Newspaper Page Text
ttfwMg jgUur (Eta.
THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. 10, 1670.
• Mr. Diitrci IleTletrcd.
W$, publish this morning an able end in
teresting review of Mr. Dawes late speech,
and his extraor Jinay statement* concerning
the economy of the Administration. The xe-
•eiever proceeds upon the principle that
“figures* will not lie,” and makes an exhibit
which takes all the wind out of Mr. Dawes
"&•
IacontUtcnejr and Desperation.
If, as the Constitution of this city allege*,
the oblige* of malfeasance preferred by Treas
urer Angler against tbe Executive, are "gen
erally believed" by tbe Bryant Democracy,
wby, in tbo iiAOid of icAzoii, did not the lead
ers of that faction vote for a Committee of in
vestigation ? The Governor asked for an in
vestigation; only his enemies in the House de
nied it—that is, the investigation was denied
by tho very man who ottered these charges?
Gan anything be more unreasonable? Is it
not an open confession, on their part, that, in
their opinion, the charges wen* wholly un
founded ? that they were preferred aud uttered
only for political effect ?
“Only this and nothing more.”
Mcasnres Before Congress.
The total abolition of tho franking privilege
hangs fire. There seems an anxiety on the
part of aome Senators to load the bill with
amendments, and these may result in its de
feat, or at least in its material modification.
The Senate bill expanding the currency of
the National Banks, is now before the Hooso
Committee with fair prospects of boccess.
The Mormon bill (originating in the House)
has been re-committed to the Territorial Com
mittee. It contains sweeping pains and pen
alties of disfranchisement, outlawry, Ac., on
those who practice polygamy; and, if passed,
will be the virtual banishment of Brigham
Young and his followers, from Utah, unless
they conform to tbe laws of civilized society.
Tbd Reconstruction measure s,brgan in 1867,
have become part of the settled policy of the
country. Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas are
in a fair way to be admitted, and thus will end
this vexed question.
Do They Want Peace 1
The Bryant Democracy, through its accred
ited organ of this city, calls for a Convention
of its faction, to sssemble in this city at some
time previous to the re-assembling of the Leg
islature on the 14th instant. Tbe alleged
purpose of this proposed gathering is, to pro
cure ••the administration of law without tbe
intervention of the sword,” Ac.
In view of the fact that the efforts of Con
gress and tbe Republican party in Georgia,
have been directed to this object for three
ysars past, and that tbe consummation of the
great work has been hindered and delayed
only by the reckless opposition of tbo political
mountebanks who now clamor for a Conven
tion, this eall becomes exceedingly ludicrous.
Do these men really desire “liberty without
lawlessness?” Do they really desire • the ad
ministration of law without the intervention
of tbe sword ? ” Do they want peaco, order,
quiet, good government, restoration to the
Union, and a solid basis for capital and indus
try in Georgia? If so, wby do they not cease
their factious opposition to tho general Gov
ernment ? Wby do they not cease their des
perate and reckless efforts to preterit the
restoration of the Stale to civil government?
v Why do they not support the State Govern
ment eatablished by tbe Congressional enact
meets? Wby do they persist in keeping np a
strife and nnsettleweut that is rapidly depop
ulating tbo State? Wby do they seek to
destroy public confidence, by keepiog
«ip a sp voles of guerrilla warfare
against tbo men who have been labor
ing? night and day for three years to
tabliah a legal State Government—one that
will be approved by Congress —and therefore
one under which ’ law” inav be administered
“without the intervention of the sword”?
No, these men do not want peace*. They
want office, power, plunder. Thil is the main
spring of all their patriotic protestations
Rule or ruin is still their motto. They want
no settlement, no peace, uo civil government-
nnle^s they can be permitted to control. They
do not represent tho tax-payers and producers
of the 8tate. They simply represent them
aetvea. Aud, in order to keep themselves be
fore the public, they seek to promote strifi
and eonfusioo ; to destroy confidence in the
Administration. To this end, they appeal to
the lowest passions^of the mob, to the pre
judices and passions of the soured, tbe sore-
headod, the jaundiced, the reckless, the heed
less, the unthinking; to that class of men
who have nothing to loose but everything to
gain by preventing a settlement upon the
basis of nniversa! Justice.
Tbe tax-paycra of tie State have no interest
in common with theeo desperate men. They
are ready and willing to accept the situation,
and support the Government established
under and by virtuo of the late act of Con
gress. In short, they accept the proportion,
made iu tbe Governor's Message, to have
peace upon the basis of Impartial Suffrage
and Universal Amnesty.
Another Sensation Spoiled.
A few evenings since it was heralded over
the wires, ell tbe way from Washington, and
fully endorsed by the urg&u of the Bryant
Democracy in thi^city, that President Grant
would not sustain tbe action of Gen. Terry in
aeatiug “the next highest;” and it was further
more asserted that tbe President bad passed
upon tbe claims of Messrs. Hill aud Miller,and
that they would be admitted to seats in the
United Stats* Senate..
The first seusatioo was short-lived. In
fact, it came a little loo late to foster the
drooping hopes of the Bryant faction of the
Democracy in this city; but its fallacy was less
understood in tbe rural districts where it
served as a peg to bang hopes npon until
something better should * turn up!” The
other canard—about the President having un
dertaken to pass upon n question which, in
the very uiiture of the case, could only be
heard and determined by the Senate—pxe-
sented as little chums to j robability as tbe
first; nevertheless, it was received by tbe
••faithful” with many manifestations of joy,
and some simple-minded people ao*mod half
inclined to helievo it true.
For the satisfaction of all over credulous
people, aud tor the especial benefit of our as
tute ootemporsry who weun to have Mr. Bry
ant in charge, we may *tate that there is not,
nor has there ever been, auy foundation for
these stories. On the contrary, the President
is fully satisfied with the action of Gen. Terry
and Gov. Bollock thus far; and neither he
nor the Senate of tbo United States are in
dined to entertain the demand of those who
dsi*n seats in virtue of an election by an illo
gaily organised body of men calling itself the
Legislature of Georgia. The President and
both Houses of Congress understand the situ-
tion of things m Georgia. They recognize
ihe present, as the first legally organized Leg
islature in Georgia since ibo war ; aud it is
quite enough to say that Gov. Bullock and
General Terry will be folly sustained by both.
Cruel —Some of our Democratic cotempo-
l to indulge in rather questions-
speak cf Dr. It V. M. Miller, of
Part if* Tr.»i*SiIt«! with tUe
Ohujifc or ilrpa.-nd real»»>*<.
T?****-* pn* in Virginia tU.t rvpu^eui
tbe fossil rcumiuo «.f the Democratic party—
that is the shelved leaders ol that party—are
dissuti-fied with the terms upon which that
State has been admitted to the Union. The
old leaders seem to care less for tbe material
interests of the State, and tbe demands of the
present generation, than for tbe resuscitation
of “the Democra ic party!” They dogmati
cally express.the opinion that " the Democra
cy” will yet control the State ; and, in con
firmation of thi-*, they point to the list cf bat
tle fields on which Soa’beru sold.era have
perished, and*seek to rekindle those sectional
feelings which all good men desire should be
allowed to slumber forever.
This is the phantom that will continue to
haunt all efforts to form a new or a
third party. Mr. Johnson, then President
of tbe United Stales, tried the “new party”
movement in 18C6; but it was bounded down
and ridden to death by “the Democracy” of
I860; and, consequently, ended in disaster
and disgrace. It was subsequently tried in
this State io 1867, when it was proposed to or
ganize a “Conservative” party; but the same
old restless phantom of “Democracy” rode it
to death also.
