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THE GEORGIA TELEGRAPH AND REPUBLIC.
OLIVER H. PRINCE
L_
.. punLiSHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING
by o. h. prince,
a t three dollars per annum,
invariably IN ADVANCE
»I)VERTISEMENTS »re insrrie.t at St
. ,„sre for tlie first insertion, ami SO cea*a pet a
imerlion thereafter.
/ /
ISt
PUBLISHED WEEKLY—
Edito-r «fc Proprietor.
pjEW SERIES—VOL. IL NO. 3.
MACON, TUESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 14, 1845.
WHOLE NUMBER 992.
HISTORICAL.
MR.
per
square for
insertion tlierearier.
- * j^a.Aonable deJutiicn win be made to those who adver-
• Vl»v '’lie year.
1 lt7*N- fi. Sale* of LANDS, by Administrator.. Eiecu
„ r "Guardian*. are required by law, to be lield on the
■aS*Ta*.d a y >n tlle month, between the hour, of ten in the
,ir5t non, and three in the afternoon, at the Court-house, in
ntv in which the fand ia situated. Notice of these
“eSnturtbe given in a public gazette SIXTY DAYS pre-
Sms to the day of sale.
Sale*°f NEGROES must be made at a public auction
[he first Tuesday of the month, between tlie usual h sura
/ial*,**^® pl tea 0 f public sales in the county where tlie
J.M.rs of testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship,
j v have been granted, first giving SIXTY DAYS notice
■ I f one of tlie public gaieties of this State, and at the
, _ .r’jhe Court house, where surh sales are to be held.
NTotice for the sale ofPer.oaal Properly must be given in
like manner. FORTY d.ys previous to ihed.y of ssle.
N»ti*e to the Debtors nnd Creditors of an estate must be
a^plLa’tm'Wm be made to the Court of Or-
Jinafy for leave to sell LAND, must be published for
F Noi^e ! rorU^" 3 <o sell NEGROES must be published
«r FOUR MONTHS, before any twder absolute shall be
wade therenn by die Court.
**I»raT!oas for letters of AdminUiratw*. m.i«, he publish-
, fii r ty rfny*—furdiaaission from ad min isi ration.* on/A-
{V ttx. Months—tor diattission from Guardiaaship, forty
''itWTt for the foreebisure of Mortgage must be published
nenthht forfoh r monthi—for establishing lost papers '.for
rktfull ifier of three montka—for compelling titles from
irfL-ninri »r A dminiatratora, where a Hond lias been given
bv the deceaied. the full ajrttee of three month*.
'pnblleadom will always be continued according to these,
.hr legal reqolreinents.u dess otherwise ordered.
* REMITTANCES BY MAIL.— ‘A postmaster may en-
cloieVm'tiey in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to
-i.-tlie aabserlotion ofa third person and frank the letter if
'’V,;;,, bv himself.”—A too* Kendall. P. M. O.
POETRY.
The following beautiful tribute of the gifted, wrs given to
el by a friend of the authoress who informed us that it was
written at a very early nfebv Mils Helen Beck of Albany,
New York. Where so much beauty of expression was
garnered on, there should have been no longing for the fiee-
tjn. luveliae.-s of the world. The mind’s beauties like dia
monds grow brighter when they are cleansed from the im
purities of the earth, and reflect their lustre most enchan-
liucls when encircling the wisdom-wreathed brow of \vi»-
aaa.-AV. Carolinian.
I WOULD THAT I WERE BEAUTIFUL.
j would that this pale lip were red, and that this e\ e were
bright.
And that this cheek sent forth from it, a clear, transparent
light.
While round it fell, in clusters bright, long, silken, glossy-
hair,
I would that l were beautiful! I would that I were fair!
Oh! Ih are vonbirp'd beauty's form, and I could fondlyr
gaze
Upon the artist's pictured dreams, for hours and e’en for
days.
To see the red Kps wreathed with smiles, the bright eyes
pictured there ;
I would lliat I were beau iful! I would that I were fairl
And e'en rnv loved companions too, the ones that most I
prize.
Have bounding steps, a:;d forms of grace, and deep, dark
lustrous eyes;
Jlare them all the more for that bright beau'jr which they
•hare!
1 vould that I were beautiful! I would ;batl were fair!
Yes. those that bear a beauteous form, may aay it fadetli
soon.
That genius is a fairer, and less fleeting earthly boon ;
Yes! they may say so, on whose brows the rays of glory
are—
I would that I were beautiful! I would that J were fair !
The light of genius bright may be, but men will sooner bow
lltfore the light that dazzles forth front boautv's beaming
brow;
Genius may awe them to admire the heart is beauty 's share.
I would that I were beautiful! I would that I were fail!
