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VOLUME IV.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MOBNING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1870.
NUMBER 29
The Vice Prcildtnrf,
It baa been for months post, the
viction of all enlightened minds, representing
the material and industrial interests of the
nation, that the nomination and re-election of
President Grant, in 1872, will be a mere matter
of fonn. That he is the first choice of the
Republicans, now as ho was in 1868, no well
informed man doubts; and the brilliant sac
cess of his administration, has drawn to his
support thousands of liberal minded, enliglit-
enod and progressive men, irrespective of
party allegiance, who opposed his election in
1868.
It only remained therefore to Alect a suitable
candidate for the office of Vice President, in
order to complete tho Republican ticket in the
next Presidential campaign. Mr. Colfax,
present able and efficient Vice President
the United States, has declined, absolutely, to
continue in public life longer than the expira
tion of his present term of office. This an
nouncement was made public some two weeks
since, in a letter over his own signitore where
in the Vice President uses this significant
language:
‘T thank you for your kiud wishes in my
4 ‘behalf, bat I intend, with this term, to close
"ray public life absolutely. I will then have
"had eighteen years of continuous service at
"Washington, mostly on a stormy sea—long
"enough for any one; and my ambition is all
"gratified and satisfied. General Grant will
*‘doubtless be re-nominated,and,I think,should
"be. My articles and speeches show my faith
"in him, and my regard for him. Bnt the peo-
"ple will want some Eastern or Southern Vice
"President, and should have one. I shall leave
"public life voluntarily and without regret, and
"oxpect to go into hetive business. My friends
"here all know of this determination, and I as-
"sure you it is no pretense, bnt a reality, as you
"will see. This is the last campaign in which I
"shall participate, and I feci as happy at the
"prospective release from the exactions, cares,
"misrepresentations, and excitements of politi-
“cal life ns the student who is about to gradu
ate and go forth from the walls iu which be
"has been for years, free from professors and
"critics. When yon think it all over, you will
"concede that it is a wise determination.”
Now, ScniTYi.cn Colfax is no trickster, lie
is not the man to Nay one thing and mean an
other; and those who know him, need not be
told that when he thns declines, in advance, the
re-nomiuntion, he meant just what lie says.
They know, furthermore, that wheu Mr. Col
fax recommends the selection of the next Vice
President from the Eastern or Southern States,
he means just that too. lie may, therefore,
very properly be said to have retired in favor
of some gentleman from the South or East,
' who may be agreeable to the President, and
who enjoys the confidence of the party.
The next question then, is, Shall that man
be from the East or from the South ? Presi
dent Grant himself bos indicated his prefer
ence—in no far as he might do so—by the se
lection of a Southern man to fill the vacancy
in his Cabinet occasioned by the resignation
of au Eastern mnn; and this preference has
fallen upon the Honorable Amos T. Akerman,
of this State.
In calling Mr. Ax roman to one of the most
important positions in his Cabinet—that of
constitutional adviser—the President
evinced his high appreciation of that gentle
man's talents, learning and spotless integrity,
both ns a man and as a statesman. It is con
ceded also that Mr. Akerman is a sound Re
publican, and that he enjoys the unlimited
confidence of the party in the South where his
political record is best known. It is further
more conceded that iu point of talent and
tact, both as an advocate and statesman, he is
the peer of any man in the South, or even in
the East for that matter, ne likewiso enjoys
the respect and confidence of thousands of
Southern men, who are not Republicans, bnt
who would not vote against a Republican
ticket on which his name appears. He would,
therefore, probably bring more real strength
to tho party, than almost any one man either
from the East or South.
Taking, this view of the case, and without
previous consultation cither personally or
through his personal friends; and withont
cither liis knowledge or that of his most inti
mate associates, we put Mr. Akerman in nomi
nation for tho Vico Presidency on Sunday
morning lost. In doing this, do Mr. Col
fax no injustice. On the contrary, we but
carry out tho suggestions made by Mr. Colfax
himself, in tho letter above referred to. And
that this nomination accords with the feelings
of tho President, We may legitimately infer
from the marked manner in which the Presi
dent himself has recognized Mr. Akerman't
abilities and integrity as a sound Repub
lican and practical statesman. And it
certainly do Mr. Akerman hims*W“ no injus
tice to nominate him to * position for which
ho is so eminent fitted, to which every tone
Republican in the South would rqjaioe to see
kirn elevated, and for which he stands virtu
ally endorsed both by Mr. Colfax and Gen.
Grant, and at a time when no one, not even
his most relentless political enemies, would
suspect that he himself had any hand in pro
curing such nomination. Indeed, it
quite needless to repeat to any sane
man, who may have the
knowledge of Mr. Akennan's character, or
who may have the slightest regard for fairness
and truth, that this nomination was
withont his knowledge, and that his moat In
timate friends knew nothing of it until it
announced publicly. It was made in good
faith, in the interest of the party rather than of
individuals, and it shall stand until reversed
by the National Nominating Convention, of
until the People ratify it in 1872.
tageto one party over another. The Bill will
bear no such construction. It cannot bo so
understood by any intelligent and fair minded
man who will take the pains to read it care-
folly.
And now if our Democratic friends would
have an ending of the Reconstruction troubles
in Georgia, and would see the State completely
and folly restored to all the rights and privi
leges of the Union, let them give the legal vo
ters of the State, irrespective of color or pre
vious conditi4a, the opportunity here proposed
of easting their ballot, for the men and the
principles of their* choice. This will secure
the desired result; whereas, a fraudulent elec
tion now, would bnt result in the remanding of
the State to her Provisional condition, and in
our people tho foot boll of notional
[tics for another indefinite period.
But whatever the Democracy may deride to
do in this matter. Republicans can bnt stand
united now* ns heretofore, in support of the
Government,- by giving their adhesion to a
measure originating with the law officer of the
Cabinet, and commanding the unqualified ap
proval of our own State Central Committee.