And so it will ever be. There arc, there
can be, but two political parties. One repre
sents the old Hamilton-Federalist school o*
politics, and seeks to make the Union some
thing more than “a ropo of sand.” It seeks
to establish an unity of interests and a nation
ality; to recognize a Government able and
willing to return protection to the humblest
citizen, ia consideration of that citizen’s alle
giance. The other is the disintegration party—
party originating with the Jacobin Clubs of
Paris in 1732, and which was imported to
America and embodied in the Virginia Reso-
ln ion of 1798; and which fiually attempted to
disrupt the Union, and did plunge tbe coun
try iulo civil war, in I860. At one
time, “Democracy” was au honored name,
and boasted of powerful leaders. The same
true of the Girondists party of Paris ; like
wise of the Conformists party of England;
but it would be quite ns practicable to attempt
the ressucitation of one as of the other, es
pecially under a fusion which recognizes no
principle but Opposition to Progress and the
demands of the living Present.
The mass of the people in Georgia, as in
Virginia, have no desire to harrow up the
memories of a disastrous Past, made hideous
and disastrous through the blindness and
fanaticism of mere politicians. They are
quite williug that tbe name and organization
of a party which ended in rain five years ago,
should perish and fade from memory along
with the leadership of men who have bud tbeir
hey-day of political honors. Henceforth, new
men will bo called npon to assume tbo duties
of State, and these must stand or fall accord
ing as they prove true or untrue to the de
mands of tbe living Pazsxxr.
»»* **.;cmocrattc“ Triii and t!is 'Itssnjc
In our n»*w5« column-.'io:u»rnit:g. \ri-l be
u»d torn*! current samples of Democratic
liticai warfare. Argument is ignored as
metbing with which Democratic editors
ivc no possible acquaintance; and personal
abuse of the lowest, most disgusting and ill-
bred type, is freely resorted to by writers who
assume to represent “all tho virtue, intelli
gence and respectability” of their party !
It would be an unpardonable misrepresen
tation oi facts, to say that such journals repre
sent tho educated aud more respectable class
cf the Ge orgia Democracy. They represent
merely the individual sintimeuts of a few des
perate meo, who recognize the fact that their
day is well nigh past; men who have nothing
to loose, and therefore nothing ia common
with tbe substantial xn^u of tbe State who de
sire nn early and satisfactory settlement of
our national troubles.
The time for appealing to tho passions en
gendered by a war iu which they floated to
tbe feurfac.;, has passed. It is utterly futile at
this late day to attempt to keep np a political
organization npon tho memories and hatreds
of that e^pflict; and we congratulate the more
respectable aud intelligent people of tbe State
upon the prospect «*f the speedy relapse of
these political mountebanks to their native
obscurity.
All men iu Georgia who represent the in
dustrial and material interests of the State,
rejoice ui tbo pros pi ut of a satisfactory and
permanent settlement. They want some
basin —civil law, order, government—npon
which capital may venture operations and in
vestment; and having uo interest in common
with, or sympathy ft r tbt» knot of desperadoes
and adventurers who set k to keep the State
iu commotion aud strife with the gcnerul Gov
ernment, they t-.au but re-joico at the fioal
downfall of pseudo “Democratic” leaders who
have neither the talent uecossary to success
ful leadership, nor the moral worth essential
to good citizenship.
Impartial Suffrage and Amnesty*
This, when advocated by the “Conserva
tives" of Tennessee and Virginia, is called tbe
policy of peace, and is bailed os tbe dawn of
the ora of reason. Bnt when advocated by
the Republican party of Georgia, whereof Gov.
Bullock is the bead and representative, it is
called “the policy of vengeauce,” and thence
becomes one of the Governor's “personal
schemes!”
In his message of February 2d f , (inst.,) the
Governor says: “Let ns unite m a complete
recognition of the rights of men, irrespective
of birth, color, or ptevions condition, aud
frankly admit that under, and before tbe law,
all men are equal—that all aro responsible
and seo to it tbut, by future legislation, the re
quirements of our constitution are recognized
—that free schools are established and main
tained, aud that protection is secured for per
son aud property, and for the free expression
of political opinions.”
And again :
V Let party lines be extended s>as to wel
come and include au who abe in fa von of
Impartial Suiyjuoe and Universal Amnes-
hrro is no disfranchisement of i icorrigi-
bles, no proscrip ion, no bitter-ender doctrine
this. It is Mibstautially the platform of
tbo Walker party in Virginia, a party
which combines tbe moderate and
progressive n;o.i of the late Democratic party
cf that Slate; and, as remarked by a distin
guished Tennessee Democrat of the old school,
few days since, tbe Republican party in
Georgia, os led by Gov. Bullock, corresponds
to the “Conservative ” party in Tennessee as
led by Gov. Senter. Neither desire proscrip
tion, but both desire tho establishment of &
liberal and just State Government —one that
will harmonize with tbo principles and policy
of tho National authority, nnd inculcate a
sentiment of loyalty and devotion to tbe
Union.
The Republican party in Georgia has no
enemies to punish. It seeks nothing detri
mental to the political, social or personal
rights of any man ; but, on the contrary, seeks
8tiiblish f defend aud perpetuate the per
sonal, civil and political rights of all meu.—
And all men who will now support tbe
Government, established under the'Recon
struction acts; all who arc willing to unite
with tbe substantial citizens and property hold
ers o! the State to the end that a settlemea
may be bad, and peace aud order aud good
government maintained, are, for all necessary
purposes, good Republicans, and will be re
cognized os sash. It is only a few bankrupt
politicians, native and foreign adventurers,
meu of desperate fortunes who seek disorder
and strife aud unsettlement as a menus ’to
their own recognition as leaders, that array
themselves persistently and desperately against
the great principles of Republicanism—Im
partial Suffrage and Universal Amnesty. And
it was these, doubtless, to whom reference ii
made in the fol* jwing paragraph iu the Govern
or's message, aud to which certain leaders of
the Bryant Democracy take exception :
“The wrongs which have been done, the law-
lass outrages which have been committed in
many parts of the State, are the acts of but a
few ir-responsible persons. When all good cit
izens exert their influence iu favor of justice,
awlessness will cease ”
Suffrage in Wyoming Territory,
The recent act of the Wyoming Legislature,
conferring the elective franchise npon women,
reads os follows:
Be it enacted by tbe Council and House of
Representatives of Wyoming Territory, That
every woman of the age of twenty-one years,
residing in this Territory, may. at every elec
tion to bo bolden under tbe laws thereof, cast
her xote. And her rights to tbe elective fran
cbise and to hold office shall be the same un
der the election Laws of the Territory as those
of electors.
Sec. 2. This act shall tike effect and be in
force from and after its passage.
Under a fair reading of this statute, black
women have tbe right to vote, whilst, under
tbe existing laws ot tbe Territory, black men
bavi* not! It would seem, therefore, from
this, that the ladies of Wyoming have things
tbeir own way, and can control the elections
of the State, provided they can control their
d >mestics?
The Message Abroad.
Tbe Nashville Banuer, the leading news
and political journal of Tennessee, and the
organ of the Conservative party in that State,
makes a lengthy review of Gov. Bullock's
Message. Speaking of tbe Impartial Suffrage
and Universal Amnesty feature of the Mes
sage, the Banner says of Gov. Bullock :
Bitterly opposed aud personally abused os
he is by bis political adversaries, the views
and suggestions therein arc creditable to his
temper and judgment. Iu the momentary en
joyment of tho position of “top dog in the
fight,” it cannot be denied that he holds ent
to the opponents ot his administration and
programme of reconstruction the olive branch
of peace, und invites all to aid iu securing tbe
moral, intellectual and material progress of
the State.
