Newspaper Page Text
Su -VO
nn( ] ir wo close our market* against tlieir im
ports of high duties, they must buy loss of our
©snorts, or give a low r price, or both.
prior to the 30lh June, 1812, a cred t was
given fur the payment of duties; since w.rc.i
date, they have been collected in cash, be
fore the cash duties, and the tariff ol 184 , out
trade in foreign imports re-exported abroad al-
forded large and profitable employment to oar
merchants, and freight to our commercial ma
rine. bath for the inward and outward voyage 5
but, pi nee the lost tariff, this trade is heug lost
annexed. The total amount of foreign imports
re-exported during tho three years since the
last tariff, both of free and dutiable goods, is
833.384,394—being fir l-*ss than in any three
years (except during tho war) since 1793, and
less than was re-exported in any one of cghl
several years. The highest aggregate of any
throe years was $173,1 OS,S13, and tins lowest
aggregate $41,315,705— being in the years
1791, 1795, and 1793. Before 1820 the free
gaods are not distinguished in this .particular
from dutiable goods; but since that dat-", the
returns show the f dlowing result: I fit ring the
threo years since the tariff of 1812, tho value
of dutiable imports re-exported was $12,590,-
811—being less than in any one of seven years
preceding sir.ro 1820 tho lowest aggregate of
anv three years since that d itc being $14 918,-
441. and the Irghest $37,727,293. Ev<n ho.
fore the cash duties, for five years preceding She
high tariff of 1S2S, the value of dutiib'e goods
re-exported wis $91,796 211; and 1 >r tlo five
years succeeding that tariff $6G,7S4,192—
showing a loss of $2S,020 49 ol our trade in
foreign exports after ths tariff of 1828. Tho
groat d'lnhiution of this most valuable branch
of commerce has been tho combine I result of
cash duties and of the high tariff of 1842. If
tho cash duties are retained, as ii is believed
they sltnolu he, the only wire method of resto
ring this trade is tho adopt on of tho warehou
sing system, bv which the foreign imports m iy
he kept in store by the government until they
are required for re-exportation abroad, or con
sumption at honip—in which latter contingency,
nnd at the time when for that purpose they arc*
taken out of these stores for consumption, the
duties nro paid, nn l, if ro-exported, they pay
no duty, but only the expense of storage. Un-
dor the present system, the merchant introduces
foreign imports of the valuo of $100,000 He
must now, besides the advance fur the goods,
make a further advance in cash, in many cases,
of $59,003 for the duties. Under such a sys.
tom. hut a small amount of goods wdl he im
ported fbr drawbacks; and the higher the duly
the larger must bo the advance, and the smaller
the imports for re-exportut ion.
Tho imports before payment of duties, under
tho same regulations now applied to our im
ports in transit to Canada, may be taken from
warehouse to warehouse—from the. East to the
lakes nnd to Pittsburg, Cincinnati, and Louis- i
rille—Irom New Orleans to Natchez, Vicks
burg, Memphis, nnd St. Louis—and warehou
sed in these and other interior ports, the duties
remaining unpaid until the goods arc taken out
of the warehouse, nnd out of the original pack •
ng", at sucli ports, for consumption : thus car
rying our foreign commerce into the interior,
with all tho advantage of augmented business
nnd cheaper supplies throughout the country.—
It will introduce into our large ports on or near
tho seaboard assorted cargoes of goods, to ho
re exported with our own, to supply the mar
kets of the world. It will cheapen prices to
tho consumer, by deducting tho interest and
profit that are now charged upon tho advance
of duly—building up the marts of our own com-
nrwee, and giving profitable emplovm nt lo our
own commercial marine. It "ill greatly in
crease our revenue, by augmenting our imports
together with our exports ; aud is respectfully
recommended to Congress, ns nn important
part of the whole system now proposed for llieir
consideration.
Tho act of the 3 I of March last, allowing a
drawback on foreign imports from certain pons
lo Canada, and also to Santa Fo and Chihua
hua, in Mexico, has gone, to some extent, into
effect, under regulations prescribed by this de
partment, nnd is beginning to produce tno most
happy results —cspecia'ly in nn augmented
trade in the supply of foreign exports to Cana
da from our own ports. Indeed, this law must
soon give lo us tno whol-t of this valuable trade
during the long period when the St. Lawrence
is closed by ice, aod a large proportion of it nt
nil scuaoas. The result would l»e still more
beneficial, if Canada were allowed to carry all
her exports to foreign nations in transitu through
our own railroads, rivers, nnd canals, to be
shipped from our own ports. Such a system,
whilst it would secure to us this valuable trade,
would greatly enlarge the business ou our riv
ers. lakes, railroads, and canals, as wall as aug
ment oik commerce ; and would soon load to
iho purchase, by Canada, not only of our for
eign exports, but also, in many enses, of our do- i
innstic products and fabrics, to complete nn as- j
•ortment. In this manner, our commercial re j
lalion-i with Canada would b come more inti- !
mate, end more and more of her trade every '
year, would be secured to our people.