For, to opposethis Bill, or to give it a lake-
warm or doubtful support, can but lay them
under the charge of factions opposition to the
Federal Administration; of being untrue to
their professions, and of proving recreant to
their trusts as representatives of a Republican
constituency.
Article 1 section 2D of the Constitution of
1868, declares that "nopoll tax shall be laid
except for educational purposes, and that it
shall not exceed one dollar annually.”
Article 6, sections 1 and 3, declares that the
poll tax allowed by this Constitution is devoted
and Met apart for the support of a system of
Common Schools free to all, and makes it the
duty of tho Legislature, at its first session, to
establish such -a system.
It seems to ns that under any fair construc
tion of these clauses, the system must be es
tablished before the tax can lawfully be laid.
It will be noticed that here are two different
provisions upon the .subject of the poll tax ;
in the common school article, and one in
the Bill of Rights. One is a solemn guarantee
to the citizen, that it shall not be in the power
of the Legislature to levy any poll tax except
for educational purposes, and that it sliall in
no event exceed one dollar annually. The
other points out the kind of educational
purposes for which the tax may be laid; it de
votes to the support of common schools, free to
aU, the poll tax “allowed by this Constitu
tion. 7
Now, Article 6th of the Constitution makes
it the doty of the General Assembly at its first
session to estaUish a system of Common
Schools.
The poll tax, therefore, ran only be levied
to support a system of Conpuon Schools,
which it is the duly of the Legislature to
establish. It requires affirmative positive leg
islation to give existence to the system for the
support of which tho tax can be laid.
What an absurdity it is to lay a tax for the
support of a system which does not exiMt
Suppose tho danse had read : No poll tax
shall be laid except to pay the salaries of the
Judges of the District, Courts. Could tho tax
be lawfully laid before the Court was organ
ized ? Suppose the clause had read "no poll-tax
shall be laid except to carry on a war, or sup
press a rebellion ? * r la it not plain that the
existence of a war, or a rebellion, would be a
prerequisite to the laying of a legal tax? And
is it not just as plain, tpat the existence of a
system of common schools Is a necessary pre
requisite, the legal assessment of a tax to sup
port it? This very point, has in effect been
decided by our own Supreme Court, in the
case of Yeruon vs. the Inferior Court of Ter
rill county, 27 Go.
Terrill was a new county, aud the Inferior
Court were allowed by an act of the Legisla
tore to lay an extra tax for county purposes,
without limit as to extent, bnt as the Court
might see fit The sale of the lots at tho
county seat, paid the expense of building a
court house, jail, Ac. For some reason, how
ever. the Court laid a tax of two hundred per
cent on the State tax for " public buildings,
and the Court held the tax void, mainly be
cause tho public buildings hmt bf>*n built and
paid for. in otter words, the tax was raised'
for a purpoae that did not exist
And this is nothing bnt the plain common
sense view of such a matter. To say. that a
constitutional prohibition to the Legislature
from laying a poll tax, except for a specific
purpose, means not that the Legislature may
not lay the tax, but that if the tax is laid, it
is the main duty of the Legislature to appro
priate it for the specific purpose, is in effect to
further array the prohibitory clause altogether,
as the mere devotion of the tax wheu laid to
the purpose, would have answered all the par-
The Election BUI.
. If onr Democratic friends reedty desire, (as
they sometimes profess to,) a free and fair
election, the most tangible way in which they
can satisfy the public oftheix sincerity, would
be to support the Bill now pending providing
for that result Admitting the fact that all
men are now willing that each and every
colored man in Georgia, of lawful age,
aud not restricted by constitutional provi
sions, should be admitted to the -free
exercise of the elective franchise, we asnnot
see any valid objection to the Bill under
sideration. It seeks merely to afford every le
gal voter in the State, an opportunity to cast
his ballot withont hindcrance or molests *
This is all that the measure aims at It is all
that Republicans desire; and it is only what
onr Democratic friends profess to concede.
Now let them unite in its support and thns re
fer the issues involved in the campaign to the
People, in snch a manner os that the election
will be held as valid, and therefore such as
Congress will not feel bound to aet aside. -
We have been pained to witness a disposi
tion on the part of one or two Democratic pa
pers in this State, to misrepresent the true in
tent and meaning of this Bill They have
sought by an artfully arranged synopsis, to
create the impression that the Bill hr t
thing very different from what it really is; and
that it is calculated to give an undue advan -
But obviously,this conclusion depends en
tirely upon the practical difficulty we have al
luded to, to-wit, that it is generally impossible
to say whatany. particular tax is for; and the
Courts, if they were to attempt to interfere,
would be wholly in the dark, nor could it be
known ordinarily whether,or not the
turo would misappropriate or foil to appro
priate the money. .. #
Bat should a case arise where this practical
difficulty did not exist, then bat very few
sound lawyers would hold the citizen reme
diless. Suppose, for instance, a Legislature
were to lay a tax specifically for a special and
declared purpose which was illegal, ’ as for in
stance to purchase ships of war in time of peace,
or to establish or support a religion, or to pay
the public debt when there was no debt Would
there be any doubt about the right of the
citizen to object, and would not tho Courts
hold the law void?
Now, every poll tax is of necessity a specific
tax, both in amount and object, since the Con
stitution declares it can only be laid for a
specified purpose. And if that purpose does
not exist, why may not the citizen set up his
rights as against-this tax, os well as he way
against a tax for 44 Public Buildings,” when
there is no such purpose existing ?
It seems to us that the argument is irresisti
ble.
Onr Constitution declares that every uncon
stitutional law is void, and that the judiciary
shall so declare. Hero is n tax laid for a
specified and declared purpose, to-wit: to sup
port a system of Common Schools. No such
system exits in this State, and any snch tax
must be unconstitutional aud void.