After quoting that portion of the Messug
wherein tbe Governor recommends tho equal
protection aud rights of all men regardless of
color or previous condition, and the extension
ol party lines so as to embrace all who are now
in favor of upholding and sustaining the State
govexnment as organized uudor tbe late law,
the Banner continn&s :
The Conservative men of our own State ac
cepted similar terms at the hands ol the
Seuter wing of the Republican party, was de
monstrated at the election for Governor and
mombers of the Legislature iu Augn&t last,
and by the recent wise cud just actiou of our
Constitutional Convention on the question of
suffrage. It remains to bo seen whether the
party under duress in Georgia has the
wisdom to accept iLe situation aud rnuke the
best of it, as the wisest Southern statesmen
have done aud are doing in Tennessee and
Virginia. The present indications, we fear,
that many o! them will contiuuo “batting
Against the wall” until they spill their
modicum of braiux. Many of these
Georgia impracticable^, we are satis
fied, even now regard Teuneeseo Conserva
tives as Radicals of the deepest dvc, nnd
would read out of their “Democratic church”
such inen as tho Hon. A. O. P. Nicholson,
Neill S. BrowD, Gen. John C. Brown, Col.
House and others bolding their views on the
politics of tho present day. Doubtless they
would bo considered even unworthy to un
loose tbe shoe-latchets of such immaculate
worthies as Duulnp Scott, of Floyd, aud Bry
ant, of the count}’ of Richmond Verily,
however, “sich is life.”
When it is remembered that the Banner cc-
enpies much the same relation to the Dvmoc
racy of Tennessee tbut the World does to tbe
party iu New York, or the Courier-Journal to
that of Kentucky, the above extracts ninst
prove quite refreshing to the Bryant faction of
the Democracy in this State —a faction which
assumes to reconstruct the old defunct party
upon the basis of interminable strife, and per
petual hostility to Congress nnd the General
Government.
Salaries of Army Ti&cers.
Salary.
Gen. W. T. Sherman. $18,7S0
Lieut-Gen, P. H. Sheridan 14,303
Mnj.-Gen. H. W. HWlejfc ........... 9,862
Sec. of War Relkn&p 8,000
Chief- Justice Chase 6,500
ilt at Col fax ., . 9,Qoo
SPIRIT OP TIIE GEORGIA PRESS.
THE ATHENS BANNER, (DEM.)
Speaking of the “want of Democratic unity"
complained of by the Bryant Democracy,
takes occasion to condemn iu the most-pointed
terms, the proposition to adopt Mr. J. E.
Bryant as a decoy leader.
It says: '
“What sort of “harmony" was it,-that is
so much deplored ? since eight nr ten Repub
licans—or l^ss—affected mortal disgust with
Bullock & Co., bat it was demanded that
something over sixty Democrats should vote
for Iheir choice, whoso claim w&3 that he was
a better Radical, a more humble servant and
patron of the negro, thau tho Radical nomi
nee. A number of Democrats—good men and
true—-favored the alliance. How many favored
it for the unworthy hope of plunder we kuow
not. A tew refused to favor it—refused to
trade thoir turkey for tho blackest and mean
est kind of buzzard - und their refusal is now
mourned over as tbe causo of our woes. If so.
Id it he so. Democracy can never be pre
served and maintained by time serving alli
ances with the enemy. If Republicans are
earnestly weary of Republican folly, they will
come to the Democracy. The demand that
the Democracy go to them has been tried too
often. It is paying too deaf for a whistle, at
last, than can be made from*sow’s ear.”
TII2 MACON TELEGRAPH
Reads our Democratic neighbor, the Intelli
gencer, ont of the party, because it foiled to
recognize tbe Bryant movement as the “sal
vation of the country.” This position of tho
Telegraph is a conversion of recent origin.
THE FOBT GAINS MIRROR, (DEM.,)
Says:
W© agree with Geu. Terry iu this. We be
lieve that this is the only Legislative that has
been organized, according to tho spirit und
letter of tbo reconstruction law. Tho re
construction law never contemplated that
Georgia or her people should be free to organ
ize. except according to tho dictates of Con
gress. Force, and not freedom, is the main
spring of the whole concern. By force Geor
gia has been robbed of her representatives,
and others have been placed iu tbeir stead.
We do not envy Gen. Terry of the iufamy that
will attach to his name, on account of the
prominent tool he has made of himself iu this
dirty work, but it is all strictly iu accordance
with the reconstruction laws.
THE SAVANNAH NEWS. (K. X.,)
Reviewing the Governor's Message, -Rays :
Tbe message is as villainously false and in
sulting to the people ot Georgia as combin
ed Radical mendacity and malignity could
make it and was, no doubt, concocted by tbe
Bullock aud Terry conspirators in Atlanta for
effect North ami on the Radical Congress, to
whom they look to sustain tliera iu their past
usurpations and future outrages and misrule.
As an evidence of this, we obsotve that it was
specially telegraphed (entire, omitting the ac
companying documents) to Forney's Press, no
doubt, at the expense of the State.
Gold in Illinois.—The report comes that
gold fields have been discovered in Chirk
county, 111., And that the people of the neigh
borhood are wild with excitement and leaving
all other business to search for tbo precious
metal.
An old man seven ty-three year.? of ago ba3
been arrested near Middletown, Virginia, for
Mi
Salixtance of tlic Speech of Sir. Akermnn
nt the Kepablicu.il Masu Meeting in At
lanta., (January M-ltli, 1370.
Mn. President: It was my fortune to live
iu Georgia daring the existence of the South-
n Confederacy. One of the harshest insti-
tions of that government, (so called,) was its
conscript law. I had thought that this hud
passed away, with the other hardships of that
oppressive period, but last Saturday a conscript
officer warned me to appear here to-night.
Being too poor to obtain a substitute, and hav
ing no exemption from Richmond or elsewhere,
and being disposed to submit to the powers
that be, I have repaired to this camp of in
struction, and find myself placed upon talking
duty. This duty I will proceed to discharge.
I understand that this meeting is called to
consider the principles which all Republicans
hold in common, and not those secondary mat
ters npon which Republicans disagree. A Re
publican is a supporter of the present national
Administration, and of the principles upon
which it came into power. The Republican
party of Georgia was formed in 1867. Though
its existence has been brief, its history is event
fol. It has has had its campaigns and its bat
tles, its victories and defeats, and, sad to say,
it has its roll of martyrs. The prime objects
of tbe organization were to put tbe State in
harmony with the Government of tbe United
States, and to secure justice to all her people.
These objects were to be attained by support
ing the reconstruction policy of Congress. It
is confronted by the Democratic party. This
party was organized in a convention held at
Macon, in December 1867, under the auspices
of Mr. B. H. Hill. Its object has been to
thwart tbe reconstruction policy of Congress.
No matter what Congress may propose, the
Democrats ol Georgia are sure to oppose i».
Two years ago tlioy blamed Congress for set
ting ap a State government here. Now they
blame Congress for pulling down that same gov
ernment They no v pronounce it criminal toj
undo what they then pronounced it criminal
to do. And this conduct well illustrate the
characteristics of that party. It is a party of
opposition—against everything and fojjiotb-
ing; at least for nothing which they dare avow..