Prom the Bromdxcay Journal.
ECHO-SONG.
1 know a noble heart that beats
For one it loves how‘‘w ildly well!'
I only know for whom it beau ;
But I must never tell!
Never tell!
Hash! hark ! how echo soft ropeots,
Ah! nerertell!
I know a voice that falters low.
Whene’er one little name ’twould say;
Full that little name 1 know.
But that I'll ne'er betray !
Ne'er betray!
Hush! hark! how echo murmura low,—
Ah! never betray !
I know a s mile that beaming flies
From soul to l»p, with rapturous glow
And I can guest who bids it rise ;
But none—but none shall know !
None shall know!
Hush! hark! how •clto faintly iigtia—
Hut none shall know !
IHiSru l. otoootl.
Resurrection of a three thousand year old
pea.—>]n the year 1839, Sir Gardner Wilkin*
*on b ought from Egypt a rose of great anti,
tjuity, which had been dug out of a mummy
pit. This vase was presented to the British
Museum, and was opened in the presence of
several antiquarians; but it contained only a
s mall quantity of dust and a few seeds, among
*'hich were peas, vetches ar.d wheat. Three
uf ihc peas were presented to Mr. Grimstone by
T. J. Pettigrew, who kept the peas by him un
til 184-4, when, having purchased the herbary
3'. lligligale, he set them in a pot of composite.
The pea soon sprang from its three thousand
)ear trance into vegetable life, but yellow, as
if it had been jaundiced with a diseased liver
When it had attained sufficient height, it was
Qtrefitlly transplanted into the open garden; it
thrived, blossomed, and in August last (1S14)
Mr. G. harvested 55 seed from its pods. These
‘sere planted this year, and all of them have
up their sterns, blossoms and pods, and
*;ai i »ijr, hone for an abundant increase. This
P-a L .s many peculiarities, one of which is, that
‘bo pud projects through the blossom, leaving
latter behind It, while the generality
1*^ push, or rather carry off the blossom at
J 1 ® ‘ip of their pod.-r. Mr. Grimstone wag of-
J-'N last year twenty pounds for twenty of
, ese peas, which lie refused to accept, prefer-
r,n 5 rather to multiply than to sell. The bloom
0 this pea is while, and ofa bell form.—Eng-
n,tl paper.
lae^Ur^ Another Mail Robber.—Rensse-
0l ia brother of the postmaster at Pe-
q. 1 lias been arrested and committed to
n a *'* H a °ii for abstracting money from letters
j^v ln S through his hands. The depredations
Ho d v°" ,racc< * some period back and leave
TO of the guilt of Wood ruff.-Duff. Com.
Uwtda-f. M
INGERSOLL’S NEW WORK.
(oontinfkd*)
Chapter III of tin's remarkably interesting
book, is devoted to a description of the special
session of 18J3, its men and measures. We
extract the following passages r
“ The session of Congress began the 24th
of May, 1913. Ou the 10th of June, the
chairman of the Committee of Ways and
Means, Mr. Eppes, with permission of the
House, reported relative to well digested sys-
tem of public revenue, and, on motion and
leave, presented the lax bills, viz.: for the as
sessment and collection of a direct tax on lands
and slaves, a suit lax, on licenses to retailers,
carriage tax, still lax, on auctions, ffn refined
sugar, on stamps, on foreign tonnage, further
provision for the collections, and a bill to estab
lish the office of commissioner of the revenue.
All these bills were, as usual, read the first and
second time, by their titles, that day, and com
mitted to a committee of the whole house. On
the 22d of June, the House took them up in
committee, Hugh Nelson of Virginia in the
chair; and they were successively passed
through the regular stages of enactment. In
about a month, by the latter end of July, this
considerable hotly of acts received President
Madison's signature, nnd were put in operation.
“ John W. Eppes, chairman of the commit
tee which performed this important function,
was the son-in-law of Jefferson, the benefit of
whose confidential correspondence ho enjoyed.
Mr. Eppes was a gentleman of respectable
abilities, sincere and manly in his sentiments,
which were somclimes, however, rather loo re
fined for practical application to the emergen
cies of war. During most of this session he
was confined by a fit of the gout, which devolv
ed on Dr. Bibb, of Georgia, the lead in the
committee of ways and means. Without
meaning any' disparagement of Mr. Eppes, it
Was, perhaps, fo:tunate for the tax bills that
their passage through the House devolved on
a member who made no speeches, as the chair
man was no doubt prepared to do, which would
have elicited answers, and thus consumed time
precious for action. William W. Bibb—after
wards, I think, governor of Alabama—was a
young man, slight of person, feeble in health,
taciturn, conciliatory, firm, decided in support
of the war nnd Madison's administration, who
confined what he said on the floor to short ex-
p'anations in answer to objections or questions,
without indulging in any rhetoric. The tax
bills, if flooded with debate, if not foundered,
might have been much hindered : the previous
question being then a rare application. Dr.
