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»g communicate wliat he had -iron and he"'<1
hi< spiritual superior, the Bishop qt act lam.
Meanwhile, until he could receive intelligence
from Copenhagen, lie caused his friends to hind
llicnn>etv*s with an natli St;cro ’-* H
was covered, the stone replaced mid no one ,
ventured to speak of the mailer. After n time
a man, npp rantly of author,ty and rank came
to the island from the capital. He made most
minuto inquiries respecting the transaction : ,
examined the spot where the unfortunate un
known had been entombed, and praising tlm
discretion that had hitherto induced silence, '
commanded the strictest secrecy in future ;
threatening the severest punishment ngainst ,
any one who should Jarc to mention the occur- i
renc". __
RIVERS OF TEXAS.
Idr. J)ranch T. Archer, a citizen of Texas,
lately delivered an ad Iress before the Newj
York American institute, giving a googrnphica
description of Texas and its resources. His
description of the rivers and the country adja
cent to then, is exceedingly interesting; We
condenso that portion of his address which re
lates to these subjects:
"Then taking the country within the limits
mentioned between the Sabino and the Neuccs,
the first thing that would strike the observer,
would ho the relative proportions of timber
and prairie lands, and the immediate uses to
which eacl, could ho applied. The pro
portions within the limits mentioned arc, I think,
as six to one. Not more than onc-sixth of our
lauds are limbered, and they arc, with very
few exceptions, fronting our water courses.—
Tiio next matter that would attract particular
notice, is the long rivers by which the coon’iy
is intersected from north to south—I allude
hero only to our long rivers; we will speak pro-
aantly of our .shorter streams. We will take
the Sjbine, our boundary, and progress west.
This river affords fine bod es of land, and in
ordinary titles, is navigable for steamboats
drawing light draught of water, from four to
five hundred mdes. The next, proceeding
west, is the Natchez, navigable about one hun
dred miles. The average distance between
them streams is forty miles- Next the Trini
dad, affording excellent lands, well limbered
and navigable in ordinary tides for steamboats
drawing four feet, from five to six hundred
miles. Next the Brazos, or Centre River of
the republic, in the heart of the live oak forest,
affording navigation for boats drawing six feet
water, sixty miles, and for light steamboats
four hundred miles. Next the Colorado, af
fording very fino lands; its navigation obstruct
ed by a raft near its inoulli. Next tlic Guadn-
loupe, affording superior lands, well timbeted,
and navigable some two hundred miles. Next
the Neuces, affording fine lands, but little tim
bered. Next the Rio Grande, our western
• boundary. Of this river I an, not sufficiently
informed to give information. Roturning from
west to cast, 1 will bring to your view our short-
or rivers. And first, the San Antonio, nflord-
jnga fertility of soil and salubrity of climate not
surpassed on this continent. This river is not
navigable, though susceptible of cheap and ea
sy improvement to that end. Next the La
Bara and N.iv.ddnd, affording fino lands; not
navigable. Next Cane river, proverbial for
its fertility; navigable fifty miles. Next San
Bernard, its lands second only to the Cano
lands; navigable fifty miles. Next Bastrop
Bayou, lands not so good, navigable forty miles.
Next Buffalo Bayou, lands inferior; navigable
thirty miles.” •
From l tie 11 'tahir. ptnii IJa ion.
THE TARIFF AND THE BALANCE OF
TRADE.
A controversy has for some time been going
on between a writer in the National Intelligen
cer, over the signature of “Madison,” and the
editors of the “Constitution,” o„ the subject of
the tariff. I desire permission, through the
columns of the "Union,” to correct what I deem
• vulgar error—perhaps I should rather call it
a popular one—under which “Madison,” In
common, with many distinguished writers and
statesmen, labors. I have no doubt the ed tors
Constitution would cheerfully admit this com
munication into their piper, my opportunities
of acquiring information being well known to
.them; but I would rather, for various considera
tions, that it should appear in the “Union.”
“Madison” tells us, in one of his articles, that
he was educated in a counting house, and spent
many years there. Ho therefore writes au
thoritatively upon questions connected with
•coccmerce. Well, in excuse for my venturing
fiTrto tlie arena of disputation, 1 will merely stato
that I was educated upon the ocean—that I have
■ailed in all manner of vessels, from asloopto a
linc-of-battle ship, living for many years per
formed the "ioL” of captain and supercargo.
These employments undoubtedly placed me in
a position to acquire some knowledge of the
commerce of the world. But to the point in
question. The error to be corrected is con
tained in bold assertions made in the following
paragraph, which 1 extract from the communi
cation ol “Madison,” as published in the Intelli
gencer of August 23:
" flic editors of the Constitution may write
•on free trade to the end of lime, but they can
not convince practical counting house men that
largo imports and small exports can enrich ibis
or any other country. All countries tliql have
continued prosperous, invariably protected their
joich industry. I repeat—and common sense,
common experience, facts, a-'d figures will sus
tain me—that it is impossible that the United
States tan !>e permanently wealthy, powerful
ami great, if our in,ports generally e.\c< cd our
exports.”