A Republican has a positive creed. He is
for the Union, and for the equal civil and po
litical rights of all men. A Democrat’s creed
is negative. Ask him what he is for, and he
answers: “£ am against the first reconstruc
tion act of Congress.” But, my Democratic
iriend, what are yon for? The reply is: “I am
against the second reconstruction act” But
what are you for? “I am against tbe third re
construction act” But what aro you for? “I
am against the last reconstruction act Bn.
what are you for? “I am against the Radicals,
against the Yankees and against the niggers. To
their general habit of negation, there is ore ex
ception. They sometimes say that they ere i'or
State Rights. This is a phrase of ill omen. It was
the watchword of the party th&t in 1832 set ap
tho pretension that a State might stay in
the Union and share its benefits, and yet be
relieved of a share of tbe public burdeus. It
was tbe watchword of tbe party that in 1850
denied to California tbe right to establish lib-
erty within her borders, and threatened to
sever the Union becaase they could not have
tbeir own way. It was tbo watchword of the
men who, in 1861, plunged the country into se
cession, and are responsible for all the calami
ties that have followed that frantic step. The
survivors and successors of these men cow
tell us that they have abauboned the specific
remedy of secession, but th&t tho doctrine oi
secession is right, nevertheless. They remain
uninstrncted by tho terrible lessons of ths
war. Mr. Stephens pats his well-stored mfr-a
to tbe task of vindicating secession in a book.
According to him, it is onr true continental
theory that a small district, called a State,
may lawfully derange the whole continent
whenever it chooses to do so. He would pat
our vast interior population at the mercy of
the States which happen to possess the months
of the rivers. The war he holds, has settled
it that bis theory shall not be poshed to its
legitimate consequences. Bat he clings to
the theory as absolutely right, and limits its
operation only under the compulsion of phy
sical force. Whereas, it is our doctrine that
the whole theory—root, trnnk, branch, leaf
and frnit—should disappear from the political
field. We keep as fur from the doctrine of se
cession as we can. Our Democratic friends
keep us close to it as they dare.
We find in this State over five hundred thou
sand human beings of the European race. We
find also over four hundred thousand of the
African race. The relations of these two races
present our most serions domestic problem.
Formerly one of these races was subordinate
to the other in a state of slavery. Freedom has
coineflbnt where shall tbe freedmen fleqSIeced?
A democrat would.say, “keep them as near to
the condition of slavery as possible.” The
Republicans say, “give them an eqaal chance
with other men.” Accordingly, the Republi
can party, after giving them freedom, has given
them civil rights, then the ballot and the
right to office. If these acts were wrong,
then one of the obief articles in our creed is
wrong. But these acts were not wrong.
1 am not such a visionary as to cleave to a doc
trine that looks well in theory bnt works ill in
practice. If the creed of equal rights is in
consistent with the safety of society, let the
creed be thrown away. But in this case that
creed is justified by experience. Every pro
motion of the colored man, from freedom op
to office, has been preceded by Democratic
predictions of its direful effects on his baba
vior. And every one of these predictions has
failed. In tho name of justice, what right
have we to depress a peoplo who have borne
every promotion well?
We would not destroy States. For local leg
islation and administration, they are eminent
aud nseiol. They are indispensable elements,
too, in the stractare of onr National system.
Such rights as properly belong to them should
bo preserved and respected. Bat among these
is not the right to throw into confusion the
people of thirty-six other States. That right
has been asserted in the Seoate and on the
field of war, but it was finally overcome when
the logic of Webster was affirmed by the sword
of Grant.
We bow to this decision. Whatever may
hare been bis former creed, every Republican
now considers his nationality as represented
in the Government that is seated at SVashiug-
ton, and not in the Government that is seated
at Atlanta. Wo have one country, divided
into thirty-seven districts, not a cluster of thir
ty-seven coanTles connected in a close alli
ance.
We have suffered as a party from not ad
hering faithfully to our creed. It was a great
error in the Convention to refuse to open office
to all voters in explicit terms. The twelve
men who voted to retain that explicit provis
ion may be proud of that record. They were
oot-voted, and thus the Democracy got an ex
cuse (a poor excuse) for excluding tho colored
members from the Legislature. By some par
liamentary proceedings which I never under
stood, a majority was obtained for that high
handed measure. A darker page was never
written in the legislative annals of any St. te.
Most ot that Democratic majority had op
posed the Constitution because it gave the
negro the right to office, nnd yet, when sworn
to support it, they eject him from office! This
was a sorry exhibition from men who prate of
honor. The Republicans who then faltered
have cause to lament their weakness; while
those who stood firm to the last have proved
their fidelity by a most searching test.
The exclusion of the colored members drew
the eye of the nation on Georgia. An oppor
tunity was afforded the State to correct the er
ror by her voluntary action. '1 he Legislature
refused to correct it lost winter. Lust sum
mer the Supremo Court of the State interpro
ted the Constitution, and decided that tho col
ored man might hold office. How was this
decision received? The greater number of
tho Democratic leaders and presses a lvised
that the decision should bo disregarded by the
present Legislature. Their affected reverence
for constitutions all vanished as soon as the
Constitution was authoritatively construed to
mean something to which they were opposed.
The J edges who made the decision were de
nounced. Ingenious excuses were invented
for not conforming to tbo decision. Fired, £
was said that a scat in the Legislature is not
an office, and as the Conrt had only decided
that negroes could hold office, the decision did
not extend to the case of a colored member.
This ridiculous plea was followed by another
to which the learned Democracy gave a Latin
name, **res adjudicata.” The question, they
said, had been settled by a judgment, and this
judgment was binding forever. A vote in
July that ail tbe members elect were entitled
to scats was not conclusive, but a vote in Sep
tember that the colored members were not
entitled, rose to the rank of res adjudicata.
and conld not be reversed! A technical rule, not
universally established in parliamentary law
was held np as an insurmountable obstacle t
the correction of a monstrous error. We
called on them to obey tbe demands of jus
tice, but were told that “res abjudicaia” stood
in the way. We called on them to obey tho
Constitution, nnd were told that *tm adjudi
cata” stood in the way. We ri iniuded them
that having referred the question last winter
to the Supreme Court, they wero bound in
honor to conform to tbe decision; but honor
was powerless in the presence of “res adjudi
cata.”
Whatever might be the pretext, the managi-rs
of the Democratic party were determined that
if they could prevent it. A few discreet men
expostulated, but their voioe was overcome by
ih® general clamor of their party. And it was
fettled, as far as the futnre action of men can
bo del tied, that the colored members must bo
reseated by Congress or cot at all.
There was another reason why Congress
acted. . Reports went North that Republicans
were the victims of lawless violence in Geor
gia, aud a demand was made from all parts of
the land that something should be done to
stop these crimes. I take np pleasure in ex-
r iiug the firnlts of the State in which I live,
would rather imitate the sons of the
g itriarcb, who covered their father's shame.
ut truth cannot bo sacrificed to any such
sentiment We know that during the last
two years the soil of Georgia has often been
reddened with the blood of men who were
slain on account of their Republican politics.
And we know that this blood is yet unavenged
by humau law. Muscogee has not punished
the murderers of Ashborn. Richmond has not
punished the mnrderers of Kaffin. Early has
not punished the mnrderers of Walker. Jeffer
son has not punished the murderers of Ayer.
Warren has not punished the murderers of
Adkins. I will not go through the sad cata
logue. These are the conspicuous cases. We
remember the levity with which these and simi
lar crimes were treated by the Democratic
S ress. There were honorable exceptions.
ut the general tone of that press was one of
.'.a:isfaction whenever a Republican was taken
off by assassins. And the horror with such
things would strike an unperyerted mind was
not expressed by the body of our Democratic
citizens. From indifference, or for fear, or from
sympathy with the perpetrators, they raised
no outcry against these savage deeds. I must
believe that tho great majority of the Demo
cratic voters of Georgia are at heart the friends
of law an order. It is their grand mistake to
let bad men control tbeir public action. As
long os they allow tho counsellors aud apolo
gists of violence to be their organs aud spokes
men they should not wonder to find them
selves set down abroad as lawless.