Bibb was ably supported in the Committee of
Ways and Means by James l’leasants of Vir
ginia, (of which State I believe Dr. Bibb was
also a native,) one of the most respectable
members of that Congress ; likewise without
ever making a speech. He was a kinsman of
Jefferson, and resembled him in the sandy com-
plexiou said to indicate an enterprising temper.
Mr. Pleasants was afterwards governor of Vir
ginia. Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, as
members of public assemblies, filled the high
est places, without the talent of public speak
ing, so common as to be almost cheap in the
United States, by no menus universal in Eng
land, and extremely raro in France, where
nearly everybody can talk, but few speak;
which seems to be a difference between using
the longue standing or silting. Another mem
ber of the committee of Ways and Means, and
a frequent speaker, was Mr. Jonathan Roberts,
of Pennsylvania, yet living on or near the farm
which his family acquired when some of them
came from England with Penn; and which
Mr. Roberts tills with his own hands, wh le
fond of literature and well read ia polite learn
ing. Mr. Speaker Clay, thorough-going in
his putty politics, took care to construct his
committees with large administration majori
ties of all such as might have any in
fluence upon the war. The most active
member of the minority opposed to war
and tlio administration on this committee,
was Mr. Timothy’Pitkin, of Connecticut—
a gentleman well known for his statistical and
hi.-torical attainments und works. Hu too was
u frequent and able speaker, decided in his op
position, but temperate and Ia,r. Hugh Nel
son, who presided as chairman during the con
sideration of the tax bills, was remarkably con
versant with the rules and usages of a deliber
ative assembly, son of Thomas Nelson who
signed the Declaration of Independence, and
afterwards, by President Monroe's appoint
ment, American minister in Spain. The war
of 1812 was beholden to James Madison, James
Monroe, Henry Clay, James Pleasants, John
W. Eppes, William W. Bibb, and Hugh Nel
son—all, if I am not mistaken, natives of Vir
ginia—not to mention others, for eminent ser-
vices in elevated stations. Mr. Nelson repre
sented the district where three successive Pres
idents were born; of the red earth, John Ran
dolph said, fruitful of chief magistrates. The
ancient dominion, as that State is called, has
beer, a mother of several others, fruitful of po
litical uxiom:i and principles, and was power
fully represented in all branches of govern
ment during the war.
“ The thirteenth Congress convened by the
President in special session to impose taxes,
represented a sparse people, only twenty-five
on an average to the square inilo, scattered
over disjointed territoiies two thousand miles
square—only eight millions altogether, white,
red, and black—for thirty years plunged in the
pursuit of gain, unused to restraint, unbroken
to taxation, which they had never felt but to
resist from the first day of the revolution in
1775. Tried with all tlie power of Washing
ton's administration, it was resisted by rebel
lion. Continued under that of Adams, further
rebellion ensued ; and taxes were the means
by which that administration was overthrown.
Always no better (ban a necessary evil, taxes
in England required war ff>r their imposition.
The war of the Amertesn revolution was waged
almost without them, like that of France, by
paper money. Throughout the war of 1812,
among all the difficulties, ibis was not one.—
Whether the twelfth Congress could have laid
taxes without overthrowing Madison's adminis
tration, may be a question. But the thirteenth
GaRatm might well infer, from all the taxation I
experience of the world, especially that of the f
Congress did so without hesitation or hindrance;
doubled them as occasion required, and they
were always punctually paid in even the most
disaffected parts of the United States. Yet it
is not to be wondered at that wise men feared
the experiment. Tha short-lived representa
tives of a self-governed people are opt to be a
people-fearing House of Representatives. Mr.
American revolution, and the administrations
of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, that
Congress must be timid, selfish, parsimonious,
and unstable; less disposed, as they general
ly are, than their constituents for measures of
decision. The federal constitution, however,
is in this respect much stronger and better gov-
ernment than the confederation. By that,
members of Congress eligible for but one year,
and ineligible but for three years out of six, re
vocable at nli times by vote of their State Leg
islature, had no authority to act directly upon
the community for revenue, but were obliged
to approach the people through the mostly im
penetrable hindrance of State legislation.—
Early impressions of popular and State power,
of representative dependence and timidity, were
therefore natural in 1812. Many years after
wards Mr. Madison said that, without reference
to party opposition, there was an inscrutable
disaffection—an under-tone in Congress, be
called it—somewhere, whidi baffled his admin
istration at first. Members of Congress of the
war party more than whispered that it was in
his cabinet. But many, well inclined to re
publican government, at that time deemed a
confederated republic incapable of such vig
orous and constant action as war required.”
