presume you have desired my reply for
publication. As it may fall into other hands' less honorable
than your own. aud I am unwilling that it should be garbled,
you will, I am sure, do me the justice to publish 11 entire,
and on the same sheet, aod that immediately. If, howev
er, you decline to publish ibis correspondence which l can
not for a moment believe, I reserve to myself the right of
doing so,
Lam, dear Sit, very respectfully, vour obedient servant,
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM.
To M. H. McAllister. Esq.
Mr. McAllister to Mr. Habersham.
Savannah, Sept. 8, 1834.
Dear Sir: In conformity with theinttmrdion in tny note
ofthe 4th inst, I proceed to reply to suclt portions of your
letter of 30th ult., which, in tny apprehension, nre not re
sponaive to my cal! on you, and exceed also your professed
object of self vindication. Why, strictures upon the con
duct of certain presses, "in and out of tliis State, ‘ in refer
ence toyourself. ate addressed to ine ? Why, I should be
called on to become the vehicle of publication for your com
ments upon’ certain former aud present administration pa-
Why I am urged; to publish -•immediately” your
pers f
-essay upon niy political principles, as tny reply thereto
"could as well be made alter as before publication,” arc in
quiries which not being able to answer satisfactorily, Ilenve
to the solution of others. Being a candidate, howeuer, for
the honor of represent-ng tny feiiow-citiz'ens of .Chatham, at
the ensuing session of our Legislature, it is perhaps, due, as
much to them, as myself, that the statement of one who is
avowedly a political adversary, of the reasons which induce
his opposition, should not be permitted by tny sileuco to be
construed into an exposition or tny political creed, or that
what I am constrained to believe from the general tenor of
yonr letter, is an attempt to fix upon me political inconsis
tency should be permitted to pass without notice.
I addressed you as a political adversary m tny note of
th ult.. because you liacl assumed that attitude in a conver
sation which passed between us sometime previous thereto,
in which you expressed regret that you would be compelled
to oppose tny election. Your support, therefore, was not ex
pected, and.certainly not solicited by my note of 27th ult..
and consequently your declaration of political hostility was
either gratuitous,"or made with a view to comnieqt upon
those political principles which, in your estimation, render
ed it impossible for you to “lend ine your support.”- Eith
er alternative authorizes the opinion I have expressed, that
your letter of 30tli ult. exceeds both the object of my call,
and that professed by yourself. If, to entertain warm grati
tude to him who is at the head of our General Government,
for services rendered this country, in the field and cabinet,
—if. to concur in the leading measures of his administration.
—if, to feel disgust at the disingenuous course pursued, and
scurrilous language used towards the venerable Chief Ma
gistrate of our Republic, by many presses "uarching under
the same banner witlt yourself.” constitute me a supporter
of the present Administration. I must, with the certainly of
losingyour support, hold tnyself amenable to that charge.
After Staling that the p. iuctple on which jour resignation
turned, was approved by the Legislature ol this State, then
nearly divided between the Troup nnd Clark parties, by a
joint resolution, with unusual unanimity,you proceed to say,
"The condition contained in your letter of acceptance, was
also highly satisfactory to me, because it seemed to give
your sanction to the principle upon which I had acted. Per
haps, in this. I may have done you iuj< slice, for the princi
ple is now scouted by all the presses of the party with which
you are now acting.” You further say,'.‘Tiie Adams papers
in Carolina, and tiie Clark papers in this State, have pre
served their consistency.” Not wishing to intermeddle
with a controversy you seem anxious toynvoke with the
Democratic Republican presses of this Slate, my observa
tions will be confined to so much of the preceding passage of
your letter, as concerns myself. If language means any
thing,the foregoing intonates that so glaring is the inconsis
tency of recognizing the principle upon which you resigned
in 1837, and acting with the Union presses in this State, at
Ihe present period, that you are led to suppose that yon n ay
have doni me an injustice in believing that IJtad recognised
that principle.
Pause a mnment to contemplate the relative attitude of
the State of Georgia and the General Government, in 1R27.
A treaty had been negotiated by Camtnissioners on behalf of
the United States, nnd bad been confirmed by the -egularly
constituted authorities of the country. Under this treaty,
which according to the Constitution, hail become the su
preme law of the land 1 certain rights had become vested in
this State. For the porpn.e of reducing tbese rights into
possession, a law- is enacted by her, authorizing certain per
sons to enter into, and survey the lauds to which, under the
treaty, she had become entitled.