Connected with this department, and the fi
nances, is the question of the sales of tins pub'iu
lands. Tho proceeds of these sales, it is hole-
voJ, should co'ilinue to corstitntc a portion of
the revenue, dim nish ng lo that extent tho
nmount required to bo misod by tho tariff.—
The ne’t proceeds of these sales paid into tho
treasury during the Inst fiscal year, was $2 077,-
022 30; and from the first sales in 1787 up in
the 39th of September lust, was $118,(507,-
335 91. Tho average annual sd s have been
much less than two millions of acres; ynt the
nggretr te nelt proceeds of the sales in 1834,
1835, 1 -336, and 1S37, was $51,263,617 82—
Those I Kg® sales were almost cxclusvtly lor
speculation ; and this can on'iy ho obviated, at
n'l limes, by confining the sales to saltiers aud
cu'tivfctors in limited qu unities, 8iifhci«nt fir
f irms or plantations. Tne price at which tho
public lands shonll he sold is a t important
question lo the whole country, but especial.y lo
the people of tho new states, living mostly re
mote fiom tho seaboard, an I who hove scarcely
fob f ho presence of the government in local ex
penditures, but chiefly in tlte exhaustion of 1 heir
means ior purchases of pub'iu lands and for
customs. The public lands are not of the same j
value; yet they are all fixed atone unvarying
pric *, which i> fir above th • valuo of a large
o of ilicsc iui
csl would be promoted, and the revenue aug
mented, by teducing tho price. The reduction
of the price of the public lands in favor of set
tlers and cultivators, would enhance the wages
of labor. It is an argument urged in favor of
the tariff,’that we ought to protect our labor
against what is called the pauper labor of Eu
rope. But whilst tire tariff docs not enhance
the wages of labor, the soles of the public lands
at low prices, nnd in limited quantities, to set-
tiers ami cultivators, would accomplish this ob
ject. If those who 1 ve bv the wages of labor
j 4. «*»*■» iswina n»r oco. too
for $40, or 80 |i*r $2 h or lO-mre I;>t.s for $10,
die power of lire m rml'a- - ! lrimg capitalist in re
ducing the wag-s <>f labor won't be greatly di
minished; l>'Ciu<e, when these lands were
thus reduced in [ rice, t!m-c who live by the
wages of labor c ml I porch a*** I" ran at these
low rates, ami cultivate the sail fa themselves
and families, imi ad nf working for others
twelve hours a-dny in tho mmufictories. Re
duce tho price which h • lab for must pay for
the public domain ; Sir tig thus the means of pur
chase within his p -w.-r; prcver-l nil speculation
and monopoly in th * public lands; confine the
sa'estt settlers and cultivators, in limited quan
tities; preserve these hundreds of millions of
acres, for ages to come, as homes for tlte poor
and oppressed ; reduce the taxes, by reducing
tiie tariff, aod bringing down tho prices which
the poor nro thus compelled to pay for all the
necessaries and comf»rtsof life—and more will
he done fur the benefit of American labor than
if millions were added to the profits of manufac.
turing capital by the enactment of a protective
tariff.
The Secretary of the Treasury, on coming
into office, found tire revenues deposited with
banks. The 1 iw establishing the independent
treasury was repealed ; and the Secretary had
nn power to re-establish that system. Con
gress had not only repealed that law, but, as a
substitute, had adopted tho present system of
deposite hanks, and prohibited changing any
one of those for another hank, except for spcci-
fi d reasons. No alternative was left hut to
continue the existing system until Congress
should think proper to change it. That change,
it is Imped, will now be made l>y a return to
the treasury of the constitution. One of the
great evils of banks is, the constant expansion
and contr icti m of the currency; and this evil
is augmented by tho deposite of the revenue
with hanks, whether St.itc or national. The
only proper course fur the government is to
keep its own money separate from all banks
and bankers, in its own treasury—whether in
the iirint, branch mmti», or o«U«*r government
agencies—nnd to u*e only gold and silver coin
in nli receipts and disbursements. The business
of the country will be more sale when an ade
quate supply of specie is kept within onr limits,
and its circulatijn encouraged hy all the means
within the power of this government. If this
government, aud the States, and the • people,
unite in suppressing the use of specie, an ade
quate supply, f>r want of a demand, cannot be
kept within our limits; and tho condition of
the business and currency of tho country will
be perilous and uncertain. It will be complete
ly within the power of the banks, whose paper
will constitute the exclusive circulation of the
whole community. Nor will it be useful to es
tablish a constitutional treasury, if it is to re
ceive or disburse the paper i.f banks. Separa
tion front the banks in that case would only lie
nominal, nnd no addition would be made to the
circulation of gold and silver.