The following picture of the secret session
of July 15,1813, is eminently graphic:
“ Tliere were then none of that large corps
of licensed and licentious news-mongers at
Washington, since established in the capital, as
letter-writers for various public journals ; tlie
National Intelligencer, the only daily paper,
was nearly suspended; both the editors and
seven of the workmen having gone down with
the volunteer companies, together .vlth all the
regular troops and volunteers that could be
mustered from Washington, Gforgetown and
that neighborhood, to the number of about
3,000 inen, to face the foe; also General Arm
strong, Secretary of State; Captain Jones.
Secretary of the Navy; and many others as
volunteers. All business was suspended.—
Most of the men took up arms. The British
advancing vessels were supposed to be some
miles below, on their way to Washington.—
Tlie Adams vessel of war, commanded by
Lieutenant Wadswoilh, Fort Warburton, and
other defensible points, were disposed of as
was thought best for resistance ; and the Sec
retary of the Navy slept on board of that ves
sel. At the same time, British vessels were
moving up the Chesapeake towards Annapolis,
besides those ascending the Potomac towards
Washington. Some skirmishing look place at
Swan’s Point where one or two of our militia
were killed ju-t before Colonel Monroe got on
the ground with a troop of horse—he being al
ways among the most active and indefatigable
of our volunteers. Tliere were some compa
nies and parts of regiments of the regular in
fantry and artillery, together with the volun
teers, stationed wherever thought best. The
enemy’s squadron, as was understood, in two
divisions-—the first under Admiral Cockbum,
the second under Admiral Warner—were care
fully sounding, and slowly sailing up the Poto
mac, amounting, according to our tidings, to
six or seven liue-of-battle ships, three schoon
ers, and several transports with land forces, ta-
king islands, and threatening to visit Washing
ton. Batteries and other defensive works were
going up under tlie superintendence of Colonel
Wadsworth, an old officer of artillery, at Green-
leaf’s Point and the navy-yard. Such militia
and other troops as remained, were diilled ev
ery morning at dawn, with perpetual appeals
to the spirit of the people, against, what tlie pub
lic prints stigmatized as the enemy’s character,
mode of warfare, und black barbarities.
•‘This state of alarm and excitement contin
ued about a week, during which that attack was
apprehended, which, thirteen months after
wards, laid the public edifices of Washington
in ruins. Some of the black barbarities of the
English were blazoned in the Richmond En
quirer, National Intelligencer, und other publi
cations, with particulars shocking to be even al
luded to.
"Our situation was discouraging. From the
beginning, the war had gone continually against
us, except at sea, where we were overwhelmed
by numbers. There was too much reason to
apprehend that the United States were no match
for Great Britain. Defeated and disgraced ev
erywhere, Congress was to impose the burden
of taxes on a divided people, who hud been
taught by leaders of the war party to look upon
a tax-gatherer as a thief, if not to shoot him as
a burglar. The sentiment was universal, that
we had not one military man in whom either the
army or the country could place confidence.—
The capture of the un'ucky Chesapeake seem
ed to awake us, as it wet * from a dream of un
expected seu comfort, of which the flood was
over, and the ebb set in. The country was at
the lowest point of depression, where fear is too
apt to introduce despair. In Senate, the State
of New York, a principal theatre of military op
erations, was represented, in part, by a senator,
Obadiah German; the State of Pennsylvania,
nearly unanimous for the war, by another, Mi
chael Leib, popular there, and active every,
where, the State of Maryland by a third, Gen.
Samuel Smith, a ridi'merchant of great expo-
rience, address, and influence; and the State of
Virginia by a fourth senator, Win. B. Giles, the
most expert debater, and one of the ablest
members of that vital branch of both executive
and legislative government, all inimical to Mad
ison and his administration; besides several oili
er senators nominally of the war party, but not
well disposed to the President, who was op
posed by a large and powerful party in that
body, in whicli.combinations frequently defeat
ed bis most important measures. The Secre
tary of the Treasury (Mr. Gallatin) was gone
to Europe, to solicit the only relief lie consider
ed practicable for the country. Tlie merely
perfunctory duties of the Treasury Department,
owing to the President’s hardly.justifiable ad
hesion to Mr. Gallatiuas its head, were tempo
rarily performed by the Secretary of the Na
vy, Captain Jones, who, with respectable abili-
t es, could hardly fulfil tlie arduous duties of his
own station. The Postmaster General (Mr.