I do not know how difficult it may be to con
vince “counting-house men” of the error of the
position here assumed, and for which it is ad
mitted there is grave authority. But i venture
to say, that I wi'l convince common-sense men
that n grculei fallacy never was uttered than
that”;! is impossible a State can bo permanently
wealthy, powerful, and great, it its imports gen
erally exceed its expo,is.” 'flic very reverse
-of this position is in fact tine. In tho csnnl
course of foreign tiade, the value of the imports
must exceed the value of the exports, to make
it a profitable commetcc, III for e.va npl •, the
exports of the United Sta’os amount to $1(10,-
000,000, custom house valuation at home; and
the imports for the same year (valuation like
wise in ibis country J amount to $120,000 0!))
—it shows precisely this, according to niv un
derstanding of the case; that thv merchants of
the United States have made twenty pc r ce.it,
upon their exports, or $20,000,000; thereby
adding so much capital to the country. When
was the year of peace -nd prosperity that this
nominal balance of trade did not appear ugainst
list And how long would it take to lwnkrupt
a nation, if this excess of $20,000,000 were a
loss, year after year, instead of.so much added
to our wealth? Certainly, ‘ common experience,
facts, and figures,” so boldly appealed to by
"Madison," prove incontestably that the pro
gress of tho United States in population, ani
weal;!, tivi, is unpuralleludi n the annals of the
world; and yet, wifntnis terrib’ e balance of trade
against us, by which we ought to have been un-
poverished long ago, wo expand, and grow
richer and richer.
In order to elucidate this subject more clear
Iv, let me descend to particulars. I will take,
for example, a voyage from the United Stales, 1
the outline of which shall he founded in truth. !
A ship sails from New York with a cargo of
Hour for South America—cost, $25,000 id Now
•York. She fells that cargo oo the west const
of America for $100,020 spcci-*. Sue proceeds I
with her specie to Canton, where she p irrha- ;
ses a cargo of leas, and r- turns to New York, j
where the tens ate valued at $202,000, nr. I at •
that valuation appear in the commcicial reports
of the Treasury Department. Ibis voyage
shows how at least a portion ol the balance o! j
trade foi the year 182- was made up against .
the country, li the country suffered, it is very |
clear that $175,000 (le>'s expenses) were ad led
to the wealth of the merchants interested. 1 h:s
is one truthful and practical result. 1 will give
another.
A valuable armed ship is sent to South Amer
ica for sale. Her freight of military stores
amounts to r-O.OQO. 1 he ship, as sol I nl auc
tion, had been purchased (or $25,000. 1 lie
value of the cargo amounts to $10U,t)()0 in New
York. Tiiis slap s sold at Rio Janeiro for
152,000 ni. I reus. The nett return to tlieown-
ors in New York was $110,020, exclusive of
the duties paid to the government of the United
Stales—5 cents per lb. on coffee at that time;
say 1,500,000 lbs. waS equal to $75,100—mak
ing the imports on that transaction $185,000,
against an export or 510 000; for every mer
cantile m m knows that the value of tec out
ward-bound ship docs not enter into the invoice
or bill of lading.
But it may be alleged, that these were extra
ordinary and isolated cases. Remaps they*
were. What, then, is the common operation
of an ordinary voyage of the least complex cha
racter—a load of lumber to the West Indies, or
a cargo of any sort to any part of tho globe?—
The cargo of lumber is invoiced at our custom-
houscsiit So,000; the return cargo, bought en
tirely with the proceeds of the outward carg*, is
valued on its return, at the custom-house of the
United States, at $7,500. Here is a loss, ac
cording to “Madison,” of $2,500; and, upon
such transactions, the country cannot bo en
riched. The whole commerce of the world is
made op such transactions, and they are the ex
ceptions only which prove ruinous. Let our
ships uniformly bring hor ■ short returns, viz:
on the export of S10.000, oring homo S5,000,
as sometimes will, unfortunately, happen, from
depressed foreign markets; and wide-spread ruin
among the shipping interests is the certain con
sequence. He must be blind, indeed, who can
not sec that result. Will “Madison” deny it?
Then, wlmt becomes of his assertion, “that
practical counting-house men cannot be con
vinced that large imports and small exports can
enrich this or any other country?” In a flour
ishing and profitable commerce, the imports
must necessarily exceed the exports; and they
will exceed them precisely in Hie ratio of the pro
fits. If a different system of valuation were a-
dopted.the differences of value would not appear
sojconsidcrable. Forexample: if the amount of
the sales of the outward cargoes were taken as
the data of calculation, it would be found that the
balance of trade, as it is called, would be great
ly diminished, if not annihilated. The foreign
purciiases would then correspond with the
sales in foreign ports, and there would be no
apparent "balance of trade” for political econo
milts to humbug t!ic : r readers with.