The general Govcrimient, in the face of her own treaty,
and the act of of tho Legislature oi’our State, directs a crim
inal prosecution to be entered against these survivors.—
Yon, the then incumbent of the office of District Attorney,
believing your State in the right, refuse, under thesq circum
stances, to become the activfl agetit in the prosecution of
men whom, you consider innocent. Suclt were the chrsid-
eraiions.at all events, which induced me to deciine taking
the office, clogged with the condition of performing that du
ty. .Now the single propositi.at iuvolved in the foregoing
statement is this:—Osu inconsistency, be charged.upon one
■ who having refused to become tbe :i ttive agent or the Gene
ral Government against the authorities of this Stale, when
he deemed her in the right, also refuses to join a party, who,
itt the name ol’Slatu Rights, are urging pretensions for her,
a perseverance in which, in his opinion would, if successful,
terminate in her unhappiness and perhaps the disruption of
this Union ?
Permit tno foaak what are tiie pretensions sought to be
established, not in favor of Georgia alone, but of each and
every Stale in the Union? I'select but one, not thr.t ic{s
the in. t ol jectio: able, bin that havHp met with complete
relata’ m from o-.e who lias always been a champion in tbe
cause of Skate Bight -. I am spared the mvossi|y of iofiirt.
language, the sentiments I enter-
tailed by Mr. Livingston, in tiie Senate of tiie United 8‘atei,
in 1820.’ are mere "brickciust remedies.”- You —- ~w- .
y.-thtj
serve to amuse the patient, but operate neither to increase
or retard the disease.” Were I convinced of this, I jiiooM
despair not only of the perpetuity of of our institution', bat
of ‘lie success of any free Government. All sorb arefnucJ.
ed, on public opinion which receives its impulse and dire-,
tion from the action of the people in their primary assemblirs
aud through their Representatives. Let this action lose its
force; let it become indeed a‘‘brickdusr remedy,“rate! toe
great moral lever which moves tbe whole machinery ofa frtt
Government is destroyed. Mr. Jefferson did not think that
contemptuously of these, for at a most eventful period of ocr
history, as author of the Kentucky Resolutions, he resort
ed to the remedy by Protest. Permit toe to ask whctlfr
they were deemed "brickdust remedies,” by the Demoentj
iu 1799 ’!I9, who found them »« their hands pmverf-il enourh
to eradicate the disease of Federalism, which was eatir»
into the vitals of our Republican Institutions, under
niinistrstion ef the elder Adams? For myself, I beliereihtt
these remedies, meanly as yon think of them, even in tbe
hands ofa minority, will always operate in a free rnantrjM
a powerful check on the majority. Nay, such is my coif.
Hence in the spirit and intelligence of die People. I mult be
lieve that a majority who claim to exercise unjust power will
soon lose their numerical force, and that a minority trbo
seek to obtain power unjustly will sooner or Inner ti«i
themselves degenerated into a faction through the witheris;
influence of public opinion. It was in view of these ronria-
erotions. no doubt, that Mr. Jefferson asserted this Govern
ment to be the strongest on earth.
Ifcontrary to the belief ofonrpatriot fathers these remedies,
illustrated as they have been by their successful operation
hitherto, are ascertained to be inefficient—mere “brickdort
remedies," and the situation of our state should dennodi
resort to a higher remedy without the pale of the Constin-
tion, I would thin hope thil.no one of us wilt pause to ia-
uire whether in the prosecution ot that remedy, a Traitori
oom-or a Patriot’s grave awaits him. The anticipation,
however, of cases in which a resort ta ibis Iiigh retnerj
would be justifiable, can have no ob’ect save to lessen tie
attachment of the People to the Union of their eonntry.Jy
rendering familiar to them the contemplation of its possiii
disruption. Such a course is not calculated te “clterish t
cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment toit,”»sca|
joined nppn us by tbe Father of oug,country. I theiefora.
pursue the subject no further.
There is one thing, however, in which I trnst we brj
concur, and it is this, that whatever be the remedy select el
for actual or supposed encroachment on our rights, tbe peo
ple who nre to apply it, should not be deceived as tn itsns-
tare and the results to which it is calculated to load them.
Let not the attempt be made in this State to delndetbe
people with a notion ofa Constitution- 1 and peaceable rem
edy. while that presented for their acceptance, is decidedly
of revolutionary character, and therefore net to be rctoeel ,
to unlSss in such exigency as demands revolutionary aetk-n. 1
A long correspondence, certainly not anticipated by tee. |
lias been the result of my simple inquiry of 27th alt.' Bet
at your reply travelled farbeyond the subject matter of toy
oali, the necessity of re -;* iding thereto has been imposed
upon me. I11 the course of itl have in the language of jotr
note to me of 5th inst.. “endeavored carefully to avoid anj
expression which might be considered personally offeokrr
to vourself.” . ,
I haveto.regretthatowingto my engagements. peeufo.J
pressing attliis time, both in town and country, I haveiix'-*
compelled to postpone my reply.