It is said, however, that it Is competent for
the Legislature to lay a tax for the purpose of
accumulating a fund wherewith to establish
this system. But the Constitution declares
that the poll tax allowed by this Constitution
is devoted to the support of the system. Be
sides, it is expressly said that the fox shall be
but one dollar annually. Poll foxes are in
their nature odious taxes- they are laid equally
upon the rich and the poor, upon those able
to pay and those not able; aud it is a far
heavier burden upon a poor man to jmy one
dollar from tho pittance his hands have made
than it is for a rich mau to pay $100.
There cau be only one excuse for it, to-wit:
that, as the money is mainly to bo used for
the benefit of the poor, it is used that he
should bo mode to join in its payments.
The contemplation of the Constitution,
therefore, is that snch men shall pay one dol
lar annually for each year s nse of the schools,
ami is a grow* pmcmion off ibis idea to accu
mulate a fund by a lmlf a dozen year's fox, and
then establish the system. It is making the
citizen pay six dollars for tho nse of the
schools instead of one, and thns doing indi
rectly wliat it is clear the Legislature cannot
do directly.
We conclude, therefore, that the poll fox of
1868 and 1869 was illegal and voirl, and that
any other poll fox will bo void until there ex
ists by law u common school system.
situation,” and recognize tho right of the
colored man-to the free exercise of the ballot,
do not oppose legislation providing for the en
forcement of the rights of colored men at the
ballot box. Tliooe who really accept the XIVth
and XVth amendments as part of the funda
mental law of the land, are not unwilling to
see those amendments enforced by appropriate
legislation. Those who now acknowledge the
legality and binding force of the reconstruc
tion acts of Congress, accept Reconstruction
and its incidents as "fixed facts,** and arc
willing to support the State Government set
up in virtue of those acts. And those who
really mean what they say, when making pro
fessions of a desire for the restoration of the
State to her proper relations to the Union,
will now support a measure which commands
the approval of the law officer of tho Govern
ment looking to that end by securing a rant
election.
Will Napoleon be Restored S
Several of onr contemporaries are discuss Lug
this question with a considerable degree of
earnestness. Now that -King William has
shown a disposition to continne the war
against the French people, in ntter disregard
of his famous declaration that the war was
waged against Napoleon alone, it is thought
Unit he fears the Empire less than he does the
Republic. Prussia is thoronghly^mperiolistic.
She has no sympathy with Republican France,
but, on the contrary, dreads the idea of having
so dangerous a neighbor. Since Napoleon's
surrender at Sedan, it will be recol
lected that be has been treated with
marked consideration, and, in fact, recognized
by King William as the Sovereign of France.
Now, if the Prussians capture Paris and re
duce France to submission. King William
most treat with somebody. It is thought that
he will not recognize the Republic, but will
assemble the Corps Legislatif, the Senate and
the Regency. In that event, what else can
follow but the restoration of Napoleon ? It
would be a singular sight, indeed, to see the
fallen monarch reinstated by the bayonets of
his conquering foe; but it may be that Prussia
prefers even that to (whnt they regard) the
" social evil,” known as the French Republic.
th? surrender. And yet some of the same
ptrtics ore equally frank in the expression of
their .opinion that it will be impossible to
aigid’ the repetition of 44 freight blockades **
tkis winter, unless the work thus began is
speedily completed, and without an additional
sipply of rolling stock, motive power and
other necessary equipments.
: l'.ids, the proportion
General Assembly, to carry out
dation oi the Joint Committee
•tion, is not a political or a partisan
measure, and should not be so regarded. It
simply looks to such au equipment of the road
as will enable it to do the business that will be
accumulated at the end of the line this winter,
and thereby become auxiliary to tho business
interests not only of Atlanta, bnt of the whole
State daring the ensuing season. We know of
no way in which members of the General As
sembly could better serve the real interests of
their constituents, and, through them, the
State itself, than by voting this appropriation
recommended by the Joint Committee.
the providential guidance in its history, the
fundamental Mosaic principles of progressive
developments, a future universal knowledge of
the Almighty’s commands, a love of peace and
justice and humanity.
THE GEORGIA STATE FAIR.
It U no uncommon thing for a Legislature
to foil to obey even a a constitutional direction.
We have indeed a very strik : »g instance of it
in thia very mattei 1 . The Constitution makes
it the daty of the Legislature, at its first ses
sion, to organise a Common School System.
Two sessions of the Legislature have been
held, and we am well nigh to the eud of
the third, and yet the Common School sysle
still hangs fire. Nay the Legislature has actu
ally taken the proceeds of tho poll tax and ap
propriated it to the payment of their own per
diem, patting in its place some State bonds
which it is just aa competent for the next
Legislature to order burned. The public
money, the Treasurer, and what lie has on
hand, are absolutely in the power of the Leg
islature, and nobody has any right to interfere.
It is a mere question. of legislative adhesion
to the oaths they have taken. And if this be
all, then the solemn constitutional guarantee
to every citizen, that no poll tax shall be laid,
is all leather and prunella—empty words—very
pretty to look at, bnt wholly useless in fact
The constitutional guarantee exists, it is true
every man has a solemn constitutional protec
tion against paying any poll tax, except for a
certain definite and specified purpose; but it
rests entirely on tho Legislature, whether or
not that purpose shall exist, and it may lay
the tax, whether it exist or not, on the pre
sumption that if the tax be laid the Legisla
ture will most certainly cause the purpose to
The mode of reasoning by which this strange
result is arrived at seems to be this: It can
never be exactly known what any fox is for
until the Legislators appropriates the money,
and this is after the money is paid in, and
there »therefore an insurmountable practical
difficulty in any interference with tho tax; be
cause yon cannot know what any particular
tax iu .laid for. Hence there ip a general, per
haps proper, opinion that the restrictions upon
the Legislative use of public money are only
directory to the Legislature, and thns the in
dividual tax-payer has nothing to do but to'
pay his money, trusting to the Legislature
performing its constitutional duty in any given
Ifo the Democracy “Accept the Situation?”