A balance of trade may, indeed, be created
against a nation, but entirely out of the legiti
mate course of trade. It is when money is
borrowed abroad, for improvement, waste, or
embezzlement at home, and enormous impor
tations are made, based upon such contracts,
that a balance of trade is created against a peo
ple. We hat’0 unfortunately, had some expe
rience upon that subject; but such disturbances
are out of the usual course trade, ond more
resemble the aberrations Jof a coffH t from Us
path, than the regular movements of tho pl.t not.
But my object when I sat down was to cor
rect, not so much “Madison’a,” as a popttlaror-
ror; and I hope, sir, 1 have convinced you, if
you ever were a sceptic, that tho “balance of
trade”—tho excess of imports over exports—
is not annually so much lost in the country, blit,
except from erratic causes, absolute gain.
TOM TOUGII.
“THE TARIFF AS IT IS.”
We had supposed that wool was the only
product of agricultural labor, of much impor
tance, that was within the reach of protection
by a tai III'on imports. The cheese, and beef,
and pork, and flour—the great staples of our
agriculture—all are aware, though nominally
protected by high duties, arc beyond the reacli
of protection by imposts on the foreign arti
cle—and for the reason that lids country pro
duces a great surplus of all these things beyond
the demand for home consumption, and is an
exporter rather than importer. Not so howev
er with the article of wool, which comes in, as
is known, from abroad, to the tune of thirteen
‘pauper I ibor’ of ibore countries, against
“which a d ay of 5 per cent, a t valorem, about
“three cents on the gallon, is supposed to be a
“aufiicic t protection to the American farmer !’’
This is another illustration of the beauties
and beneficent operation of the present manu-
fjetur. r’s tariff'. And for these facts, the ("ir
is indebted, imt to tlm reports of the Secretary
of Trcasmy, hut to the scrutiny of individuals
desirous ol ascertaining and presenting authen
tic data to the public on ties subject. They
arc the result of a personal exanfimi’ion at the
Cu-:toir. house in New York, and are no doubt
afflhemic. The Batavia Times has this com-
ment.on the fact :
“But is it not a little* singular that the annual
commercial tables of die Secretary of the
millions
of pound
; yearly,
in spite
of—we
j nrght say, under t!
iu bounty
held out to impor- j
| tatiuns, by—tho ‘-I
'nriff as
t is”—an
d to the j
; almost ruinous red
uciion of
prices on
the do- j
mosiic
irliclo.
But it
seems the
re is one
other pr<
duct of ;
ogricnlu
ral lalvjr which is uiihin reac
1 of pro- j
tout ion,
>ul which
ms Oscnp
ed tho no’t
ceil de
served a
t the hand*
of tilC |
artizans u
lta pro- I
J fi-ss such
tiiiboundf
d respect
and care
foi that !
| interest.
W c allu
lo to the
seed of u
Inch tho i
1 niamifuc
Lures makt
the Lit
seed oil.
Linseed :
j orfltxsc
ed comc3 i
11 at n u n
final duty
of 5 per ]
! cent—a:
id under t
iris d ilv
or rather
bounty, 1
! there wa
s import o<
at Now
York alotu
*, during j
the.year
ending wit
li the lir.s
t quarter
if 1S45, j
1G3.171
bushels—
-proli ibl
about
one-half!
tint itnpi
tried into t
:e U. S.
at all its
ports.— I
I This dm
y of 5 pet
cent, is
professed 1
y levied i
| to hc-ic
it the far
nor. Bi
t when tl
ic tariff* i
i comes to
touch the
ilia nn fac
Hirer of lb
t* od, see 1
{ how (lie
duty rises
. L nst
ed oil is s.
objected |
• in a specific dm v <1
f 25 cm.
upon the
gallon— j
1 t-iataiDoi
I.- t t 1 a dm
v nf 50
per cent.
“That
is (says t
ie Ba'nvia
Tunes, ft
uiii which
we gall)- :
j erthese
a-t.%) tho
CO isunie
r iu tiiis
country j
1 “pays tl
e in imiaclurer 2."
cents fo
kindly
j “m.iuufa
el in mg a g
•lllllll Ill’ll
1 fronisCei
import- l
\ “ed fl’ III
Germ my
or Italy
the prndu
ct of the I
Treasury do not state, for many years past, the
importation of a single bushel of flaxseed, when
it is so well known that large quati i ie ave
been imported and manufactured in tins coun
try. What is the occasion of tins omission .
Surely it ia important for llio farmer » -
the extent lo which the agr.mire r*l projects ef
foreign lands come in competition to his own.