Various forms of paper credit have been
suggested, as connected with the opeiations of
the constitutional treasury; but they are all
considered as impairing one of the great objects
of such a treasury—namely, an augmented
circulation of specie. If paper, in whatever
familiar with these coins, do nat receive them ;
and thus the circulation of a gold currency is.
to a great extent, defeated. If these coins were
converted at our mint, or branch mints, into thu
eagle, tha half-eagle, and qiiarier-eagle, w<3
should speedily have a large supply of Ameri
can gold coin, and it would very soon be brought
into common use as a currency, and thus g : ve
to it greater stability, and greater security to
ail the business of the country. A considerable
amount of foreign gold coin has, during the
present year, under the directions of this de
partment been converted into American gold
ruin ; lint the process would he much more ra
pid if aided by the organization of the constitu
tional treasury, and the establishment of a
branch of the mint at the great commercial ent-
porimn of tho Union. With the mint and
tKanch m hits as depositories, the sum remaining
iu the hands of other iceceivers of public mon
eys, whether of lands or customs, would be in
considerable, and thegovernmcul could be rea
dily protected front all losses of such sums by
adequate b ntds, an J the power, by law, to con
vict and punis'i as criminals all who embezzle
the public moneys.
It is believed, tinder such a system, that no
defaults would take place, and that the pub
lic moneys would be safely kept and disburs
ed iu gold aud silver. Th s Government is
made, by the constitution, the guardiuo of a
specie currency. That currency can only he
c lined, and its value regulated, by this gov
ernment. It is one of its first duties to sup
ply such a currency, by an efficient mint,
and hy general regulations of the coinage ; hut
in vain will it attempt to-perform that duty. if,
when coin is made or regulated in value, this
government dispenses with its use, and expels
it from circulation, or drives it out of the coun
try, by substituting tho paper of banks in all
the transactions of the government.
There is nothing which will advance so sure
ly the prosperity of the country as an ade
quate supply of specie, diffused throughout
every portion of the Union, and constituting,
lo a great extent, the ordinary circulation ev
ery where among the people. It is a currency
that will never break or fail: it will neither
expand nor contract beyond tlte legitimate bu
siness of tiie country ; it will lead to no ex
travagant speculations at one time, to be fol-
lowB'l hy certain depression at another; nor
will labor ever bo robbed of its reward by, the
depreciation of such currency. There is no
dnnget that we shall have too much gold and
silver in actual circulation, or too small nn
amount of bank paper, or that any injury ever
will lie iitlliclou upon tho business of the coun
try, by a diminution of the circulition of tlte
paper of banks, and the substitution in its place,
to that extent, of gold and silver. Even their
most ardent advocates must admit that banks
are subject to periodical expansions and con
tractions, mid that this evil would be increased
by giving them the funds ot tho government to
loan, and hy receiving and disbursing nothing
hat llieir paper,
It is believed that the permanent interest of
every class of tlte people will be advanced by
tlte establishment of the constitutional treasury,
and tli it tho manufacturers especially will de
rive great benefits from its adoption. It will
give stability to all their operations, tnJ insure
them, to a great extent, against those fluctua
tions, expansion-;, and contractions of the cur
rency so prejudicial to their interests. By
gunrding against inflation* of tho currency, it
will have a tendency to check periodical excess
es ot foreign importations put chased in fact
upon credit; while loans from hanks, or dan-
j gerous enlargements of their hnisiness and ex
cessive issues of their paper, will be greatly di
minished. Whilst n sound and stable curren
cy guards the manufacturer against excessive
form, or from whatever source it may issue, importations from abroad, it protects him from
should he introduced ns a circi.1 dion hy the
constitutional treasury, it would, precisely to
that extent, diminish its use as a means of cir
culating gold and silver.
The con<titut : onaI treasury could be render
ed a most powerful auxiliary of the mint in aug
menting the specie circulation. The amount
of public money which can be placed in the
mint is now liurtcd hy law to one million of
dollars ; and to that extent it is now used as a
depository, and ns n means of increasing our
coinage. It is suggested that lists limitation
may ho so modified ns to permit the use of our
mint and branch mints for a much larger sum
in connexion with the constitutional treasury.