Asya n seem to be intent on the publication ofyourlcarr-
you will do me the justice to have my answer accompany
Very respectfully vour obedient setvaaL
M. HALL McALLleTEB.
To R. W. Habersham. Esq.
PVKL.1C JlKliTZNG ITT CRAWFORD-
A meeting of the citizens of Knoxville and vicinity * s
held a: the Court House on Thursday evening, 26th J™*'
for the purpose of making suitable arrangements
sive, in common with the American people. ourdevp*»“
heartfelt regrets at tho death of Andrew Jackson.
On motion, David Worsham was called to the Cte r -
and James J. Ray requested to act as Secretary- tk
object of the meeting having been explained by the Ct:-
mam, the following preamble and resolutions, aecoropst e-
by appropriate and affecting remarks,'were offered >]
Thomas C. Howard. Esq., nnd uuanimou slyadoptrd-
The citizens of this village having learned with ;;
of the profoundest sympathy with so great a nation* 1 - j
reavement, that Gen. Andrew Jackson has been lab.tslr - |
us to his final rest, have assembled here this cvenflW
add -tlurii- -tribute to that of tho nation, to the virTvr-*^
renown of that truly great man. Now he is o°“ " ■
among us, the charity inspired by the solemnities oftS®”
permits us alt to behold fit the Jong vista of yesr»« yy
rious usefulness and sacrificing patriot-sm. only : f , r '
the fast friend of hi3 country, anfct or thc'ffeedaao^
specie'. Hi fame is the nation’s ; - r:y;
stricken in every attribute of a just cr liberal iss»
be that citizen, who, n
softened personal a -f
humanity itself and lb
ing upon you, in tny o-
tain in relation to it.
lotion offered to the :
who.'-.- name hecupie-
gres'ioual ticket, nnd
it i' lair to pr< some, 11
with whom you are
words:
" "‘And be it further r
ofthe foregoing, that e
i to be found -
ah th.
Th
unbodied in a reso
le by a gentleman
place c» \our Con
‘aliments theri-fote
-bation of the party
fiution is in these
now time ami tiie bind ol fieldD T '
tperittes, withholds that nicei " • '
•American people ciaiut for'-'
parted great: Tlicrefore.be it
Resolved, That the citizens of Knoxville nnite o‘
with each other in mingling their regrets, that tn •
of General Jackson we aro bereaved forever of
dance or bis counsels, the stimulus of bis exturn-f- ,
the pride of It is countrymen, we feel in regarding r-> J
ranters- . Aw,
Resolved. That to this whole people, as a nsnoo, c •; (
the feme ot this truly distinguished man. aau it J “
our pride as it is our duty, to cherish nnd defend tt* v
/,. - ■./, That as a feeble, but the only av,, 3 “*g| p.
of giving expression to the seme of our los», wc . ** t y.
in commemorating the virtues of the deceased, 11 I. , f
eulogy; and that this meeting appoint, through a cosi
a suitable individual to discharge that office. , , t0 ,»
Under the last resolution the chairman proceed
f oint the following gentlemen said committee, v».
I. Brooks, James L. Wimberly, Joseph J. CartO •
cis H. Murdock, Dr. Alfred Coleinstt- San-acl' l -
William H. Lawshee, John F. Troutman, and • rftj
Causey. And on motion, the chairman and secret' .
added to said camn i tco. . . ;
The committee after retiring a^ few w*
the name of Tt . mas C: Howatp, E'q-. = s 11 1 ult " „ rt ,ved <
to deliver .--aid eulogy, which was ttBiniSOie
On motion of John l-’. Troutman, fi.sq- t- 1 -- 1
of s id committee ot eleven, be a committee^” ^
meats, to settle on a suitable time, ahd to nut" 1 ,
ary preparntio
nzettci
slor that purpose, aud report
ar otherwise, nssooo — WW
. Wi
ved, n> a
-i-ite is ei
Uitled to jndj
sequence
: lor itself
On motion of James
Rrsoirt it. That the ;
ed by the chairman an
Messenger and Tctegi
the name be published.
Tno meetin • then a.ljourne,
' DAY
J utt:.5 J. » O. Secretary.
pit A Republic,
W0US1IA JI