A perfect government is impossible. Under
the best laws and the best administrations
there will bo some c.ime and some failures cf
justice. It is«of extraordinary crimes and cf
extraordinary impunity, that we complain.—
Men have been killed in other times in the
hot blood that was raised by political quar
rels. But I kuow of no instance ia America
where men coolly premeditated and accom
plished a murder ou account of politics, be-
fo.e the case of Ashburn in the spring of 1868.
That bloody example was followed. And
wheu, in the spring ol 18C9, two members of
the Legislature were waylaid and slain, and
the local law forebore to lay an avenging hand
upon tie murderers, it was manifest that Con
gress would feel bound to legislate for Geor
gia. “No State shall deny to any person with
in its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws," says the Constitution of tbe Uuited
States. Congress has power to enforce this
provision. If wo cannot get protection from
tbe State Government, we claim it from tbe
N lion&l Government. I would rather get it
from the State. I would rather that the peo
ple of every vicinage should heartily uphold
the local law aud make it effectual. Bat if
they will not, we must go to the .superintend
ing power. No refinements about State rights
should be permitted to deprive us of those
primal rights which government is established
to secure. The soundest condition of tho pub
lic mind is described by an ancient Greek as
that in which eYery citizen feels that a wrong
done to the humblest member of the commu
nity is a wrong done to him elf. If our Dem
ocratic citizens would briu? themselves to
that noble sentiment, there would be no occa
sion for Congress to regulate Georgia. But,
unfortunately, tho best men iu that party do
not control it. The friends of law, otder and
justice in that party, have suffered themselves
to be led by the passionate, the malignat and
the brutal,
I have spoken of the positiveness of tho
Republican creed, aud contrasted it with, the
Democratic negations. I will now lay down
in four propositions the leading objects of tho
Republicans of Georgia.
First, Protection to person, to liberty and
to property, secured by law recoguisiug the
equal civil and political rights of all men.
Second, Settled and harmonious relations
with tbe national Government and with tbe
rest of the American Union.
Third, A thorough system of general edn
cation, free to all the children of the State.
Fourth, A frugal administration of tho State
Government, including tho utmost cantiou '
aiding works of internal improvement.
The first two of these propositions consti
tute the vitals of Republicanism.
The party has also committed itself to the
cause of popular education. The Constitution
of Georgia made it the duty of the Gen j:£:l
Assembly at tbo first session to furnish an
educational system. That session passed
away aud no such provision was made, though
Republican members nrged a prompt obedi
ence to the Constitution. Tho Democratic
majority, though sworn to support the Consti
tution, refused to obey it. The Democrats
tell us that negroes are too ignorant to take
part in politics, and yet oppose onr efforts to
educate them. While complaining of a dis
ease, they refuse to administer the remedy.
Upon my fourth proposition, the Demo
crats profess to stand with me. They declaim
against extravagance—the common clamor of
the outs against the ins. They say that the
pay of the members is too high; bnt they for
get that the present compensation—nine dol
lars a day—is what their own members voted
to themselves in 1866. But I would not de
fend expenditure on the low ground of Demo
cratic example. We insist on economy as
simple justice to our burdened people. Be
sides a system of education which must be
expensive, it must cost os much to support
tho Government now as in 1860, when tbe
wealth of the State was three times os great
The way to retrench is to abolish useless out
lays, not to be stingy towards necessary offi
cers. The Indian said to the missionary,
“poor pay brings poor preach.”
We have a valuable property—the State Rail
road. Over this, (in tbe language of Gov.
Crawford in 1845 ) “the teeming West asks
passport and passage;" and a road so sitaated
ought to yield a good revenue to its owners.
Its owners are all the people of the State, not
merely those who live near it. and it should be
managed for the benefit of &U of them. This
can only be done with any approach to equal
ity, by contributions to the pnblic treasury.
Every citizen cannot ride on it; every citizen
cannot send or receive freight by it; but every
oitizen is interested,in having the public purse
well filled.
The State has begun to lend its credit to
other railroads. The liabilities of this sort al
ready amonnt to millions. A State, like an in
dividual, will destroy its credit by going deeply
in debt State aid is for the most part wanted
for enterprises too unpromising to attract pri
vate capital. I would exhort the Legislature
to aid no company that is not pretty certain to
be solvent, and thus keep out of all temptation
to that Democratic vice, repudiation.
I have thus presented some of onr leading
objects. What do our adversaries say against
them ? Tbeir standard bngbeur is “ negro
equality.” They know that we do not under
take to fix social relations. We do not attempt
to subject one race to tho other. We do giv6
both races an equal voice in tbe government,
and an equal chance, so far as depends ou the
government, to win for th niseives the prizes
of life. And npon what rule of fairness can
this bo pronounced wrong? As a matter of
domestic tranquility, I see no 6afe intermedi
ate station for the colored man, between per
fect slavery and perfect citizenship.
Another objection is that we put incapable
men into office. This is supremely impudent
The old leaders of the South and tbeir follow
ers complain th&t our party has uo statesmen!
From the beginning of the. world until now,
no civilized people have been worse led than
the people of the South have been for over
twenty years. That brood of old politicians
have a certain Bort of talent They know how
to inflame tbe people. They kuow how to
carry ou tho Government while the Govern
ment is running in tbe ancient grooves, bat
they are not equal to extraordiuury occasions.
Out of familiar paths they are bewildered.—
They have none of the wisdom of the meu that
the iribo of Issachar sent up to David—“men
that had understanding of tho times, to kuow
what Israel ought to do." Their whole his
tory bos been marked by pretension and fail
ure. They undertook to establish slavery in
the Pacific States, and every one of those
States came into the Union free. They boasted
that they had planted slavery in Kansas, uud
Kansas became tbe stiffest anti slavery State
of the West. At lengtb, they set up a govern
ment thut was to secure slavery forever. Here
they had their own way. No opposition party,
embarrassed them. The people freely sub
milted to-their levies of money,to tbeir levies of
property and to their levies of men. And the
issue was tbe completest failure recorded in
the world's annals. Look at tboir statesman
ship, so-called, killed by pride Their did!o
macy never achieved recognition from a ring! ?
foreign power. Tbeir financial feats were just
equal to—tbe value of Confederate money.
Tbeir navy was soon stranded, blown or cap
tured. Aud compare the administration of tbeir
War Department with that of Stabtou. They
failed with one of tho best opportunities to
display capacity that tho world has ever af-
d&d. And yet they have tka effrouliy lo
run with the footmen, and they have wearied
thse, how wilt thou contend with the horses?”
Wo have had enough of you. Get away.
Leave politics to others. They may do bet
ter; they cannot do worse!
They belong to a past age ; to a worn out
system. They cherish tho dogmas of Calhoun,
and banker after the reign of Davis. They
forget that a Red Sea—red with tbe blood of
brave Southerners and bravo Northerners
too—is between them and tbo things which
are so delectable tq their memories. That sea
can never be recrossod. And hero is their
graud mistake. They iiro organized as a party
on the memories ot a lost cause. Some of us
adhered to it, but when it was lost wo gave it
up wholly. We are orgauized upon present,
productive and vital matters. Democracy
looks backward, Republicanism looks for
ward; Democracy belongs to tho past, Republi
canism to the future. Hence, in the nature
of things, their cause must wane and ours
must increase. What they call tbeir princi
ples aro nothing but spites, resentment and
cravings for what is irretrievable lost. Our
principles are Union, Liberty, C*ler and
Justice—principles which are assential to the
well-being of our State.