1 Ie sees one branch of agricultural industry for-
merly of much profit, and deemod important
on the score of national independent*, strucs
down and nearly annihilated But the cause
of this ho cannot see or understand. Wcteel
justified in saying that such communications
have been lately made to tbc present {secretary
of the Treasury, as will probably induce
him to embodv in future reports tlio required
information on this subject.”—Albany Argus.
From the N. O. Pirayijie. tOlh *»•*-
THE CONS I lTUTluN Ol* IEXAS.
We have neither time nor room to make an
analysis of the Constitution, but will briefly
advert to some or its peculiar provisions, at tbo
risk of repeating ourselves. We need not say
that the instrument is modelled upon the theory
of most of our own State Constitutions.
Every free male person, twenty-one years ol
a-re, who shall bo a citizen of the United States,
or who is. at the lime of the adoption of the
Toxian Constitution by the Congress of the Uni
ted States, a citizen of the Republic ol
Texas, and shall have resided in the State
one year next preceding an election, and
the last six months within the district, county,
city or town in which ho offers to vote. (In
dians not taxed. Africans and descendants of
Africans excepted) is to be deemed equalified
elector. „
The term of office of members of the House
is two years, and the sessions of the Legisla
ture are biennial. To be eligible to the House
oao must be a citizen of the United Sta.es, oi,
at the time of the adoption of the Constitution,
a citizen of the Republic of lexas, and an in-
habitant of the State for two years next prece
ding his election, and the last year thereof a ci*.-
izen of tho county, city nr town for which he
shall be chosen, and have attained tho age of
twenty-one years at the time of his election.
The term of the Senators is four years, and
they are to be divided into two classes, so that
one half may be chosen biennially. The addi
tional qualification for Senators is, to have been
an inhabitant for three yean, and to 1)6 thirty
years of age. * ...
No minister of the Gospel, or priest is eligi
ble to the Legislature.
The Executive is to nominate the Judges of
the Supreme and District Courts, and with the
advice of two .thirds of the Senate, commission
them for six years.
The Attorney General is appointed in the.
same manner, and hold his commission fur two
years. .
The Governor is to hold las office for two
years, and shall not be eligible for more than
four years in any term of six years. Ilis oth
er qualifications arc like a Senator s. ”1 lie sal
ary of the first Governor is to be $2,000, and
no more, lie can hold no other office or com
mission, civil or military.
No minister of the Gospel is required toper-
form military duty, work on roads, or serve
on juries.
The oath of office is so formed, that in addi
tion to the usual provisions, ono must swear that
since the adoption of the Constitution he has
not fought a duel within or without tho State ;
nor sent or accepted a challenge ; nor any way
aided or assisted any parson thus offend I ttfif-
And all who shall offend, (by fighting a duel,
or accepting a challenge, &c.,) aft< r the adop
tion of the constitution, shall be deprived of hol
ding anv office of trust or profit.
In all elections by Ihe people the vote is to
be by ballot, till the Legislature otherwise di
rect; in elections by the Senate or House (ex
cept of their own officers,) the vote shall be viva
voce.
No member of Congress, nor person bolding
office under the U nited States, or either of them,
or a foreign power, is eligible to the Legisla
ture- or can hold office under tho State.
The ia'. vs arc to * ,c rov * sc ‘l J cars a ^ lcr
the adoption of Jhc Constitution and published ;
and tho same ropoatod every ton years there-
after.
No lottery can be authorized by tliu Sitttc;
and the buying and selling of all tickets is pro
hibited.
No divorce can be granted by the Legisla
ture. All property, both real and personal oi
the wife, owned or claimed by her before mar
riage, an 1 that acquired afterwards by gift, de
vise or descent, shall be her soparato property;
and laws shall be passed more clearly defining
the rights of the wife in relation as well to her
soaratc property ns that held in common with
her husband. Laws shall also be passed provid
ing for tho registration of wjfo’s separate prop
erty. .
All claims, locations, surveys, grants and ti
tles to lands, which are declared null and void
by the Republic of Texas arc, and the same
shall remain forever, null and void.
No corporate body shall be created, renew
ed or extended, with banking or discounting
privileges.
No private corporation shall be created, un
less the bill creating it shall be passed by two
thirdsof both bouses of the Legislature; and two
tli in Is of the Legislature shall have power to
revoke and repeal all private corporations, by
making compensation for the franchise. And
the State shall not be part owner of the stock
or property belonging to any corporation.
The Legislature shall prohibit, by law, indi
viduals from issuing bills, checks, promissory
notes, or other paper to circulate as money.
Most ample provisions are made for educa
tion, hut we have not room to enter further up
on die Constitution to-day.
The vote upon the adaptation of the Consti
tution is to be vivu voce. Should it appear
from the returns to have been adopted, tho Pre
sident on or before tbo second Monday in No
vember next is to issue his proclamation, direct
ing and requiring elections lo bo bolden on the
tiiird Monday in December next, for the office |
of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and mem- |
burs of the Senate and House of Representa- i
lives of the State Legislature in accordance |
with the appointment of representation directed j
by die Constitution.