The stereotyped cant of tho Democratic lead
ers in this and other States, about "accepting
the situation,” and desiring 44 fair, elections,”
has at length been revealed in all its hideous
deformity. Not even tho authoritative injunc
tion of silence os respects all the living issues
of the day, nor yet the hypocritical cant about
“bowing to the suprexua-wilL of tho People ”
as respects "dead issues,” have served to di
vert public attention from their real pnrposos
of revolntion. For, while these revolutionary
leaders in Tennessee hold a State Conven
tion of the party, and therein refuse to en
tertain a Resolution declaring the right of
'Secession to bo ii dead issue, the Chairman of
the State Committee of tho same party in
Georgia writes an advisory letter, wherein ho
deuonnees the XIVth and XVth Amendments
as usurpations, the reconstruction laws of
Congress as legally invalid, and the original
dogma of State Rights as the chief corner
stone of the Democratic party of 1870!
Thns it is, that after months of labored as-
serration alxrat "accepting the situation,” and
after an avalanche of platitudes about burying
"dead Issues,” the Democracy conies forth
lwldly upon the ante-bell urft platform of the
"reserved rJ**-*-*’ «c the. States, and the con
stitutional right of secession!
Ten years ago, these leaders inaugurated
civil war over the protest of a majority of the
Southern people, for the purpose of testing
the practicability of this " State Rights”
dogma. They appealed from the ballot to the
bayonet in defense of the identical dogmas
which still constitute their chief stock iu trade;
aud they professed a willingness to abide the
issae of the war thns precipitated upon on un
willing people. We will do them the credit to
iy that some of them at least were sincere in
their profession of a belief in the rectitude of
their position. They, even appealed to the
God of tho Universe to witness their sincerity?
and, in a devotional mood, put up petitions to
the Most High for success, subject to the ap
proving smiles of an All-wise and Omnipresent
Providence. If Providence would deign to
favor their suit, then clearly^licy were right,
und would win; bnt if Providence should
favor the other side, then clearly they were
wrong, and they would cheerfully accept the
result Divine Providence did favor "the
other side,” and so they lost everything; aud
so, also, according to their own thesis, they
were wrong, and the Union party was right
And now, how do the pious leaders of this
self-righteous Democracy accept tho result.
Let the Tennessee Convention and the present
ungainly attitude of a portion of the Georgia
Democracy, bo* the reply. In both . Stales,
many of the Democratic leaders of 1861, hare
had the manliness to keep their vows. They
did 44 accept the situation,” and they accepted
it with honest hearts ai^l a firm purpose to
keep their plighted .faith. Having done this,
they coaid no longer act with a party which
held that " the war settled no political qncs-
tion,” and consequently.which still adheres to
its dogmas of the "reserved rights of the
States,” aud the constitutional rights of Seces
sion. Among these are some of tho ablest,
best and truest men of the Republican party
in .both States. Their position is a noble one.
It is a consistent one, and the country honors
them for it They but acted upon their pre
vious profession of a willingness to “do their
duty, as God gave them to see their duty, and
to accept, the result as the authoritative deci
sion of that Providehco” to whom they ap
pealed in (ho ( sincerity of. then; professions.
But this is not the way iu which tho less intel
ligent, the less sincere, and the less conscien
tious of the party leaders ‘ ‘accepted the situa
tion.” They accepted i^ it seems, with the
mental reservation that, Providence having
dealt very unjustly by them, the constitutional
right of Secession and the other legitimate is
sues growing out of tho heresies of I860, sim
ply stand adjourned—not settled. They want
the, Constitution as it teas, not os it is.
In this State, the issue is presented iu a tan
gible form. Those who really " accept the
The article which we reproduce this morn
ing from the Sun, coming, as it does, from an
independent Democratic source, should com
mand the attention of r miy Impmti il mau in
Georgia. We especially commend it to the
consideration of thn«* who can rise sufficiently
above mere party wrangle and abase, to appre
ciate the tnerits of tho proposition to place
the State Road in a conditiou to do the busi
ness anticipated this Fall and winter.
There has not been an active business season
at any time since tho surrender, when this
Road was not the theater of “freight block
ades,” occasioned by its inability to. do the
bnsiuess accumulated at Chattanooga. This
inability has proceeded from a wont of rolling
stock, an inadequate supply of motive power,
the indifferent condition of the road-bed, and
the inferior (and often nnsafe) class of bridges
and culverts improvised after the destruction
of the Rood by Sherman's army. *
The repairs of the Road mado under the
Jenkins administration, were generally of a
cheap and temporary nature. The object
seems to have been to meet present emergen
cies; to pay the Rood out Of debt, aud deposit
snrpins in the State Treasury, leaving per
manent repairs and the more costly outlays
necessary to put the Road In first-class con
dition, for another administration. Had
this fiuc property belonged to a
private corporation instead of to the State,
aud therefore been exempt from that
political influence which lias been the source
ranch complaint, it is reasonable to pre
sume that instead of paying its*net earnings
into tho Treasury to bo appropriated iu the
purchase of scholarships in the State Univer
sity, or to be expended in maintaining suits of
injunction against theUnited States authorities,
it would have been expended in ballasting the
road bed, iu building permanent and sub
stantial bridges, in the purchase of new iron,
additional rolling stock and motive power, in
building machine shops, and in the other
equipments necessary to enable its managers
to prevent the annual recurrence of “freight
Wo«kades.”
It seems to have been the policy of the
present Administration, to put the Road iu a
condition to do the business required ot it,
and thereby forego the evanescent plaudits of
the multitude rather than ignore the highest
interests of the Road in a business point o
view. Accordingly, CoL Halbert paid less
into the State Treasury, but more
wards refitting* the road by substantial
improvements. When, therefore, his succes
sor, (Col. Blodgett,) assumed tho duties of
Superintendent, in January lost, he found
sundry large bills due and falling due, both for
extraordinary and for current expenditures.
To meet these demands, and at the same time
make the customary monthly payments into
the State Treasury, was of course impossible.