THE ADMINISTRATION.
Mr. Dawes on the Public Expenditures.
a. sconcniNG beview.
Washington, February 3, 1870.
The sensation of the last two weeks has been
tho speech of Hon. Henry L. Dawes, of Mass.,
arraigning the administration on the charge
that it is not carrying out in practice the pro
fessions of ecouomy upon which it was placed
in power. Such a speech, coming from the
chnirman of the Committee on Appropriations,
and from a Republican besides, was well cal
culated to create an excitement, both among
the friends and tho enemies of the administra
tion. Some of the former have been much
alarmed on account of the ill effect which they
imagined tho speech would have upon tbe
prospects of the Republican party, and have
berated Mr. Dawes soundly for the part ho has
takeu. To me tbeir fears seem to have been
superfluous. The effect of the speech will be
to induce the most rigid scrutiny of all pro
posed expenditures, and tho utmost frugality
in the conduct of pnblic affairs. Ii inaugu
rates a species of competition in economy be
tween the legislative and executive branches of
tbe Government, the tendency of which mas.
be to reduce expenses to the minimum. Tho
people will profit by this competition, in
duced taxes, or increased contributions to the
payment of tho national debt, and will be lit
tle inclined to withdraw their confidence from
a party which presents them with practical re
sults of so satmfactory a nature.
Of course Mr. Dawes’ charges of extrava
gance will be industriously circulated by tho
Democratic press, but even supposing the
case to have bees ns bad as he seemed to
think it, the fact will remain that it was a
publican, and not a Democrat, who called at
tention to the evil; and its correction, by tbe
catting down of all superfluous estimates, will
be due to a Republican Congress.
Bnt the truth is, that the wholesome dis
cussion to which the spoech gave iise Uai
shown that the estimates it assailed will bear
examination far better than Mr. Dawes seemed
to think. Indeed, the only charge wh : ch, if
sustained, would have given the Democracy
any substantial ground for self gratulation,
has been distinctly dispioved. We refer to
the statemout that the estimates of tho pres
ent administration were in excess of those
presented a year ago by Andrew Johnson. Mr.
Dawes’ first speech was evidently made under
the toroe of impressions somewhat too hastily
formed. It is due him to say that he was mil
led by the figures of tho estimate books—i. e.,
the books of which one is prepared each year
at tbe Treasurer Department, giving in det&ii
tho items of expenditure for the next fiscal
year, with the estimated amount required for
each. Iu the general footing np, the aggre
gate amount in the book for this year was sot
down at $331,000,000, andpn the book for last
year at only $303,000,000. Mr. Dawes
stated that there was a misprint in
one item, whereby S4,000.000 had been
converted into $11,000,000. Bat after making
allowance for this error of $7,000,000, there
still remained $324,000,000 as tbo estimates of
the present administration, against $303,000,-
000 as the last estimates of the administration
of Andrew Johnson. This certainly seemed
to justify Mr. Dawes’ charge ; but an exami
nation of tbe items which make up these re
spective aggregates showed that it only seemed
so. It was found that tho 303,000,000 of last
year did not include the estimated expendi
tures of the Post Office Department, amount
ing to $24,540,413, which wero submitted sep
arately npon page 124 of* the estimate-book ;
while the $324,000,000 of the present year did
include the accounts of that department,
amounting to $25,581,093. It was evident,
therefore, that before making a comparison
between the estimates of the two administra
tions, tho Post Office account of last year must
be added to tho $303,000,000, making over
327,000,000, or else the Postoffice account oi
this year must be subtracted from this year’s
estimates, reducing them from 324,00J,000 to
less thau 299,000,000. In the former case the
difference in favor of tbe present administra
tion would bo $3,000,000, in the latter $4,000,-
000. After making this correction, then, the
comparison between tho two estimates siands
in round numbers as follows :
Johnson’s estimates, including..
Post Office $327,000,000
Grant’s estimates, including Post-
office $321,000,000
completely vitiated his comparison between
the estimates of the two administrations, and
threw the balance on the other side. Indeed
it is due to truth to say, that he showed a far
stronger desire to justify him elf in the posi
tion he had first hastily than ho did to
do exact justice to the iv'. * istratiou.
In his second, speech, hf* gave no promi
nence to the comparison estimates with
estimates, (which, as we have seen, results in
favor of President Grant,) but relied solely
upon the excess of this year’s estitmates over
last year’s appropriations, amounting, as he
said, to $42,000,000. This certainly eeems x to
threaten a formidable increase of expendi
tures in the secoud year of President Grant’s
administration, as compared with the first
year, bnt not as compared with any year of
Andrew Johnsou’s, for we have already seen
that these estimates were $78,000,000 less
than the actual expenditures of the fiscal year
186S.
It must be remembered, however, that the
appropriations last winter were cut down to
the lowest possible point, amounting only to
$281,000,000, including $24,000,000 tor the
Ppstoffico Department, appropriated out of its
own revenues. This leaves only $257,000,000
appropriated ont of the public Treasury. Let
us now institute another comparison, os fol
lows :
Expenditures of Johnson for
fiscal year 1863 $377,000,000
Appropriations for fiscal year
1870 257,000,000
$120,000,000
To censure tho present administration for
having presented . estimates iu excess of tbe
amount appropriated last year is, therefore, to
censure it for not having reduced the expendi
tures of the Government to a point $120,000,000
less than they wero during tho last full year of
Johnson’s term. This seems somewhat un
reasonable at first sight, and upon close ex
amination it becomes even ridiculous. For,
let it be remembered, that the interest on the
public debt alone amounts to $130,000,000,
and if we subtract that from the two amounts
compared above, there will remain for the
other expenses of the Government, as follows:
Expenditures of Johnson in fiscal
year 1869 $247,000,000
Appropriation for fiscal year
1870 127.000,000
REVELS INTERVIEWED.
Excess of Johnson’s estimates.... $3,000,000
Or,
Johnson’s estimates without Post-
office $303,000,000
Grant’s estimates without Post-
offico $299,000,000
Excess of Johnson’s estimates-.,. • $4,000,000
There is also another item of $725,000 for sub
sidies to certain mail steamships which was in
cluded this year in the $324,000,000, but was
not included last year in tbe $303,000,000, al
though appropriated by Congress, having been
submitted by Postmaster-General Randall as
a separate item. Although these items aro
sufficient to show that npon a comparison of
estimates the advantage is with the present
administration, they do not show this advan
tage in the strongest light of which it is sus
ceptible, for it will be recollected that the
official report of Secretary Boutwcll, which
was extensively published about the time of
tbe meeting of Congress, put the estimated
expenditures for the next fiscal year at only
$291,000,0C0, or $12,000,000 less than those of
Andrew Johnson a year ago. As this estimate
of tho Secretary was undoubtedly made with
due care, it seems to be far more worthy of
reliance than an estimate book prepared by a
clerk, in which a typographical error of $7,000,-
000 has been shown in asiqgle item. It can
hardly be doubted that the discrepancy ot
$8,000,000 or $9,000,000 between Secrota
Boutwell’s report and the estimate book, as
corrected above in respect to the Post Office
accounts, is occasioned by similar errora, or
by tbe inclusion of certain items estimated
for by subordinate officials, which ought not
to have been so included.