Granger) was so much opposed to the Presi
dent, that he found it necessary, not long after
to remove him from office, and put Governor
Meigs of Ohio in his place. The Secretaries of
State and War, Colonel Monroe and General
Armstrong, were said to be brealhing that rival-
ship for the presidential succession, which put
the former in the latter’s place, when Arm
strong was tumultuously driven from Washing
ton the night after its capture by the enemy.—
The executive departments of government were
out ot joint v/iili each other, anti many of them
out of favor with most of tlie advocates of the
War. Them was a large, bold, and some of
them unscrupulous minority—without, howev
er, any treacherous disloyalty that I know of,
beyond the usual struggle of parties to supplant
each other. Some members, no doubt, counte
nanced that ext re vie opposition which after
wards centred in the Hartford convention,
whatever its und.vulged designs may have been.
But there was neither despair nor more than
party dissension at any moment in either house
of Congress, less faction in the minority, and
more unanimity in tlie majority, than would
have been the case under less trying circum.
stances. The disastrous commencement of the
war was not without the uses of adversity.—
From a distant point of time, we may look back
upon the external pressure and internul resis
tance of that crisis with gratitude to the overru
ling Providence which, by what seemed calam
itous occurrences, prepared the country for
happy results. Next to Divine Providence,
this historical acknowledgement is due to that
popular providence—that much despised, abus
ed, and undervalued mass of the people; a con
siderable, however fluctuating, yet constant ma
jority of the American nation; the least calcula
ting, but truest and firmest of all, who, under
every tribulation, upheld and cheered their lin
eal offspring—a majority in the House of Re
presentatives. Those on whom the taxes bore
hardest, whose livelihoods were most interrupt
ed, whose names would probably never be bla
zoned to celebrity—like the common sailor and
soldier, who bore the brunt of war, actuated
more by patriotic impulse than selfish reason—
they never deserted or faltered. ‘Who loves
the peoplol’ said Voltaire, a greater architect
than Bonaparte of that prodigious revolution
which restored their sovereignty, notwithstand
ing all its abuses and aberrations. Yet without
coincidence with that least selfish, though least
refined mass—without even party spirit, so
much deprecated—what state can be free, what
free state great, what statesman strong]
“Among the fervid and the fearless to whom
no small share x-f the popular success of that
war is attributable under extremely trying cir
cumstances, none is entitled to more grateful
recollection than the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, Henry Clay. Ardent and
bold in support of the war, and Madison’s ad
ministration of it; prompt, clear, cogent, and au
thoritative in the chair; eloquent, forcible, ag
gressive in speech; impulsive and overbearing,
yet adroit and commanding in conduct; resolute
and daring in all things; without much learn
ing, study, or polish, ho was then, in the flower
of his age nnd robust health, the powerful
champion of whatever he undertook, and mas
ter spirit wherever he acted. His descent from
presiding over the representation of popular
sovereignty was the first step of his declension.
“We bad hardly the door closed in secret
session, before John Rhea, of Tennessee, came
within ten votes of carrying his motion to lay
Colonel Stewart’s resolution on the table, which
ltiics donounceti as a factious attack upon the
administration. As Colonel Stowait submitted
the resolution on his responsibility for his sin
cerity, feeling bound to believe it at least until
the contrary should be shown, I voted with Ma
con and a few others of our party, with all the
feJeralists, against laying it on the table. Mr.
Rhea was a great oddity, in appearance, beha
vior, dress, speech, and temper; a rich old
bachelor, a very honest man, a thorough-going
party man, and a good-natured man. but one of
those gruff, growling persons, who would rath
er be considered unkind when he really was not.
The Tennessee delegation at that time, besides
Mr. Rhea, consisted, among others, of Felix
Grundy, a distinguished member of the war
parly, and of General John Sevier, an old Indi
an iiuuter, us straight and almost as stiff as an
arrow, with the sto rn Jd epCrt meat of reserve and
self-possession which men are apt to contract
who have much intercourse with savages, and
the hardihood of frontier life on the outskirs of
civilization, in perpetual conflict with them.—
General Sevier, if I am not mistaken, had been
involved, among the pioneers of the West, in a
rencontre with the most extraordinary Ameri
can of the nineteenth century—General Jack-
son—also of Tennessee.
Mr, Dnniet Sheffey, Mr. Richard Stockton,
Mr. Webster, Mr. Pickering, Mr. Pitkin., were
prominent en tlaot side. Air. Clay, Mr. Cal-
iiouu, Solomon Sharpe,of Kentucky, (assassina
ted in the Beauchamp homicide,) Mr. Troup, of
Georgia, Governor Wright, of Maryland,
Jaires Fisk, of Vermont, Jonathan Fisk, ol
New York, William Dovul, afterwards gover
nor of Florida, Jolrn W. Taylor, afterwards
Speaker, Felix (irundy, were lestding men of
the republican party. John Forsyth did not
speak that session, nor till the middle of tlie
next, distinguished as he became for speaking
talent. Not drd HJfr. Webster that session
make any of the great speeches on which his
reputaiion roseafterward*. He and Mr. Stock,
ton were gone home when the proceedings if
this conclave took place.”