In addition to this, he deemed it but right aud
proper to continne the work thus began by
his predecessor, and, if possible, push it to
completion betorc the expiration of the car-
rent year. Accordingly, he incurred additional
obligations iu the purchase of iron, rolling
stock, motive power and other necessary
equipments, and in such repairs of the track
and road-bed as had become an absolute
necessity.
Railroad men familiar with the full state of
the case, of coarse, justified his conduct and
that of the Administration to which he was
immediately responsible. But tho politicians
and partisan critics, saw in this au excellent
opportunity to assail the Administration be
fore the public, who were presumed to be less
familiar with the real state of the case,
this way complaints of mismanagement aud
misappropriation of the net proceeds were
raised, and which ultimately resulted in the
appointment of the Joint Committee of In
vestigation.
This Committee was composed of members
of. both political parties, and instructed to
make their investigation thorough and search
ing. The high personal character of the gen
tlemen composing the Committee, was a guar
antee that it would do its work honestly and
well After a long and laborious session, iu
which they examined all the charges and sjjeci-
fications, and in which they overhauled all
the Records and papers of tho several officers
of the Road, and then completed their labors
by a minute personal inspection of the condi
tion cf the Rood itself, they not only acquitted
tho Management of each and every charge
brought against it, but united in the recom
mendation of an appropriation by the
lain re for the completion of tho repairs and
improvements began by the Superintendent
and his predecessor in office. We are informed
by experienced Railroad men—parties living
outride the State, and representing roads cen
tering at Chattanooga—that the State Road is
in better condition now than atony time since
A Case of Thin Hypocrisy.
In Louisiana, " Democracy ” means office-
seeking within Republican enclosures. Having
bitterly opposed the Reconstruction measures
of Congress, “negro suffrage,” aud the XIVth
aud XVth Amendments, the old Secession
leaders hesitate to join the Republican organi
zation outright They would preserve the old
Democratic organization, because that recog
nizes their divine right to political leadership.
Bat they are willing to accept the Republican
platform, and even to admit colored men to
their nominating Conventions, for the purpose
of strengthening their personal claims before
tho People. At the same time, they labor to
create the impression, upon the minds of their
"Northern brethren,” that they are now, as
heretofore, iu strict accord with 44 the princi
ples of tho Democratic party of the Union !
It is always unpleasant to dispel a happy
delusion. It is pleasant to believe that this
action of tho Louisiana Democracy is just
what it appears on its surface —a thiu strate
gem of politicians for office. But then it evi
dently means more than that, elso it means
very little indeed. Let us look at tho facts.
Here is a political organization in the South,
originating in sectional animosity iu 1350,
culminating in disintegration and war in I860,
and dragged from a bloody grave and invested
with vitality in 1868. Throughout all these
successive stages, it bus stood squarely and
mjoompronilaiugiy m>on tho dogma of the
“reserved rights of tho States,” the "Constitu
tional right of secession” and in uncompro
mising hostility to Impartial Suffrage. And
now, 1870, pledging itself to "the principles
of the Democratic party of the Union,” it, per
consequence, still stands pledged to relentless
hostility to the Reconstruction Acts of Con
gress, to the (amended) Constitution of the
United States, and, consequently, to the policy
of Impartial Suffrage. There is no escaping
this conclusion, assuming that this "Democ
racy” does, os it professes to, "stand upon
the principles enunciated in tho National
Democratic Platform.”
The question now arises, Are these restless
leaders sincere iu their professions oi adhesion
to 44 the principles of the Democracy of the
Union”? If they are, then how do they re
concile that fact with their action in admitting
to their nominating Convention a class of
rotors who, according to tho "principles”
aforesaid, are not legal voters? Is it not clear
that it is simply a piece of bare-faced hypoc
risy, looking to tho aid of negro votes for the
purpose of disfranchising the negro race
This is upon the assumption that tin y are sin
cere in their professions of adhesion to the
platform of 1868. Suppose, however, they
are sincere in their professions to the colored
men of a willingness to *<accept the situation,
and to regard tho Constitutional Amendments
aud Reconstruction Acts as verities and os
‘fixed facts. ” Is it not clear that, in such case,
they are acting hypocritically and treacher
ously toward tho "National Democracy,’
a party which plumes itself ou its uncom
promising hostility to this "concession to Rad
icalism ?”
View the case os we may, it presents an ugly
feature of hypocrisy and insincerity. For it
is quite evident that even these reckless lead
ers, cannot advocate and oppose negro suffrage
and the validity of the Constitutional Amend
ments, at one and the same time!
What Our Exchanges say about It.
THE MERIDIAN (MISS.) MXBCULT
Says of our State Fair:
Every arrangement is being perfected to
make this one of the greatest affairs of the sort
thAt ever come off in the South.
THE NKWBEHN (N. C.) TIMES.
Says that "tho Atlanta people evidently kno
how to get up a Fair.” It promises to keep
its readers posted on the subject.
THE REFEREE,
Published at Charleston, S. C., advises every
one to attend the State Fair as it will be one
of the grandest Exhibitions ever held iu tho
South.
THE INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL GAZETTE,
Published at Louisville, Ky., gives our State
Fair a lengthy and handsome notice.
ing, lying and slandering; to keep myi.body
in temperance, soberness and chastity ; net to
covet nor desire other men's goods,, but to
learn and labor truly to get my own living and
to do my duty in that state of life unto which
it shall please God to call me.
If the "2rue Bamboozles■’* is willing to adopt
this for his rule of life, and moke his humble
confession for post sins and misdeeds, 1 will
promise to write President Grant, - and if,pos
sible obtain his absolution, and procure, a
back seat for him in tho Democratic ranks.
Republicans have no use for such material
I have departed iu this communication some
what from my usual style aud habit, and I
trust I may be pardoned for doing so.
. Virgil Hillyer,
Representative Camden County.
you how the family took it, what was in the
will, how the funeral went off, and other par
ticulars ' quite as interesting; the broker is
ready to imprison the general conversation in
stocks and bonds; but the literary man, with
more mind than any of these, is the greatest
‘fool of all
THE CUTHBERT APPEAL
Says that the Fair "promises to bo a success
in every particular, as the citizens of Atlanta
seem folly determined to keop up their former
prestige of never doing any thing on the
halves.