The amount of public money received at New
York greatly excoods that collected nt all oth
er points, nnd would of itself seem to call for n
place of public deposite thore; in view of
which, the location of n branch of the mint of
the Unite ! States nt that city would be most
convenient and useful. The argument used n-
trainst n constitutional treasury, of tlte alleged
insecurity of tho public funds in the hands of
individuals, nd especially the vast amount col-
j Feted at New York, will be entirely obviated
by such an establishment. The mint of the
! United States has now been in existence 52
! years. It has had the custody of upward of
! 114,000,000 of dollars; and during this’long
i period of lime, there never has been a loss of
any of i’s specie in the mint bv the govern
ment. The mint at 1’hil idclphia is now con
ducted with groat efficiency, by the uble and
faithful officer at the head of that establish
ment, whoso general supervisory author ty,
without leaving the parent in nt, o iglit still ho
wisely extended to the branch nt New York.—
Besides the utility of such a brencli as a place
for keeping safely and dish p.st*>g the public
money, it is believed that the coinage might he
greatly a'tgmen'crl by fa branch
of the mint at that great c ry. It is there that
two-thirds of tho revenue is annually collected
—the whole if tfhic\ mdr the opera* u»n of
the cotvaitmio tal trs^tlry, wmilil be receivrd-
in specie! Of th it amount, a very large seen
would be received in coin of other countries, I
and especially in foreign god eo ns—all of '
which couM I*,; speedily run wind, upon the j
s;.o', into our own coins of go'd n»d .si'vt-r I
j The am m it also-of such f-re*gn coin brought 1
hy emigrants to the city of N* w York is very j
considerable; a Ergo jiorrioti of which would
! Hml its way to the brunch of the mint f« r re-
I coinage. Tlte foreign gold coins do not, and
j it is leaved will n >t. oireula'e genondlv as a cur
eertoy, notwithsta tiling th- y are ma Ie a tender
! by I iw. The into at which these coins nro Irx-
| ed hy law H not fnmili tr to t'»e p**op!e; the
portion of these lauls. The quantity now sub* j drnotnina'ion of such com is in'onvuaiont; the
yet to entry at the minimum price of $1 23 ! paits into which it is divided are not decimal;
per neto i> 13o337.457 acres, and 109,l):;5,- . the rites at which it is taken vary in different
.113 tn ad.I.non, to which the Indni title has | i a t> of the Union. If is convenient in the way
kraM.in^iism.,1-1, U.gan aggregate of242,- j of ready ttansfer in counting; it is more diffi-
.1 o"d reqmnng a century and a quarter i cult, in common use, to distinguish the genuine
i sa es at the rate they have pro- " ’ - - ■
line—Without including anv of
disasters at home, nnd from those ruinous re
vulsions in which so many thousands are re
duced to bankruptcy. The tariff if Ad lowed,
as in the absence of adequate checks it certain
ly soo t will be, hy an inflated currency, whilst
it thus enhances thu expensts of mauu'actu-
ring at home, will speedily and certainly raise
prices up to the whole amount of the duty, so
as. to repeal the operation of that duty in favor
of the manufacturer, and enable the foreign
importer ngam to flood the market at tho en
hanced (trices arising from an ittfia'ed currency.
B-Jt soon the revulsion conies, and all are over
whelmed in a common ruin. The currency
is reduced below the wants of tho country, by
a sudd 'it ~a*>d ruinous contraction; and tho
labor and industry of years are required to re
pair tlte mischief. Stability, both in the ta
riff and the currency, is what the manufacturer
should most desire. Let the tariff be perma
nently adjusted, by n return to reasonable and
moderate revenue duties—which, even when
imposed truly and in gord faith for that purpose,
will yield sufficient advantage to afford reason
able profits; and let this permanent system
(and none other can he permanent) ho estab
lished, and accompanied by a stable currency—
and the manufacturer, in a series of years, will
derive tho grentest benefits from the system.
Tho present system cannot be permanent. It
is too unequal and unjust—loo exorbitant and
oppressive, and too clearly in conflict with the
fundamental principles of the constitution. If
the manufacturer th nks that this system can he
permanent, let hint look to the changes which
have .attended all attempts to establish and
contiuuo n protective turilK Tlte first tariff
was tnsed in part upon the principle of very
moderate protection to domestic manufactures;
inti die result has been, as appears by the table
hereto annexed ; that the tarilflias been ch ing-
c i and mod tie J thirty tint's since that period —
bring more man once,bn an average, lor ev
ery Congress since the government was found
ed ; mid one of these turiffs was in itself a
y»i.*m of successive annual changes, operating !
through a period of ten years. Of these chan- I
ges, foart. en have lx ci general, and sixteen
Special. Fiom 1810 onward, these changes !
Ii.ve been must frequent and it is van to ex-
p' ct perm >ti ney from anything but a revenue
i an If. Stability is what the inn lufaclurer
should deari e, and especially that that question
should be taken out of the arena of politics, hy
a j-ist and permanent set.lenient. & groat
number of tables, illustiative of the (fleets of
llto tariff, compiled from official documents, ac
company this report. Some of these tables
exhibit the operation of each of our tariffs, from
Iho organization of the govarnment to thu pres.
< til period. In order to enable the Secretary
its and surplus, or i:i relation to the wages of
I ibor. An abstract of all that is deemed use
ful in these replies, together with a copy of
both the circulars, is appended to this report.