Upon receiving intelligence of the acceptance :
of the Constitution by ilije United States Con- j
gross, die President is to convene the State Lc- J
| gislalure, when die votes for Governor and 1
Lieutenant Governor, &c., are to be counted, ;
I and the persons elected at once installed.
The Legislature shall proceed as early as
practicable to elect Senators to represent the '
State in die Senate of the United States; and ,
also provide for the election of Representative
to the Congress of the United States.
The President of Texas, immediately after j
the inauguration of die Governor, is to deliver
to him nil the records, public money, documents,
archicves, and public property of every descrip
tion whatever, under ihe control of die Execu
tive branch of die Government; and die Gover
nor shall dispose of the same in such manner as
the Legislature may direct.
The first general election for Governor, and
members of the Legislature, after the organiza
tion of the Government, shall take place on the
first Monday in November, lS4r, and shall be
held biennially thereafter, on the first Monday
in November, until otherwise provided by tbc
Legislature; and tlie Governor and Lieutenant
Governor elected in December next, shall hold
their offices until the installation in office of the
Governor and Lieutenant Governor, to be
elected in the year 1847.
TIic Tariff-
The following sensible communication on
the present Tariff, we find in the last Floridian.
It will lose none of its interest or applicability
by being addressed to the people of Georgia,
and we commend it to tho attention ol every
reader into whose hands this sheet may full.
From the Floridian.
No.* T.
“Liberty, M Mr. Editor, “is the price of eter
nal vigilance;” and short will be its reign
whore the sentinels on our political watch tow
ers slumber or sleep, or where the public mo
rals arc so vitiated, or feelings so venal, as to
induce the enactment of laws at war with the
rreius of the ogc, and oppressive to the larg
est class of those for whose protection they
were falsely intended. Such have ever proven
to be the facts, and for the melancholy illustra
tion of which we have but to turn our eyes to
tho South, once prosperous and happy, now
worn down by harrassing monopolies, partial
and destructive legislation, and sapped to her
foundations by a system of legalized robbery
and plunder. What else can have produced
the change? Look on her present desolations,
the scathed and blackened ruin that every
where greets the eye. Look to our varied re
sources, our genial climo and generous soil,
and enterprising husbandry—to our agriculture
in all the variety of its operations—and say if
such fetflful blight is the result of indolence on
our part? No, sir; there is a principle at work,
springing from a corrupt and venal policy on
the part of our Government, which is silently,
though rapidly, undermining us, which has al
ready shorn us of our prosperity, and is now
laying hold of tho very pillars of the Consti-
tuliou, already become a dead letter, and'seek
ing to leave us without a single guarantee
against the rapacity of a corrupt and interest
ed majority. Yes, sir, it is oppression in its
choicest and most sublimated form, that lias
rudely torn our locks from our brows, and
bound us fast in strings. It is that policy which
fetters our commerce, which taxes the scabs on
the plowman’s hands, and boldly dares invade
the freeman’s home, and wrest from h : m the
last vestige of the freeman’s rights, that has laid
him in humility at the foemun’s feel; and I
can scarce repress a feeling, that prompts a
language unsuited to sober discussion, now that
I take up my pen to discuss in a short way this
tarilf question, which l should not think of do
ing, but for tho fact that Mr. Cabell, the whig
candidate for Congress, in a stump address a
few days ago came out openly and zealously,
the apologist and advocate of this tariff. Yes,
sir, he stood for near one hour and a half be
fore a people crushed by oppressions, loaded
like donkeys, and plead for their taskmasters.
Sir, lie uttered the language of a whig and a
tariffite—a language that I but little expected
ever to hear from the lips of a man of the
-South—n langnoge which, if uttered twelve
yeans ago, when the South was goaded to des
peration, and when the most fearful revolution
was contemplated, would have been rolled back
with loud hissings by the great mass of the
southern community. He advocated part and
parcel, that odious hill of taxation, which lias
reduced the South to a condition but little bet-
ter than that of pauperism, which has destroy
ed the value of our labor and our products, and
which has sent, and is daily sending into our
midst, its robbers, and legalizing their mon
strous enormities.
To satisfy the public mind, or that portion
of it which is honestly seeking tiutli, and not
hopelessly abandoned to the blindness of party
infatuation, I propose to exhibit some of the
bloody and haggard features ol that tariff,
which Mr. Cabell so fondly hogs to his bosom,
• l8 the law which dispenses the blessings of jus
tice alike Cn ?U. I " ill not weary the patience
of the reader by J: a OT *?«■" »
long list of glaring fncqu^L-cs by winch that
bill is distinguished, but will bo CP 5 '-* 3 * 1 . 1 . t0 ^
up a few prominent instances in WtiiCh i-’ 5
chalice, teeming with poison, is held to the poor
man’s lips, while the rich and the opulent are
comparatively exempt from the'r burthens. By
the tariff bill of 1842, for which Mr. Cabell
pleads, the following articles of general con
sumption arc subject to the taxes annexed.