THE HOPKINSVILLE.(fir.) CONSERVATIVE
Speaks in high terms of the energy and enter
prise manifested in getting up the Fair, aud
gives a synopsis of its principal features.
Louis Napoleon and the Press.
Napoleon le petit, as Hugo calls him, hated
journalists as much as his great uncle did
lawyers. After the coup <r etat he arrested and
imprisoned a number of prominent journal
ists; and down to the day of his fall, he waged
perpetual warfare against tho Press. The
most insignificant 4 ‘squib” provoked his re
sentment and was followed by punishment too
severe for an incendiary volume. This course
produced its natural results. Sedan crushed
Imperialism aud freed the Press from its fet
ters. The journalists of Paris immediately
assumed the offensive. They gave the last
finishing blows to the expiring Empire and
made themselves the protectors of the rising
Republic. Several of them now occupy high
positious under the new Government They
are revenging the long years of persecution ip
the past, and their living influence is far more
powerful than a mere memory, or even the
psesuge ot the BBnapartes. The voice of the
outraged Press reaches the Imperial captive
in his retirement and pronounces his doom.
Rooms of the State Central Committee, )
Union Republican Party of Georgia, >
Atlanta, September 16,1870.)
At a meeting of the State Central Commit
tee, held tho 15th day of September, the fol
lowing resolutions were adopted:
Resolved, That tho Republicans of the sev
eral Congressional districts in this State are
hereby requested to hold conventions in their
respective districts, on tho 5th day of October
next, at the following places:
First District, Savannah, Chatham county.
Second District, Albany, Dongherty county.
Third District, Butler, Taylor county.
Fourth District, Macou, Bibb county.
Fifth District, Greensboro’, Greene county.
Sixth District, Gainesville, Hall county.
Seventh District, Kingston, Bartow county.
Aud nominate candidates for Congress, and
that said Conventions, iu tho several Congres
sional districts, are hereby authorized and re-
a nested to designate four persons to represent
leir respective districts ou the State Central
Committee.
Resolved, That the persons thus designated
by the Conventions of the Congressional dis
tricts, shall constitute tho Republican State
Central Committee, and are authorized and
requested to meet in this city, on tho 18th day
of October, and organize, by tho election of
their Chairman and Secretary.
Resolved, That our Republican friends
throughout the State are hereby urged to pro
ceed forthwith to organize our party, in their
respective counties, and nut’forth suitable can
didates for the General Assembly, aud for
county officers, and to nominate suitable dele
gates to the Congressional District Conven
tions above provided for,each county being en
titled to os many delegates as it has members
in the House of Representatives.
In accordance with tho above resolutions the
Republicans of the several Congressional dis
tricts are requested to call meetings and send
delegates to the district Conventions at the
above time and places, or at such other time
and place as the county Conventions may agree
upon. a. xl w. JOHS3it» N , .
Secretary State Central Committee.
Foster Blodoett, Chairman.
Tlic Western and Atlantic Railroad.
The question of primary importance that
comes up with the discussion of tho conditiou
.and proper disposition of the State Road is,
shall the road bo prepared for the heavy fall
and winter freight business? The matter of n
few thousand paid monthly into tho State
Treasury is unimportant, compared with the
probable diminution of the supply of produce
and provisions and consequent advanced
prices.
Tho tirades against tho mismanagement of
tho road do not amount to a feather’s weight
towards accomplishing the end that ought to
bd kept in view. These "criminations and re
criminations” amount to nothing substantial
They gratify a little party spleen, but so far as
affecting the solid interests of the road they
are worth nothing at all On one hand we have
charges of incapacity, corruption, mismanage
ment, and all that kind of thing; while on the
other, we have a defense set up in justification
Of Jhe authorities, clearly proving, to all in
tents and purposes, that the road is being
handled as well as it could be by anybody.
For example, there Is a continuous complaint
that the road pays nothing into the State Treas
ury, •an jl a dreadful clamor to know what lias
become of the mdney. It has not been shown
that the road does less business now than for
merly; on the contrary, it is asserted that the
business has increased! Hence the complaiuts
aud dissatisfaction seem to be not without
foundation, and the people feel that they have
been greatly wronged by the authorities of the
road.
On the other baud comes Mr. Superintend
ent Blodgett, who puts up tho defense that if
he had not paid
For iron spike* and ties $150,000 00
For cars.... 75.000 00
For engines 65,000 00
Making a total of $280,000 00
he could have paid $30,000 a month, daring
the post nine mouths, into the State Treasury,
which seems very probable. He claims that
he could have run the road down and paid
$300,000 into the treasury, bnt preferred to
spend the money on the road. Tho "white
washing committee,” as it was styled, report
ed the road to be iu better condition now than
when it passed into Mr. Blodgett’s hands.
This Is a sample of what is said for and
ugaiust the management of tho road; but, os
we said before, all such avail nothing toward
protecting the advantages which the people
naturally expect to derive from this valuable
naturally expect i
piece of property.
It is now claimed that the road stijl needs
forty miles of new track, two hundred and fifty
new freight, cars, and five first-class locomo-
Elections In Georgia—Public Sentiment
torgli _
it tbc Nortli,
The New York Times of the 19th inst, con
tains - the following special dispatch from
Washington City:
Washington, September 18.—Information
from Atlanta, Go., is to the effect that the Re
publican majority in the Legislature, co-oper
ating with Attorney General Akerman and
Governor Bullock, will provide for an election
in that State before the 1st of January, 1871,
which will be a literal compliance with tho
generally understood interpretation of the act
of Congress admitting Georgia to the Union;
but sad experience has demonstrated that the
election laws of Georgia, being those be
queathed to the State by her Confederate
rulers, are wholly insufficient to secure a fair
and free expression of all the voters in the
State. The violence, intimidation and murder
which attended the campaign of 1868 are evi
dence of the much needed reform in this re
spect, and it is a good sign that Attorney Gen
eral Akerman, who. is still in Georgia, has
been colled upon to aid the Legislature in
framing such laws as will, with the aid of the
statutes passed at the last session of Congress,
secure a fair election. This will necessitate a
postponement of the election until the latter
part of December, a time which will be more
favorable for the colored voters, as at that period
they are free from the restraint imposed by
labor contracts.