• * » • • * *
“ During the angry discussion, when the
House was sometimes noisy, the Speaker com
manded silence with unusual emphasis: ‘Gen
tlemen,’ said he, ‘if we do arm and take the
field, 1 am sure we shall be beat, if tliere is not
more order kept in the ranks than in this house.
1 should be sorry to head so disorderly a body.’
At that time, when the old generals were to be
laid aside, and successful juniors had not ap
peared, it was, among other devices, one of the
expedients contemplated to commission Mr.
Clay for the army; also Mr. John Randolph,
notwithstanding his unmitigated opposition to
tlie declaration of war. Superseded by Mr.
Eppes, Mr. Randolph was not a m .‘tuber of
the war Congress : his urgent, constant, .and
potent efforts to prevent the declaration, having
lost him the district he so long represented.—
Mr Clay in the fieid might have found there a
theatre for his genius, possibly better adapted
than Congress.”
an J Thomas Cooper. Mr. Gaston was one of
the ablest and most pieusing speakers of the
House, a leading membtitei the opposition, af
ter war. Ls chief justice of Norti Carolina.—.
James Clack*- was afterwards governor of Ken
tucky; John Forsyth governor of Georgia, sen-,
ator ol tho United Stales, minister to Spain,,
and Secretary of State. Mr. Wright b*d been,
governor of Maryland, and hail represented
that Siatu in the Senate of the Uuited States.—
This select committee dkl not make their report
till the following December, IS13; when it ap
peared, and was printed in ai volume of 200 pa
ges, written by John Forsyth. Of course it re--
quirod time to procure the tividence and digest
it. Under several heads the report explained
—first, the bad treatment of American arisen-.
erst; secondly, their detentiun as Britian «ub*
jects, as natives, or naturalized; third, deten-
tiou of mariners as prisoners found in England
when war was declared; fourth, compulsory
service of American seamen ia British ships-of-
war; fifth, violation of flags ofAfuca; sixth,
ransom of American prisoners Indians in.
British service; seventh, pilings nnd destruc
tion of private properly in the Chesapeake bajr
and neigborhood; cight’u, massacre and burn*
ing of prisoners; pillage and shooting of citi
zens, and burning of houses alter surrendering
to British ant) under their protection; ninth,
outrages at Hampton—the last thus mentioned
in the report. The shrieks of the innocent vic
tims of infernal lust at Hampton were heard by
the American prisoners, but were too weak to
reach the ears or disturb tlio repose of British
officers, whose duty as men required them to
protect every female whom the fortune of war
had thrown into their power. Human language
affords no terms strong enough to express tho
emotions which the examination ofthe evidence
.. has awakened, lu the correspondence between
The limits of a newspaper will not permit us |he AmeriCiin 01ld British €t)I £ ma „ders. will bo
“After Rhea's motion was negatived, Mr.
Thomas G. Gholson, of Virginia, moved to
strike out the preamble from Colonel Stuart’s
resolution; which being done, and the blow at
the administration, if uny was intended, thus
parried, the subject came before the House for
consideration an its merits.
•‘The weather was in canicular sympathy
with our condition, as representatives of tlie
country and the party on whom its forlorn for
tunes were pressing; one of those dry, sultry,
windy, not cloudy, but misty, murky, smoky,
overcast, uncomfortable dog days, whether the
regular cauiculars had set in or not, which sur
rounded by an amphitheatre of hills, with the
sluggish Potomac, and extensive flats between
it and the Tyber, closed July and prefaced Au
gust with unwholesome,enervating, sweltering,
atrabilious, suffocating, languid, feverish heat,
as hot as the faction within and war without.—
Washington was unhealthy in the latter part of
summer and most of autumn. There were few
ofthe crowds of visitors or of inhabit Hits now
there, most of those few had marched away on
the sudden campaign sprung up; and Pennsyl
vania avenue, the only peopled part of that me
tropolis of magnificent distances, had hardly a
listenor along its disconsolate thoroughfare.—
Congress were nearly alone in the Capitol, of
which only the two wings were then built, with
out the rotundo, or either of tlie noble fronts
now facing east and west;.the whole pile imper
fect and extemporary. It blew a hurricane,
roaring like great guns through the dome of
the House of Representatives, and struck down
the flag ratline on tho top. Distant artillery
was audible, as was thought, from time to time,
and rumors continually afloat as the enemy ad
vanced. Thedivision of parties was so intense
that there was little personal intercourse among
many members of opposite sides. The fede
ralists and the republicans did not »it tog tlier,
except a few republicans overflowing among
the federalists, occupying the Speaker’s left.—
Debate ran high. Mr. Clay was an excellent
presiding officer, but he could not keep the
House always in order. Alexander Han-
ton, a small man, in delicate health, editor of
the Federal Republican newspaper, one of the
boldest in opposition, was a sharp, fierce speak
er, and attacked sometimes the Speaker him
self. Mr. Thomas Grosvenor, of New Yoik,
was the readiest debater and hardest hitter ol
tlie federalists; Mr. Gaston, a handsome man, j
of pleasing address and speech, Mr. Oakley,
to follow Mr. Ingersbll in his elaborate review
ofthe campaign under General Harrison; but
we will closj this notice with the following ref
erence to Mr. Clay, and we would add to it the
masterly and finished portrait of Nathaniel
Macon, if it had not been so recently inserted
in the “ Union.”