Tl(® coast survey is rapidly progressing—
having been extended eastward to the eastern
coast of Massachusetts, and southward nearly
to the dividing lino of Maryland and Virginia;
on the Chesapeake. Two new centres ot ope
ration have been opened under the sanction of
this department, in North Carolina, and on the
Gulf o{"Mexico, from which the work may be
spread until the parts unite. Important posi
tions for forts, navy-yards, harbors, and light
house present themselvs along this interesting
portion of tile coast of Louisiana, Mississippi,
aud Alabama, and the islands guarding the in
terior channels between Mobile and New Or
leans. Great economy exists in the administra
tion of the fund appropriated for the coast sur
vey; and every effort is made by the superinten
dent to press tho work onward to a comple
tion. Tnrec charts resulting from the survey
have been published within the past year, nnd
five more are nearly read) for publication.—
Tiiis great work is most honorable to the science
of our country, most useful to our navy, and
commercial marine, and in connexion with our
light-bouses, must decrease the cost of freight
a d insurance, us well as the risk of life and
property. Great attention lias been given by
this department to the very important subject
of our light-house system. Tiie various im
provements suggested by experience at home or
abroad—the relative advantages of gas and oil,
of reflectors lenticular and revolving light, the
location and construction of the buildings, ns
well as the mod© of keeping the lights—arc all
being fully and carefull y investigated, and a
report, it is believed, will be ready during the
present session.of Congress. From the Chesa
peake to the Capes ofFlorida, and thence west
ward, our coast is badly lighted, as well as the
great lakes of the north and west; and numcr-
ous wrecks, often accompanied with loss of life
and properly, seem to r.-quire the interposition
of Congress.
Such portion of the charts of the exploring
expedition as were placed under the charge of
this department were distributed for tlte benefit
of our whale sliips. These valuable charts em
brace the survey of many hitherto almost unex
plored regions and islands of the Pacific as well
a part of the coos', of Oregon, and must be em
inently useful for many purposes, but especially
to our seamen and merchants engaged in the
whale fishery. In pursuance of a resolution of
Congress, a report is in progress of preparation
as regards thu banks and currency, and also in
relation to statistics; and these, with all other
reports reqired from this department, will be
presented at the earliest practicable period of
the present session.
In pres tiling his annual report in obedience
to the law, the Secretary of the Treasury sub
mits his views with undissembled diffidence—
consoled by the reflection that all his errors of
j dgment will be corrected by the superior wis
dom of the two Houses of Congress, guided
and directed by that overriding Providence
which has blessed the unexampled progress
of this great and happy Union.
R. J. WALKER,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Hon. John W Davis,
Speaker of the Representatives.
COL. TOWNS’ LETTER.
We have just received the following' letter
from Col. Towns, which we hasten to lay be-
f ire our readers without comment.—[Eo. Jef
fersonian.
Talbotton, 20tli Dee. IS45.
Sip.—The American Whig of tne 2d inst
was placed in my hands a few days since by a
friend, in which 1 find a communication over
tiie sigriatuie of “A Whig,” and an Editorial
article, misrepresenting my course on the sub
ject of abolition petitions while a member of
21tii Congress. The Jeffersonian of 28th Nov.
1 have also seen. 1 take pleasure, in returning
you my thanks for your defence of what you
supposed to be my course. That the voters of
this District should know my opinions as well
as my official acts in reference to Abolition pe
titions, and great as my aversion is to appearing
in the public prints in defence of myself, as oth
ers are concerned, by my present relation lo
the voters of tiie District, 1 hope there will he
seen in the motive a suitable apology for the
act. If I comprehend the precise ground of
complaint against me, it is that I voted for the
reception of Abolition petitions—that I was in
favor not merely of these receptions, but also
to their riference to a committee; and in sup
port of this charge, it issaid that I voted in fa
vor of the celebrated Resolution of Mr. Pinck
ney of South Carolina, offered to tho House of
Representatives in February of 1st session of
24th Congress. I do not pretend to repeat the
exact language of the charges as contained in
the ‘‘American Whig” as the paper is not at
hand, but suppose i have done so substantially.
If I am correct in what I suppose to be the ob
ject of the editors of thut paper, as also the au
thor of the communication of “A Whig,” the
whole might be disposed of by a demand of
them for tho authority on which they rest tiieir
charges. If I have at any time given any vote
in Congress on the subject of Abolition peti
tions, authorizing the charges contained in the
“American Whig,” it is but proper the public
should know it. I invi e my accusers to the
proof. Should they fail to adduce it, nil libe
ral and correct men must award to them igno
rance on the subject of which they profess, with
a patriot’s zeal, to enlighten the public mind, or
wnat is quite as bad, they will have secured for
themselves an indisputable title to that peculiar
species of notoriety from which thinking men
! are most apt to shrink. I have been not a lit-
1 tie perplexed to recall to my recollection some
fact or circumstance, that would excuse this
idle story that lias of late been in ide against
rr e. But once, that 1 now remember, did I
! ever meet with any gentleman who supposed I
had voted for the reception of abolition peti-
| lions, and especially Mr. Pinckney's resolution,
i That was in 1840, in u public discussion, when
the gctilK'nirin referred to, now one of the Judg
es of our Superior Courts, in reply to me moro
in the form of an interrogatory than a direct
charge, desired to bo informed what had been
my course in regard to Mr. Pinckney’s resolu
tion ? 1 told him, as I now tell tho
satisfied bf the eorrectne-s of my course ; and
though I met u illi him oftener than once on the
field of argument, in the memorable campaign
of J840, lie never alluded to me as a deserter
of Geoigin’s rights, upon this fearful question,
nor would the painful duty now imposed upon
me have been necessary, had the author of
“A Whig,” and the editors of the “American
Whig,” consulted the true source of informa
tion, the Journals of the House of Representa
tives.