A Slander Nailed.
House of Representatives,
Atlanta, September 21, 1870.
Editor of Era : Samuel Bard, in a publica
tion dated August 20th, 1870, announces wliat
he styles "a new and startling scheme by
Governor Bullock.” For the statements there
in made, there is no foundation whatever; in
fact the whole article Is a malicious misrepre
sentation. Gov. Bullock made no speech
whatever to a caucus, and did not take jauy
such position as is attributed to him. Iu fact
there was uo "caucus of tho colored members
of the Legislature.” One afternoon, I believe
ou the 13th of August, (this is the date given
by tho defamer of the Governor,) a few mem
bers of the Legislature, white and colored,
about fifteen in all, met in one of tho rooms
in the Capitol to consider the subject of "back
pay” aud other matters, in uxo way connected
with that of the election. After a dessultory
conversation for some time, a proposition was
made to invite tho Governor in for consulta
tion, without knowing whether he was in the
Executive offico or not. A committee of
three were accordingly appointed to wait upon
the Governor and invite him into their infor-
mol meeting. The committee returned and
the Governor with them, and a general con
versation ensued for half au hour or more.
No "speech” was made by the Governor or
any one else, and no conversation was had by
the Governor that would even give color to
the charge made against him by the individ
ual who has had uo other political capital for
two years post than personal abuse of Gov.
Bollock.
I have been away from tho city ou a leave of
absence, to visit a sick son in Florida, for some
time, or I would have sooner noticed this slan
der; and I only do so now because I, os well as
others, know the Governor will not consent to
give public notice or denial to any thing emi-
nating from the source of this last slander.
Virgil Hillyer,
Member of the House from Camden county.
FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Atlanta, Ga., September 20, 1870.
At a meeting of Republicans from different
parts of tho First Congressional District, it
was agreed to carry out the recommendations
of the State Central Committee, and hold a
Convention at SAVANNAH, CHATHAM
COUNTY, FIFTH DAY OF OCTOBER,
to nominate a candidate for Congress, and to
designate the four persons to serve the District
ou tho State Central Committee.
Virgil Hillyer, Chairman.
Wm. C. Carson. Secretary.
Death of a Lady Lawyer.
In tho tribute paid by the St Louis hnr to
the memory of Miss Lemma Barkaloo, re
cently deceased, we note a most substantial
and significant recognition of the innovation
which admits women to the learned professios
on on equal footing with. wan. The proceed
ings were conducted in a dignified and deco
rous manner, and several speakers passed
cere and earnest encomiums upon the charac
ter of the deceased os a lady and a lawyer.
Singularly enough, it is the extreme West,
but recently the border of civilization, that
gives to woman the heartiest encouragement
in her efforts to extend the sphere of her use
fulness. .
The Nevr Israelite Prayer Book.
Tho Israetitesare re vising their Prayer Book.
At the late Jewish Synod, held at Leipsic, the
following was resolved: “No bitter or harsh
expression shall bo contained iu any of the
prayers under "revision or to be newly com
posed ;'the contenfo shall embrace all human
beings of the universe, and nothing shall be
said therein with regard to tho chosen people
which might in tho least offend onr brethren
of another creed. On the other hand, the
new prayers* or those under revision, shall lay
stress upon the religious mission of Israel,
We tho undersigned wore present at the little
meeting referred to, and the statements made
by Representative Hillyer are entirely correct
James Porter, Rep. Chatham Co.
Peter O'Neal, Rep. Baldwin Co.
Romulus Moore, Rep. Columbia Co.
Abram Smith, Rep. Muscogee Co.
Wm. Guilford Rep. Upson Co.
G. H. Clower, Rep, Monroe Co.
Madison Davis, Rep. Clark Co.
T. G. Campbell, Senator 2d District
Jas. G. Maull, Rep. Muscogee Co.
Sam’l Williams, Rep. Harris Co.
Abram Colby, Rep. Green Co.
John Warren, Rep. Burke Co.
T. G. Campbell, Jr., Rep. McIntosh.
Jacob P. Hutchings, Rep. Jones Co.
Philip Joinob, Rep. Dougherty Co.
Jas. A. Jackson, Rep. Randolph Co.
S. Gardner, Rep. Warren Co.
Editor Era: I have learned since writing
the above that one of the members who was
present at the meeting spoken of, called upon
the "TVue Bamboozler” to correct the slander
and ho refused, saying it was not at that meet
ing but at another time and he could prove- it
This reminds me of a certain dexterous an
imal, a great favorite pet with me. In my
youth, I used to take him by the four legs,
hold him three feet from tho floor with his
back down, and let him drop. He was always
sure to light upon his foot—then two feet
from the floor with the same result—thett one
foot, with the same—finally, tho only way I
conld get him on his back was to take him by
the four legs and hold him there. I propose
to take the “True Bamboozler* by all four—
minus two—and place him where he belongs—
a convicted libeler.
Should he be inclined to deny this, I would
affirm that tho above meeting, upon the testi
mony of the colored Representatives, is the
only one that the Governor has attended since
Janaary last.*
In my boyhood I was disciplined to lovo my
neighbor as myself, and do to all men us I
would they should do mi to roe ; to love, honor
and succour my father and mother; to honor
and obey the civil authority ; to submit my
self to all my governors, teachers, spiritual
pastors a id masters; to order myself lowly
and reverently to all'iny betters; to hurt no
body by word or deed; to be true and just in
all my dealings; to bear no malice nor hatred
in my heart; to keep my hands from picking
and stealing, and my tongue from evil speak-
THIRD CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Atlanta, Ga., Sept 17, 1870.