“After those British fugitive amphibious in
roads had taken place at Frenchlown, Havre
du Grace, Fredericktown, and Georgetown, but
before the before-mentioned occurrences at
Crnney island, Hampton, and Norfolk, on
Monday, the 24ffi of Alay, 1813—ill the midst,
therefore, of these scenes of marauding and
plunder—the session of Congress began. The
r resident’s message reminded us ofthe obliga
tion of adapting measures on the supposition
that tho only way to peace was vigorous em
ployment of the resources of war. And pain
ful as the reflection is, it is sai l this duty is par
ticularly enforced by the spirit and manner in
which the war continues- to be waged by ihe
enemy, who, uninfluenced by the unvaried ex
amples oInhumanity set them, are adding to tlie
savage fury of it on one frontier, a system of
plunder and conflagration on the others, equally
forbidden by respect for national character, and
by the established rules of civilized warfare.
“Next day Mr. Clay was ehet d Speaker,
and the oath administered to him by my' vene
rable colleague, William Findley, one of the
oldest men and members of the House of Rep
resentatives. The day after, Peterson Gooil-
wyn, of Virginia, submitted the customary mo
tion for the appointment of the standing com
mittees, which were then much fewer than since.
Mr. Clay, placing Mr. Macon in the chair, with
the promptitude and decision of his character,
forthwith called the attention of Congress and
the country to the outrages at the river Raisin,
the incursions as conducted in the Chesapeake,
and the enemy’s general unwarrantable con
duct, by moving a resolution that so much of
the President’d message as related to the spirit
and manner in which the war had been waged,
should be referred to a select committee. Rai
sing his fine voice in the splendid hall, surroun
ded by representatives of tho country, most of
them strangers to him and to each other, witli
great animation and force, the speakor, with
bitter recollections ofthe defeat and destruction
of his Kentucky companions, expressed his ab
horrence of the enemy’s inhumanities—not only
the massacre of our citizens on the western
frontier, but the conflagration of hamlets, villa
ges, and farm-honses ou the maritime border.
The latter outrage lias not been denied, said
he, b it apologized for on the pretence that we
had first fired on their flag. Although lie be
lieved the allegation false, he was glad it was
thought necessary to make any apology.—
There ought to be inquiry. If the f icts were
as reported, they called for the ind’gnation of
all Christendom, and should be embodied in an
authentic document. Mr. Clay enjoyed Mr.
Madison’s confidence; and it is probaole that
this motion was made by preconcert u’ith him.
No opposition was made to it, unusual as it
was for the presiding officer to leave the chair
as soon as the House was organized, take tlie
floor, and present a motion for the appointment
of an important select committee, tlie composi
tion of which would be his own act. But Mr.