As Mr. Pinckney’s resolution and my course
in relation to the same, has been selected ns the
point of attack, your readers will bear with
ine, if I should not wait for proof ;o he adduced
to establish my guilt, but proceed at once, by
the incontrovertible evidence from tho Journal
itself, to show that the charges, whether express
or implied, stand contradicted. On Monday
the 8th of February, 1836, 24th Congress, 1st
session. House Journal, page 305, it will he
seen that Mr. Pinckney' moved to suspend the
rules of the House, to enable him to offer his
resolution on the subject of abolition petit ons.
Upon the motion to suspend, the yeas were
135, nays 65. I voted with the nays. The
rules being suspended, Mr, Pinckney offered
his resolution, and after some debate had there
on, the previous question was called, viz:
“ Shall the main question be now put 7” Upon
this motion the vote stood, yeas 11S, nays 97.
I voted in the negative, with Gen. Glascock
and Mr. Moisey, then members from this Slate
—See Journals, page 30S. The resolution of
Mr. Pinckney by the vote of the House was
received; whereupon a motion was made that
it bo divided, and that the question be taken
separately—1st, on so much of the resolution
as was contained in the following words—
“Resolved, That all the memorials which
have been offered, or may hereafter be present
ed to this House, praying for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia ; and also
the resolutions offered by an honorable mem
ber fiom Maine (Mr. Jarvis.) with an amend
ment thereto proposed by an honorable mem
ber from Virginia (Mr. Wise.) together with
any other paper or proposition thnt may be
submitted in relation to this subject, be refer
red to a select committee.”
The vote stood upon this proposition, yeas
174 nays 4S ; Gen. Glascock, Mr. Holscy
and myself voting in the negative. All can
did men will at once admit, that this proposi-
t on embraces the questions of reception and
reference to a select committee of abolition pe
titions, and nil other papers touching the sub
ject of abolition. With my votes spread upon
the Journals of the House, accessible to all, it
is remarkable that any respectable man could
be found prepared to assert that I voted for the
reception of abolition petitions.
It is not mr purpose to reflect on those who
differed with me on Mr. Pinckney’s resolution.
It is not for tno to judge of the acts of others ;
to the people of Georgia 1 was then, and am
now, responsible for the part I acted. I am
now accounting to them for myself, without
a desire to condemn others. I know many
who supported Mr. Pinckney’s resolutions
were not warning in patriotic devotion to the
constitution, and the rights of the slaveholders
as secured under that instrument. I know no
unfriendly fueling lo the peculiar institutions
of the $oullt, lingered in the bosom of many
who voted for Mr Pinckney’s resolution.—
With that portion the anxious-concern-was, to
sinke upon the course of policy best calculated
lo arrest fanaticism, preserve the harmony and
integrity of the Uni n, nnd thereby secure un
impaired our right to slave property guaran
teed to us tinder the constitution. I Jo not
mean that there were no exceptions ; far from
it. I have no doubt that f r the last ten years
rank abolition sts have been returned to Con
gress, and on the occasion referred to, anch of
them as supported the resolution were actuated
most probably from motives of hostility to the
South and her p cu.’iar institutions.. In the pas
sage ol Pinckney’s resolution, it may be that
the abolriiunisls gained something. Southern
members were willing to yield a little, with the
hope that argument, remonstrance, and perhaps
persuasion, would arrest the bigotry and fanati
cism that were developing themselves in certain
quarters of the Union. For myself, I had ne i
ther patience to en lure their repeated insults
n >r faith to believe that moderate and tempori
zing measures wou'd arrest the evil they were
inflicting upon the country. Hence, in every
instance, I voted for the strongest measure pro
posed against them. I could see no good resul-
ring from a report of a select committee. I did
not lv lieve the human mind or heart could be
awakened to a sense of propriety, when delibe
rately set upon the fo il purposes of abolition,
by an appeal to tiie one or the other, by argu
ment. I regarded the whole feeling that de
veloped itself in abolition movements as u com
pound of religious bigotry and political kna
very; and to yield to it one inch, by any con
cession, in my opinion was to encourage them
iu crime, social, moral and political, while our
own strength and security would be endanger
ed. I was satisfied thnt the most eff.ctual re
buke that Congress could give, would he, nej-
iher to receive or refer their petitions. I diJ
not believe the House violated the right of pe
tition as secured under the constitution, by re
fusing to receive abolition petitions. The rea
sons that brought my mind to this conclusion,
‘f I were to give them, would extend this com
munication to an immeasurable length. Nor
am I aware the occasion requires it. My pur
pose is to state frankly* to the people of Georgia
my own acts. Then to proceed :
It will be remembered, thnt so much of Mr.