Articles used by the poor. I Articles used by the rich.
~ ~~ 1 Fine Wilton carpets, 3-1
Fine Linens, 25
Silks, salins. &c., ‘12
Women's silk or satin
Shoes or Hoots, 3*2
Gold chains and jewelry 20
Champaign Wine, 12
i Ornamems Tor heads. 30
120 I Gems and precious .stonc3 7J
I Table fops of marble, in-
% I laid with precious
50 j sioncs, 30
I Go^glass, chandeliers,
30 j lusires. 5cc., 130 j
And thus I might fill a page with such evi- j
deuces of discrimination in favor of the rich
against tlie poor, but it is enough, that all the
articles entering prominently into tho family
supplies of the laboring man are taxed to pro
hibition, while the nabob is permitted to bask
beneath the smiles of a partial and protecting
government. Would to God that evofy toiling
son of the South could have this tariff bill in his
house, that he might see that lie was specially
singled out as a donhcij, to bear the burdens ot
government, and lashed, and spurred, and goa
ded on by bis insolent task master to the accom
plishment of his day as a hireling, ami then if
lie did not rise in the might and majesty of an
indignant (I had almost s;rid) freeman, not wed
ded to oppression, I would say, let him alone
—“lie is joined to his idols.” \Ye see by this
small table which we have exhibited, that the
onlv articles which the poor man uses, and
which ulone he may be able to buy, such as
homespuns, calicoes, Ac., are taxed otic hun
dred and sixty per cent., while the more b;Vor-
cd son of fortune, whose taste and ability leads
him to selcct'iho finer and more costly articles
of linens and silks, in which to array his fami
ly, is only subjected to the moderate duty ot 25
to 40 p:r cent. So, too, in oilier articles, the
table will exhibit the most feckless disregard to
the interest of the poor, while the rich is cared
for. The | oor man’s humble cottage, blessed
with no more costly furniture than moulded
glass and wares of equivalent value, is laid un
der the overwhelming contribution ol 38!) per
cent, (and these humble cabins dot the face ol
our country from one extreme to the other)
while tho splendid mansions and cosily sidc-
f tho wealthy, arc decked with glasses
y.
Clieapiiint; Carpets, 09
Coarse Flannels. lUU
Homespuns, calico. &c lG0
Woman’s leather shoes
anil bools -10
Iron trace chains,
Colton bagging.
Hale rope ami cordage
Iron iu bars or bolls,
dearly made cb'thing. .
Common moulded glass
Ware
18c
boards «
topped tables, which are laid under a tax but
little over one-third. Why all this ? Is it tnre
that wealth makes the man ? Is it true that the
toiling millions, from whose hardened hands,
and sunburnt brows, the revenues ot govern
ment are derived, are unfit for social or politi
cal equality with the rich, and is it possible that
the people of Florida, in any considerable num
bers, will yield their support to the man who
openly advocates th is system of oppression, and
who seeks a mission to Washington with pow-
THE TELEGRAPH AM) REPUBLIC.
^OiTW.
Tiictiday, October 7,
ers delegated to aid in forging the chains more ^ cnoU g|, "1 ready known to make this res
strongly that bind them to the car of their op- . ■ ...
? e i . t-. . i -nriiicrqt : certain. In our next no will give the state
nressors l Sure v not. Democrats! v. mgb. &
pressors ! Surely not. Dcmoci
whether planters, mechanics, or artizans a-
wako to the true appreciation of your rights,
and give energy and action to the noble impul
ses that become the noble descendants of a no-
blo ancestry. The day has past when it be
comes the South to take words in their mouth, ;
anil go before the proud and corrupt councils of
the nation, and beg tho freeman’s rights. Tt
was not so in the iron age of ’7G. When our
industry was taxed, our grievances were laid
before Parliament, and their redress demanded.
That being denied, resistance was tbo watch
word. “Millions for defence, but riot a cent for
tribute,” was the spontaneous! out-burst of ardent
patriotism, from the lips of or.o of nature’s no
blest sons. Its inspiration spread* on every
wind, and burnt on every patriot’s heart. Our
wrongs were redressed, our rights respected,
and the young fledgling of Liberty was born on
transatlantic shores. Where is the might that
now slumbers in the patriot's arms ? \\ here
is the spirit that drove our Fathers to resistance,
and our armies to victory ? And what matters
it if our oppressors bo foreign or domestic?—
Have we been elevated to the dignity of free
men, or have we been born to the inheritance
of bondage and disgrace? If the former, let
us cast aside the aspirations of the tariff candi
date, and assert our rights; if the latter, let us
fold our arms, and invite the “ lords of the
loom.” and the potentates of the North and East,
to wave in continued merej’’ the sceptre of
power over the ruin and desolation wliich their
tyranny has spread on the fairest portion ofoui
national inheritance.