Clay was not a man to be deterred by such con
siderations. Soon alter, however, the matter
appeared to be settled, Mr. Thomas Grosvenor,
of the New York delegation, the readiest and
boldest debater of the House, or.e of the strong
est opponents oF the war and administration,
made a motion to reconsider; which motion is
npt to open what seems to be closed. He de
sired to amend the resolution, by adding to it
the words, and by this nation, aftei the word
‘enemy’: That is, that the spirit and manner
in which we had carried on the war. should be
authenticated, as well as that of ihe English.—
As the President’s message (said Mr. Grosve
nor) contrasts our humanity with their barbari
ty, 1 wish to see the evidence of the former.— |
This, a spi c ous Intimation, was warmly repell- |
ed by Robert Wright, of Maryland, an elderly
gentleman, quick with retort of all kinds, wheth
er with tongue, pen, or pistol—for he had
fought some desperate duels. The amendment
he objected, cast impu'ation, a libel, on our
land and naval officers, who had distinguished
themse’v. s as much by humanity as valor.—
After a short discussion, Grosvenor’s n oti*n
was rejected, but by only a majority of twelve:
and the Speaker announced the special com
mittee, without putting Mr. Grosvenot’s upon
it according to common parliamentary usage
to place those members on committees who
take an active part in debating the subject-mat
ter. The war members of tlie committee
were Nathaniel Macon, John Forsyth, Robert
Wright, James Clarke arid Perry W. Hum
phreys; the federalist*, were William Gaston
found what is equivalent to »n admission of tlio
fucts by tlic la’tc-r. No punishment lias follow
ed conviction of the guilty. The power of re
taliation being vested in the Executive, no mea
sure is proposed by this report. Such enor
mities, instead of inspiring terror, as was prob-
ubly intended, being calculated to produce the
contrary effect,-tlie committee close with a res
olution lliat the President be requested to col
lect. and present to the House evidence of every
departure by the enemy, during the war, from
the ordinary mode of conducting it among civ i -
liz :d riatio s.
“Air. Humphreys, of Tennessee, and Mr.
Cooper, of Delaware, were not, I believe, in
public view after that Congress. The other
members of the select committee from whom
this report emanated, were all conspicuous in
various public stations, as governors, judges,
foreign ministers, and secretaries. But uonu
of them rcclicd the posthumous celebrity
which their chairman’s name lias come to—no
doubt, without his eilber expecting or desiring
it; and as a remarkable specimen of American
democracy, it merits full exhibition. Repre
sentative democracy is a modern experiment in
politics, which has never yet been fully carried
out. None of its disciples was more disposed
than Mr. Macon for the trial: so that candid
portraiture of him is as curious as it may bo
edifying.”
We do not remembtr ever to have read a
more striking sketch than the one just prece
ding. It is of a cnaracter with the whole book,
and imparts to the style of the writer a degree
of unusual spirit, making it more like some
well-told and ingenious story, than the detail of
mere matters of fact. Wo have no doubt that
.Mr. Ingorsoll’s book will be rapidly purchased
and eagerly read. Men of all parties will ad
mire its frankness, nnd the numerous rich and
lo ig-buried stores of information with which it
abounds. Even tl.osc who would assail, will
pause before views so ably, so boldly, and so
intelligently expressed, and portraits so critical
and just. AVe hope to be able to resume this
hasty review at an early day, x F.
The North and the South.—The Kentucky
Annual Conference of the Methodist Episco
pal Church have voted (98 to 6) to adhere to
tlie Methodist Episcopal Church South, and
,that all their proceedings, records and official
acts, hereafter, be ni ihe name and siyle of The
Kentucky Annual Conference of the Metho
dist Episcopal Curch South. On Thursday,
gays the Lousville Journal, Bishop Andrew
arrived, who, on Friday, presided over the
Conference. Bishop Andrew during the day
made a plain statement of ail ihe facts respec
ting the questions in regard to himself, on which
the proceedings cf the general Conference,
which led to the separation of the South and
North, were founded. AV lien he sat down, the
Conference adopted a resolution requiring the
members now to define their individual posi
tion. The roll being called, and the under-grad
uates being on this question entitled to vote,
the result stood, for adhering to the Church
South 146, for adhering to the Church North
5. A resolution was also passed, expressing
in the strongest terms the approbalion of the
Conferences on the conduct and action of Bish
ops Soule and Andrew throughout the entire
controversy.
“ The Home Market.”—The present prices
of agricultural produce afford a melancholy,
but conclusive proot of the delusive character
of Whig promises, nnd of the ruinous effects of
Whig policy ; upon the interests of the fanner.
For The last three years, the ‘protective system’
has had unrestricted sway ; and while it has
enabled rich capitalists who have their millions
invested in manufacturing establishments, to
divide ten, fifieen and twenty five percent., the
prices of the mechanic are falling, falling fall
ing. While the great staples of the South—
cott >n, rice end tobacco—are at the lowest
points of depression, the wheat and the wool of
the Middle and Western States fail to remuner
ate those engaged in their production. The
Buffalo (N. Y.) Commercial says: “The flour
market has become perfectly stagnant. Flour
is offered at 83 65 and wheat*at 70 cents. F»our
is as low as it has been for a quarter of a cen
tury, and during the whole ot that long period
it is questionable whether it has ever been less
ot a mcrcantnble commodity. Although pri
ces have, at times, ranged uncommonly low,
there never has been so |>eriect a strgnation a*
at present.” Bad as is this aspect, we venture
to predict that puces will go still lewer, if tho
present restrictive system, by which the farmer
is slmr. out from the markets of the world i*
continued.—Constitution