Pinckney’s resolution as made it the rule of the
House that all the memorials which had been
ofl-red, or that might thereafter be presented,
praying for the abolition of slavery in li e Dis
trict of Columbia, and also every paper or prop
osition on tho subject of slavery was referred to
a select committee. The majority had assu
med the responsibility of giving this direction
resented my constituents in this vote! J
ted by my vote what I firmly believe .\ Ser *
unanimous opinion of the people of G ^ '!*
“ That Congress possesses no consfi^^
authority to interfere in any way with th!
stitution of slavery in any of the States r ID *
confederacy:” orii A
And out of 208 members of Concr )eS3
recorded their votes, only 7 were fou, l( i 1
against tiiis proposition, one of whom
member from tins State. 21 »
The occasion will at least excuse jf
justify me in alluding in this connexion ^
notorious fact in the history of the
parties of Georgia. So far us my | Jm ***
friend Gen. Glascock was concerned, h» ! J
myself voted alike in every vote be'g ay g W *
Mr. Pinckney’s Resolution, except the °*
just referred to, when he stood with six o-f 5
to *201 agair-st him. It is well known that
Glascock became very popular wiih bnih J ‘
ties in Georgia in 1836, so much so that ^
of the candidates opposed to him and hit n,?*
then before the people for a sent in Cor-
actually withdrew from the contest, and°i/i
am not mistaken, recommended ln 3 p arl? ,
support Gen. Glascock, in consideration 0 f i-
faithfulness to the views, interest, atj '
of the State on Mr. Pinckney’s resolution/*
If this was not tho sole ground of Gen. G|y[
cock’s popularity with the parly opposed 3
him at the time, I feel warranted in sayii» j,
was the chief ground. We all know the';,;,’.;,
in the October elections of 1836 Gen. qP
cock was rt.urned to Congress, several
sand votes ahead of either of the otheras^
dates. I allude to tiiis, not in the spirit of
plaint Tho whigs done for my friend u q.
tober 1S36 nothing more than lie deserve!^
They voted for him hy thousands, and to
serve their cnnsistcn'.y and satisfy the vgjf
that two public agents acting alike upoa
deeply exciting and interesting question,Ju-'j
.receive the same measure ofjustica from i)*.
hands, I see no other plan for them toe/;,,
for the-wrong done vie of late, and prtum
thrir consistency, than on the lit JUtndtiju
January next to give me, if not many ifa
sands, at least some hundreds of their tifa
By tho adoption of this course, which I e . /
cially recommend to the Editors of the dm-.
ican Whig, and their correspondent M flq,y
I promise them to forget at an early day alh^
have written connecting Mr. John QuincvAt
urns’ vote and my own on the subject of Aboli.
tion.
But to be serious, how it happened, tbutk
aff ctions of the whigs were concentrated ijj
liberally bestowed upos my friend Gen.Gh
cock, w hile bitter denunciation was the porta
in reserve for me, is a slight circumstance
party movements beyond my power to divine!
Hut to proceed to the next, being the 3d
on Mr. Pinckney’s Resolution, upou thu followf
ing words :
•‘And that in the opinion of this House, C=r|
gress ought not to interfere in any way
slavery in the District of Columbia."
And upon this proposition the vote ito’l
yeas 163, nays 47. 1 toted with the year.
The vote was then t«xen upon th© follor
ing words t
“ Because it would bn a violation of the p.
lie faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangerow
the Union.”
And upon this proposition the vole ri
yens 127, nays 75. I voted iri the affirms:
The question was then taken upon agreeinjil
the remainder of the Resolution, winch ii:[
the following words :
“Assigning such reasons for their conclm
as, in the judgement of i lie committee, me
best calculated to enlighten the public mini',
allay exci’ement.s, repress agitation, to seed
and maintain tiie just rights of the slav#kȣ
States, and of the people of this District,mi
restore harmony and tranquility aamngfi
various sections of this Union.”
Upon this propos'tlon the vote stoodyntl!
nays 6. 1 voted in th® affirmative, and Mrs-*1
Allen, Evans, Jackson, Lawrence, Phelps
Sloauc, voted in tho ne^ativ*.