YOUNG DEMOCRACY.
BRITISH PAUPERISM.
According to a writer in Blackwood’s Mag
azine, the number of paupers in Great Britain
is 4,000,000 or one seventh part of the entire
population of the empire. The proportion is
as follows: In England 1,000,000; in Ireland
2,300,000; in Scotland 200,000. Since 1S15,
a period of only thirty years, there has been
raised for tho relief of the poor in England alone
upwards of .£200,000,000, or about one thou
sand million of dollars. On the other hand, it
has been demonstrated, by the returns of the
income tax, that there aro seventy thousand
persons in the empire whose annual revenue is
$2000,000,000, or about ,£2,30ffeach. This
monstrous inequality of human condition, in a
country the richest and most industrious the
world lias ever seen, is alarming to the last de
gree, and almost shakes ones faith in. divine
justice: for its greatest effect is s>ren in the
prodigious increase of immorality and crime.—
During the last forty years, crime has increased
at a tenfold greater rate than population. It is
obvious that a state of things so radically wrong
cannot long continue. A general overturn
must come, and the world will experience even
a greater shock than was felt at ihe outbreak
in France a little more than fifty years since.—
What is terrible in the picture, is tbo contrast
which it presents to the contemplative specta
tor. Tho foreground is filled with all that can
please the”eye and captivate the mind; but be
hind that is a destiny of evil, an accumulation
of hideous objects, which absolutely appal the
stou’est hearts that beat in human breasts.—
• The wealth of England is no dream, but a real,
tangible matter; it is no exaggerated thing,
like the accounts which we have in eastern sto
ry of accumulations of c in and precious stones
in the treasury of tl;is or that ruler—but it is
solid, substantial, and-an instrument of real
power. O.i the other hand is tho poverty of the
people, a poverty of so squalid a character that
even the mendicity of Southern Europe appears
happiness by comparison with it. For, t<» ap
preciate the entire evils of the case, it must be
clearly remembend, that while the lozzaroni
arc practical philosophers, and almost literally
produce nothing, the English poor are many of
them the hardest workers on earth, and those
who are idle would work, could they find em
ployment. England owes her wealth to them.
They have dug it from her homes, they have
created it in her factories and workshops; they
have drawn it from the waters of every ocean
“from Zembla to tho Line,” and in its accumu
lation have periled every thing that is dear to ,
ELECTION.
Wo I. ave just time before going to press t 0
announce tlie election of the entire Democratic
ticket in this county. Official returns have not
yet been received from all tho precincts but
result
of
the polls.
Since the above has been in type, we have
received the following statement of the polls;
McAllister, Deni. 703
Crawford, Whig, Gol
Chappell, Dcm. 658
Groce, Whig, 615
Armstrong, Dcm. 608
Bivins, Whig, ffiq
Strong, Dcm. C-12
Sparks, Whig, 6118
From Twiggs we have only partial returns,
these however leave no doubt of-thc election 0 •
our ticket in that county. From Jone 1 ’, we
learn verbally that the Democrats have car-
rieJ their^entire ticket for representatives.
'i’lio Charleston Mercury ami Wash
ington Union.
We have for some timo watched with inter-
est and regret, and have been deeply grieved at
the course the Charleston Mercury has seen
proper to pursue towards Mr. Polk’s adminis-
tration.
Thattho whole South has just cause of com
plaint against the present, odious and unequal
tariff—that they have likewise sufficient ground,
for remonstrating in the plainest and most em
phatic terms against the course pursued by a
portion ofthc democratic members in Conm-ess
from the northern states upon that question
will also be readily admitted by every Southern-
democrat—yet we cannot see iiow we-nrolo ba
benefitted by the course the Mercury ha*
thought proper to adopt. Does the infidelity of
some of Mr. Polk’s friends at the north upon
the tariff question justify us in breaking faith
with an administration which must be regarded
sound upon tho tariff question until we have
tested it. Must the only reasonable hope of se
curing redress from that grievous curse be aban
doned when ruin stares us in the face from ev
ery other quarter? With-the controversy be
tween theMercury and its correspondent,ar.d tho
Washington Union, we of course can have no
thing do—stiff we must be permitted to say that
we think too much feeling has been evinced by
both parties, anJ that the controversy is excee
dingly ill-judged.
If the Mercury is sincere and its moth’csaro
founded in an honest desire to accomplish such
a modification of the tariff as will lie accepta
ble to che Reprubl cans of the South, if it will
turn its arms against the common enemy, ami
cease its attempts to create disaffection in the
minds of the people against the administration,
until it is fairly tried, it will have the hearty
eo-operajion of not on'y the entire Demeerafio
press of the South,hut the earnest prayers of tho
people for success in arresting that g-eat blight 1
upon Southern wealth and industry. Wc arc
as much opposed’to the tariff as the Mercury or
any one else. We deprecate the hypocrisy of
some of tlte northern Democrats as much as it
does, but we cannot but think that the Mercury
has placed itself in a false position by its late
singular attitude towards Lite administration; and
until it changes its course we must think with
the Washington Union,.that it cannot have tho
confidence of the "proud and gifted friends oft
Mr. Calhoun” in its own State.