It must be admitted, however, that if these
few millions were all we had to show as the dif
ference between the profligate administrati
of Andrew Johnson and tho administration of
Geu. Grant, we should have slender c.tuse for
congratulation. But it must be remembered
that the comparison above made is between es
timates made by Grant’s administration for the
fiscal year commencing on tho first of July
next, and those made by Johnson’s for the
year commencing on the first of July last,a year
wholly outside of his own term of office. It was
very easy to make economical estimates for
his successor, bat tho proper criterion by
which to judge Mr. Johnson is his own ex
penditures while in office. These, in tac last
whole year of bis term, the fiscal year ended
June 30, 1863, were upwards of $377,000,000.
This does not include the postal expenditures,
and must therefore be compared with the
$299,000,000 of the present estimates which
remain after subtracting tbe estimates for the
Post Office Department. It is necessary to ex
plain here thut both these amounts include the
postal deficiency, that is, tl^o oxcess of the
expenditures of the Post Office over its own
receipts, which, of course, te all the expeuse
that department is to the country. The com
parisou, then, is a perfectly fair one, and shows
a difference of $78,000,000 in favor of •Grant's
administration. A similar result would be
shown by a comparison of the present esti
mates with the expenditures of Johnson’s lid-
ministration from July 1, 1863, to March 4,
1869, the exfdration of his term of office. It
would make this letter too long to go into do
tails upon this point, but tho figures may be
found in full in tho able and exhaustive speech
deliver, d in tho House by General Butler last
week, iu reply to Mr. Dawes. ,
The latter gentleman, in his speech of the
27th nltimo, admitted tho point which wo
have shown above, viz: that the Postoffice
account was not included in tho $303,000,000
which be had previously state 1 as Johnson's
estimates, nnd that it was included in tho
estimates submitted by President Grant. But
did not state frankly, m; he ought iu
Reduction $120,000,000
This, it will be seou, amounts to a reduction
of the current expenditures of the Govern
ment by nearly oue-hulf. If the administra
tion finds it cannot accomplish quite so much
as this, it may be a subject of regret, but cai
scarcely be a source of very serious disappoint
ment, and certainly does not furnish any just
occasion for denunciation.
Tho fact is, that at the close of the fiscal
year 1868-9 there was between $60,000,000
and $70,000,000 of uuexpended balances of
former appropriations remaining in the
Treasury to the credit of the different De
partments, and tho appropriations were cut
down lastj-vinter, in view of this fact, many
millions lower than they otherwise would have
beec. It was not expected that tbo Govern
ment would actually be conducted upon the
amount appiopriated, without drawing on
these balances ; and it would hardly be rea
sonable to expect tho same amount to suffice
next year, after the balai:ccs iu question have
been very largely diminished.
It must not be supposed, however, that tho
fell amount of $12,000,000 .in excess of last
year’s appropriations is expected to be appro
priated cr that it is even asked by tbe admin
istration. It is always customary, in making
the estimate?, to allow a small margin for cat
ting down * at the other end of tho avenue,"
and, moreover, estimates are presented to an
aggregate amount of millions of dollars, which
merely represent what certain things xjootdd
cost if Congress should determiuo to have
them. This is the case in regard to public
works Authorized by law, estimates for which
tho officers of tho Government are legally
bound to submit for tho enlightenment of Con
gress.
As a single example I may mention an esti
mate of tho Chief Eugiueer of tho army for
$9,500,000 lor the improvement of rivers nnd
harbors, which is included in the aggregate
estimates not appropriated for last year, nor
recommended by the Secretary of War to be
appropriated this year. That will be just as
Cougresa deems expedient.
In the estimates of the Pension Office there
13 au escess of $11,000,000 for army aud navy
pensions over the amount appropriated last
year. This is partly duo to the allowance of
new claims which have been proved, but chief
ly to the fact that there was au unexpended
balance on hand last year to eko ont the ap
propriation. Tho amount asked for pensions
this year is the same as that appropriated for
the year ending Juno 30, 1869, aud $3,000,000
less than the amonnt appropriated the year be
fore that.
Another item included iu this year’s esti
mates, aud not included iu last year's appro
priations, is the interest on bonds purchased
by tho Secretary of the Treasury, and now
owned by the Government. These bonds al
ready amonnt to nearly $1,000,000, and by the
1st of July next, when tho fiscal year com
mences, will amount to $150,000,000, tho in
terest on which will be $9,000,009. This sum,
although included iu the estimates, is not an
item of expenditure, but a contribution to
ward tho pigment of the national debt.
In tho three items mentioned we have the
following aggregate:
River and harbor improvements not
recommended $9,500,000
Necessary increase in pension esti-
matc.*-» '..., 11.000,000
Interest to be added to tho sinking
fund 9,000,000
$29,500,000
Of these items the first need not be appro
priated, the second is one which no patriotic
American would begrudge, and the third
is not an expense, bat a payment on the pub
lic debt Together they explain all but $12,-
500,000 of the excess of this year’s estimates
over tho very close appropriations of last
winter.
There are many other smaller items which
would account for even a still wider difference,
quite as conclusively ns the three items
named accoaut for the first $29,500,000, but
it would be tedious to specify. General But
ler enumerated items of this class making a
total of $59,000,009, which wonld explain the
apparent excess of $42,000,000, and leave a
surplu3of $17,000,000 to place to the credit of
Grant’s ecouomy. Whether this be an over
estimate or not, it is quite clear that there was
nothing in the actual estimates to occasion
auy alarm among the people or justify the cry
of extravagance.
Theso facts are incoutestible :
I. That the estimates of this year at the
very worst are $3,000,000, or $4,000,000 less
than those inspired by the death-bed economy
of Johnson’s administration a year ago.
IL That they are $78,000,000 less than the
expenditures of that administration had bceu
tho year before.
III. That if they exceed last year’s appro
priations, the excess is accounted for in a way
that is eutirely satisfactory; aud
IV. That thoso appropriations themselves
were $120,000,000 below tho amonnt of John
son’s expenditures in 1868.
All things considered, the people may con
gratulate themselves upon tho financial pros
pect. It is evident Mr. Dawes, by his ambi
tion to figure as an economist, has been
entrapped into making charges which were
entirely unwarranted by facts. But if his pre
cipitancy conduces to a more rigid serntiuy of
the estimates, and to a merciless lopping off
of all expenditures which, upon such scrutiny,
shall seem to be superfluous, we shall all have
occasion to congratulate ourselves upon . the
suit.
MYSTERIOUS FATALITY
Two Negroes nnd a Ilorsc Die in a Singu
lar Manner.
From tlie Nashville Banner.]
Iu tho Banner of tho 27th of January, we
chronicled the sudden death of one Wiley
Harris, colored, residing at Bosley’s Beud. It
was then stated that Harris died three hours
after ho had ridden a horse from this city
home, aud that he had previously appeared in
excellent health. As soon as Harris’ demise
was ascertained, his brother-in-law, Kinchen
Vernclt, colored, who resides a few miles off,
went to where Harris lived, nnd on the morn
ing following rodo the same animal above
mentioned into the city, secured a coffin, and
on bis return succeeded in placing Harris’
body therein. Harris was buried that day.
Tho next morning Vernett died very suddenly,
and so did the horse. Tho mystery of this
strange fatality has not been revealed, nor
perhaps will it ever bo. It created a sensation
among tho negroes oi the neighborhood, and
tbe suggestions of their superstitious natures
knew no bounds.
Washington (Jan. 3C) Cor. New Yew Worltl.]
Hiram R. Rove’s, the colored Radical Sena
tor elect from Mississippi, arrived here to-day
and is stopping with his friend, Mr. George T.