I have now pre e tel the Rcji'utioci
Mr. Pinckney, the questions taken ihr
with the yens and nays on cacli. I
shewn the votes I fell it my duty to gn*-
at the time thought them right, I w o[
same opinion now. Having presented the
toy duty is now ended. It remains I rik
tors of tiie 3d Congressional District h
upon my public acts. VVliat that judge
may be I rh# not profess to know. ^
have said, I felt due to them, and asreca
lo my own character. Beyond tiiis, I ‘ : -
feeling to gratify, no object tc accompli 1
with entire confidence that the great to?
the people will maintain, not only the
lions of the country in all their purity sir*
or, but pass upon public men anJ 1
impartially. This letter is addressed to J'
such use as you may think proper to m !,!
the same.
Verv Respectfully,
GEO. W. T0W*\S.
To Wm. Ci.ink.
Editor of tho Georgia Jeffersonian. I
MEXICAN INDEMNITY*
Wo find in the New York
from Gen. Santa Ana to Charles Ca-’^Pj
Esq., merchant of that city, which con-^J
following passages respecting the nt * r
ican instalments :
Havana, l9tb
The instalments were most pund^- ' : . t
in ready cash, during
head of Government. But, as on
April of last year, l had withdrawn
• ie business and retired to my j
1 otii the Constitution ami my char® 1
allow the President to mingle f u ,
self 10
the time I ■*!M
the
it was then tlieir duty to aid in giving that com-
during absence, I confined mys^ ^
mending the payment to tin* l’ :; ' |
pore, General Valentin Canaliz®' a ' ,.
Minister of Finance, Don lg oac|1 J y,j
and when the oilier instalment
ce-^-l
Sec^l
in 1
,
in d( fiance ofmv orders, die I 13 ' 1 " I
lo comply with the direction of the, acts of
Congress, requiring him in his annual report j j-ujos of the House to enable him to oiler his
to suggest “plans for improving or increasing j resolution ; I voted against the main question ;
t ) c impleto the
gressc-u hereto!
the unsold land
vast region
not yot extingi
there is a vast .
'■f public lands.
of Texas or Oregon, or of the
•s to which the Indian title is
died. It is clear, then, that
d annually increasing surplus
:rv Ii: I lo of which will be soi l
within any rcisonibl© period at tho present
urHe and m rcg.it I to which the public inter-
from the counterfeit foreign coin; and tlie-
-stainp upon it is not familiar lo the people—
Iront all which causes, a foreign gold coin does
not, and will not, circulate genera Hy os a cur
rency among the people. In many of the
hanks, nearly th*: whole of tlieir specie is kept
in every variety ol foreign gold coin ; and when
it is tendered by litem i i payment of tlieir
notes, the great body of the peop'c, not being 1
the revenues,” and to give “information to |
Congress in adopting modes of raisuig” the j
revenue, two circulars were iatued. published, 1
and generally distributed, propounding various
questions connected with this subject, and re-
questing replies. Some answers have been j
received, from friends as well as opponents, of
the tariff; hut the Secretary regrets that the
manufacturers with very few exceptions, have
declined answering these questions or commu
nicating any information as regards their prof-
voters of | c
tho 3d Congressional district, that I voted against i 1 ie o ow,n S wort
tho motion of Mr. Pinckney to suspend the j “ With instructions to
lias no constitutional aut
anv wav with the institul
period, I dictated, in advance
I voted against tho 1st division of Mr. Pinck
ney’s resolution, which ordered the recoption,
and the referenco, to a select committee, of nil
abolition petitions, and other papers o i that
subject; but after the House had by tlieir vote
resolved to receive, and refer petitions, memo-
rials and other papers touching the abolition of
slavery, to a select committee, 1 then voted to
instruct the committee to report against the
views of tho abolitionists. That lion, gentle
man was then, and is now, so far as 1 know,
ofjihe States of this confederacy.”
—On tiiis proposition (the vote stood, yeas 201
nays 7) I voic'd yea. Those who voted in the
negative were John Quincy Adams, Ev
erett, Denny, William Jackson, Rice Gar
land, John Robinson, and Thomas Glascock.
The vote above settled the first branch of the
instruction to the committee, and though I dif-
fered with Messrs. Adams, Everett, Denny,
Jackson, Robinson, Garland, nnd my colleague
Gen. Glascock, I have never believed I misrep-
report thnt Congress j the payment of the successive " I
hority to interfere in j nil exactitude; and in ready |-. l
ion of slavery in any people having contributed 11 in . C *irt not A
people having contriuuieu ■* uj
[ and ordered that the money j , ••
: ployed for anv other purpose, • v ,. |
! sntion with the Minister, Sh»"» 1
mention, alludes to tiiis. _ I
In short, in my option, >>
which you refer wore paid 111 ' ‘ j [he
if this be not so, the Mintstr' ^,
Voss, are responsible; tho j t liC1
disobeyed my positive ordt'Ki 1 |,j ? : 1
not having fulfilled the I
cuts. ° A. Vh b