2'iicOciirii Crop.
It will he seen from the-New Orleans corres
pondent of tt.e Montgomery Journal, which tvs’
transfur to our commercial columns to-day, that
the opinion is entertained in that quarter, that
although tho receipts of Cotton will not bo as
largo as those of the last commercial year, still 1
the great deficiency in the cotton growing
iife. Ti.cn- reward for all this is starvation to
themselves ana ;heir children or the bitter bread , States of the Atlantic will be nearly made up by
of fotced charity, grLUiH" : s'- v p ro ' ai -'j'* ^3’ d>c the increased production in tho States of the
The faffing off in this
Gulf aatd south-west.
State and South Carolina, will we think be
nrity, gruu^" I S - . , .
hearts ns cold as polar ico, er a t °u 7
hands that would lain strangle tho reC'™"” °
the churlish morsel. What a commentary ,s , . , , .
this on the popular dogma, that honest industry j d.nch creator than is generally supposed or Le
aver meets with its fitting rowan!! Of old it ■ ffeved. aZjd unless the production in the States
was said that he who would not work, neither | soul ]j 0 p u - i ia ^ increased in a greater ratio dto
should he eat; now, he who works, or who is I . ,.i„nc rmr ilm recciot*
willing to work, cannot get Pood, except as a resent, Man m any pr.imUS ,oar, U.o rare ^
* 1 must full very far short of thef estimates muu>
pauper.
It is sad to think upon. And it adds to the
gloom which tho contemplation of so black a
picture excites, when we observe that we are
treading in the same road which lms led the
people of England into a vast quagmire—that
wo are following the identical ignesfafui which
have led that great race to the miry gulf, whose
by this correspondent and the New
tinutes generally.
Orioatis
To our Country Uric lids.
With a view to enhance the value of the lc.'
egrapli to our planting friends, we will here*
. _ ... after give in this paper condensed views o*
insatiable wants are stayed not by swallowing . . , r .1,.. j’nian,
, . ,, f , c-- . - „ . . J* the markets in the principal cities ol the unu*»i
up whole empires—the terrible Serboman bog, | ‘ 1 ,
in which it would seem are to.he engulfed “the particularly the state of the cotton market*
hopes of all men ia every nation.”—Concord j This will he continued throughout the year.—
Freeman. j It is our intention, in short, to supply our conn-
A Wise Judge.—Hon. Abraham. Caruthcrs, 1 try readers freely with such information astray
a Circuit Judge in the Courts of Tennessee, ■ be of interest to them. With the enlatgemcnt
says, in a letter to Mr. Josiali Ilolbrcok : “You
have • convinced me that geometry’, geology’,
botany, observation, and classification become
thereby early and fixed habits ot the mind ; the
only habits by which the mind can be impro
ved. I am determitid to give what poor influ
ence I have on the bench, in the social circle 1
ar.d through our political journals, in favor of
popular education. I wish to make a move
ment to throw some simple works 0:1 those sub
jects into every family in my circuit.” The
Judge surely acts wisely in adopting ihe princi
ple that an ounce of preventive, especially in
crime, is bettor than a pound of cure. The
movement to bo made by the lonnessee Judge
might well bo aided by all the Judges in our
land. _
The recent census of New-York, exhibits an
increase of 70,798 in the population of 52 prin
cipal towns, being near 23 per cent. If there
has been a corresponding increase in the rest
of the Stale, the whole population is now about
3,000,000. In ls-10 it was 2,128.921.
A woman was recently convicted in Lancas
ter, England, of stealing fivo pounds of veal
which she had ingeniously concealed in her
bustle.
of our paper we can do this, besides furnishing
more than our usual amount of political and
general intelligence.
fl^ 8 * Wo need scarce invite the rcadcrs.il
lention to a perusal ofthc communication
the Floridian over the signature of
Democracy.” It carries truth in every wuio
and line.
As there lias been some reports in circidaih ,n
that the bills of the Merchants Bank of Mae 3
were rot receivable at the Treasury
State fi r Taxes, we have been authorize
state tint they are receivable at the Stale
sury upon the same terms as the bills of
Banks.
! We invite the attention of the travelling
! lie to the cards of the Floyd House and
j inston Hull, in another column. These - 1 ^
ler the direction of experienced a' 1
>f i' ie
to
aro uncial -
tentive landlords, and are kept in a style
surpassed by any Hotels in the State
hotel- 4
IIJ
wliieh
is no