Downing, tho colored restaurateur of the
House, on Capital Hill. Some fifty <mlored mon
visited him this afternoon. He received their
congratulations and said that for the sake of
his race he felt prond of his elevation. This
evening a social party was given in his hon
or by Prot Wilson, the colored President of
the Freedmen’s Bank, at his house on L street;
where a correspondent of tho World called
and had a brief conversation with the first col
ored man ever elected to the Uoited States
Senate. Mr. Revels is a thick-set mulatto,
with a decidedly African, but pleasant physi
ognomy, and bland, agreeable manners. He
was born id North Carolina, and educated io
Ohio, and is about forty-five years of age. For
many years he was a prominent clergyman in
tbe African Methodist Episcopal Church. He
held tbe position of presiding elder in South
ern Mississippi, before engaging actively in
politics, when ho was elected Senator from the
Fourth District of Mississippi, receiving a ma
jority of 3,186; while Alcoin, for Governor,
received only 2,460,
Mr. Revels* election by the Radical Missis
sippi Legislature to tho seat in the United
States Senate left vacant by Mr. Jefferson Da
vis, was by a very decided majority, and drew
forth the following article from a friendly
journal:
“ He is a man of genuine courage, and will
not consent to be maltreated or ignored b3*
any variety of color or caste. It will not be pru
dent to snub him in the Senate, either on the
ground of color, of being a carpet-bagger, or
for intellectual inferiority.”
Mr. Revels, when he came forward to meet
your correspondent, alluded to the papers con
taining these notices, and said they were cor
rect. % His credentials will probably be present
ed to-morrow, though he will not be able to
take his seat until the State is admitted. But
asked whether he expected his right would be
recognized, ho said : “ O, yea ; I have no
reason to doubt it.”
Correspondent—What will bo the first duty
entrusted to you on entering the Senate ?
Mr. Revels—Well, os the Legislature of
Mississippi has passed a resolution, which
you have doubtless seen, requesting Congress
to remove the political disabilities of certain
citizens of the State, it w(li be my duty to pre
sent that resolution to tbe Senate.
Correspondent—You then proprosa to take
ground as a Senator impartially lor the whites
as well as blacks?
Mr. Revels—Certainly ; I come as a repre
sentative of the State, irrespective of color.
Correspondent—But as-a representative of
the Radical party ?
Mr. Revels—Certaiuly ; as representatives
of the Republican party of the State, they call
us Radicals, but still I urn for the people, and
the interests of the State at large.
Mr. Revels, clad in a suit of black, with his
not very curly, closely trimmed hair, with his
cheeks cleanly shaven, leaving a closely crop
ped beard on his chin, with his face all smiling
and his soft brown hand softly stroking your
correspondent’s knee, looked as benignant and
philanthropic as one could wish. The lively
conversation of some tweuty colored lad us
and gentlemen rippled in his rear, and anxious
glances were cast toward him which impelled
the questioner to cut the conversation short,
but one or two further interrogatories were
therefore ventured.
Correspondent—Is it likely that you will
have auy important proposition to submit to
the Senate ; any measure of your own?
Mr. Revels—Well, as to that I cannot yet
say. I don’t think of anything at present be
yond what I have mentioned.
Correspondent—I suppose you will be apt
to take a decided part in debate when you are
fairly on the floor. The fact that you were
once a preacher would denote that you wero
liable to talk a bit. How is it, Mr. Down
ing?
Mr. Downing, who overheard this purt of
the conversation, replied : “It there is any
thing that Mr. Revels is particularly compe
tent to do, I should say it was to talk.”
“Well,” said Mr. Revels, iu his most genial
tone, “there’s one thing you’ll find out about
me: I don’t talk when I haven’t got anything
to say. I never made a habit of it I alwaya
listeu to a debate on an important question
with great interest. Ever since I can remem
ber, I’ve been interested in legislative debates.
If there is anything to say when I am pres
ent und have the right to speak, which hasu’t
been said by others, and which exu do good, I
shall say it; but I never speak for the sake of
putting myself foru'&rd or getting my name
into print I may have considerable to say,
but I can’t yet tell”
In fact, tbo demeauor of Mr. Revels and his
talk about himself were almost unexceptiona
ble. He seemed to be by no means an im
posing presence, but rather that of one seeking
to please all whom he meets, though there is
no tolling but he may flame out as a raging
orator on the Senate floor before the close of
his short term, which ends in March. 1871.
Ho looks like a man able to taka care of him
self m his own way, and who will not suffer
himself to be brow-beaten even by Sumaer.
Air. Chase and his Critics.—Alore About
the Ycatman Letter.
From the Lswrenseburg, Indians, Reporter of the 4th.
Atjkoba.Ind., January 27,1870.
Thomas H. Ycatman, Senate of Ohio :
Dear Sib -I recently observed in the col-
umns of the Cincinnati Enquirer a letter said
to have been written by Chief Justice Chase
to you, urging the passage, by the Ohio Leg
islature, of the F :r -senth Amendment, in
which occtirs the expression (in effect) that
“the Fifteenth Amendment must be put
through at all hazards.” Mr. Baber read tbe
note in the Ohio House of Representatives.
Will you do me the kiadaess to inform m<*
by return mail whether the Chief Justice
wrote tho letter in question ? If he wrote it,
(and as it has been made pnblic,) I suppose
you would have no objection to inform me of
it. As a political friend of Jndgo Chase, I
would be glad to know.
Yours, respectfully,
ChiAB F. Rockets
Senate Chamber, I
Columbus, O., January 29, 1870. \
Om lr F. Roberts, Esq., Aurora, Ind.:
Dear Sib—Yours of the 27th inst,. received
inquiring if tho letter from Chief Justice
Chase, published in the Cincinnati Enquirer,
and reported by the Hon. I. Baber, was writ
ten by him.
Allow me to kindly retarn your letter, with
my reply indorsed thereon. I did receive a
letter from tho Honorable Chief Justice in Oc
tober last, which I presume is the one referred
to. It was of a social, personal character, and
in it there were no expressions, or anything
whatever warranting those charged npon him
in the imaginary fabrication published, as you
described, by Mr. Baber—particularly such as
“the Fifteenth Amendment must be put
through at all hazards,” or that “the eves of
the whole country are npon Ohio—on* your
vote depends the passage of the Fifteenth
Amendment”
As before said, the letter in question being
of a personal nature growing out of an inti
macy as a neighbor and friend of many years,
congratulating me npon my election, &c., I
therefore very much regret that I cannot un
der the circumstances, pablish it—as there is
nothing in it of a political character which has
not time and again been publicly expressed by
the Chief Justice. If you were here I would
show you the letter with pleasure. Very truly
yours, «5bc.. Thos. H. Yeatman.
Take Simmons’ Liver Regulator regularly,
eDjoy yourself, aud give gratification to those
about you.
You will have causo to bless the day you
heard of Simmons’ Liver Regulator.
A Question of Elegance Rat lie r thau
General Taylor, near tho beginning of his
message to the Thirty-first Congress, Decem
ber, 1849, said: “We are at peace with all the
world, and seek to maintain our cherished re
lations of unity with the rest of mankind.”
A Writer for Appleton's Journal.
Well, what of it? He made no mistake.
Tho fault is in yourself. You do not see that
the phrase “allthe world "and tho phrase
“ Uie rest of mankind ” mean exactly the same
thing. Lot us try it:
“ We are at peace with the rest of mankind,
and seek to maintain our cherished relations
of amity with all the world.” .
“Well, tb&v’a right Try again :
“We are at peace with all the world, and
seek to maintain our cherished relations of
amity with all the world.”
That, too, right Try once more :
“ We are at peace with tho rest of mankind,
aud seek to maintain our cherished relations'
of amity with the rest of mankind.”
Theso examples prove that the sentence,
though inelegant was not inoorrect as it was
written by Gen. Taylor.—Rich. Dis.