At a meeting of a number of prominent Re
publicans from the Third Congressional Dis
trict, it was unanimously agreed to carry out
the'fccommeudatlmr of tlur State OnW E*.
ecutive Committee, and hold a Convention at
GENEVA, TALBOT COUNTY, ON THE
SECOND SATURDAY, THE 8TH DAY OF
OCTOBER, to nominate candidates for the
41st and 42d Congress, aud to designate
the four men to represent them ou the
State Central Executive Committee to- be
recognized in Atlanta on the 18th day of
October.
On motion it was agreed to have a mass
meeting of all tho citizens of the Third Con
gressional District at Geneva, on the some day
designated to nominate candidates for Con
gress. Distinguished speakers will bo present
and address the meeting.
On motion it was farther agreed that the
Atlanta New Era bo requested to publish the
proceedings of this meeting, and other papers
friendly to the cause please copy.
Ou motion the meeting adjourned sine die.
W. IL F. Hall, Chairman.
J. C. Jones, Secretary.
lives, withont which it is not at all clear that
there will not be a succession of freight block
ades at Chattanooga, continuing during tho
rough weather of the winter. Should this oc
cur, provisions will grow scarce in the mar
kets, uud iu n, comparatively short space of
time the people will pay out of their pockets
more money, in consequence of the advanced
prices of necessaries, than is asked for, as a
loan, from the Treasury.
The Legislature has been very prodigal of
State aid to other railroads, hence there can bo
uo lack of precedent to back up any disposi
tion there may l>o to help this road out of a
fix. Beiug the most important road in the
State, and exclusively the property of the
State, it ought to havo the first consideration
at tho hands of tho . General Assembly, aud,
os the Assembly has exclusive power to control
it aud direct its management, we would sug
gest that, if they are not satisfied with tho
officials who are now handling it, it would bo
a very easy matter to place it in other hands.
We are emphatically opposed to selling tho
road, and look with suspicion upon all propo
sitions to lease it. If there is any set of men
who cau run it aud pay twenty-fivo or filty
thousand dollars as lessees, the Legislature cau
fiiid men who cau do the same thing. How
ever, that is not what we aro now considering.
We are studying the interests of trade alone,
so much of which is dependent upon this
thoroughfare, and arc actuated solely by a de
sire to see the people at large practically bene-
fitted by the road. Hence we are still of the
opinion that the Legislature ought to make tho
repairs which aro declared to be necessary,
and make them at once. If not, evil conse
quences may certainly bo expected.—Atlanta
Sun, Sept. 21.
FOURTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 20, 1870.
At a meeting of Republicans from different
parts of the Fourth Congressional District,
held this day, the recommendations of tho
State Central Committee was approved, to wit,
that the Convention in the Fourth Congres
sional District to nominate a candidate for
Congress, be held in MACON ON THE 5TH
DAY OF OCTOBER.
John Harris, Chaimau.
Jno. J. Newton, Secretary.
SIXTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Atlanta, Ga., Sept 10, 1870.
At a meeting of Republicans from different
parts of the Sixth Congressional District held
this day, the recomniendatious of tho State
Central Committee was approved, except as to
tho time of holding the Convention for the
Sixth District, and upon that point the fol
lowing was adopted:
Whereas, the day recommended by the Stale
Central Committee for the Conventon of tho
Sixth Congressional District will not give suffi
cient time, therefore
Resolved, That the Convention iu the Sixth
Congressional District to nominate a candidate
lor Congress be held at GAINESVILLE, ON
THE 12X11 DAY OF OCTOBER.
W. F. Bowers, . Chairman.
John C. "Richardson, Secretary.
SEVENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Atlanta,.Ga., Sept. 1G, 1870,
At a meeting qt-a member of Republicans
from various ports of .the. Seventh Congres
sional District, it was agreed to carry out the
recommendation of the State • Central Com
mittee and hold a yoavoution foV the. Seventh
District, at KINGSTON, BARTOW COUN
TY, ON WEDNESDAY, THE 5TH DAY OF
OCTOBER, to nominate a candidate for Con
gress, and to designate tho four persons to
servo the djstiict outjio Sfote Central Com
mittee.
Wm. IIesry, Chairman.
J. R. W. Johnston, Secretary.
Literary Men In Society.
“Certainly,” say*XonLLyfctou, "of all peo
ple who go into society, none appear to so lit
tle advantage as meii of letters. U is aivold
w hat will hbUrgeWfr, 1 very like-
axiom, and one that .. J
ly, to tho end of the World.. V4 cannot hit
upon any other profeasroa tvhieU sufiere ip th.>
same degree tins pam$j exclusion, A horse
jockey may possibly have something interest
ing to saV about riding, odd certainly cun man
age to conduct himself with propriety, even
thonghi few,, coat smell of sfobles; an under-
A Bill
To declare tho Poll Tax of this State for the
years 18G8, 18G9 aud 1870,- yet uncollected,
illegal, aud to prevent the collection of the
same.
Whereas, By the 29th paragraph of tho Bill
of Rights, it is declared that “ No poll fox
shall be levied except for educational purposes,
and such fox shall not exceed one dollar an
nually on each poll;”
And Whereas, Article C, paragraph 1st, of
the Constitution makes it the duty of the Leg
islature, at its first session, to provide a system
of education free to all children ;
And Whereas, Paragraph 3d, of the same
Article, solemnly devotes to the support of said
system—to-wit: a system of Common Schools
—the poll tax allowed by this Constitution ;
And Whereas, Tho General Assembly did
not at its first session, and has not yet, estab
lished a system of Common Schools, and there
is not in this State any system of Common
Schools to be supported.
Be it enacted by the Senate aud House of
Representatives of the State of Georgia iu
General Assembly met, That all poll tax
assessed and imposed on the people of this
State for the years 1868, 1869 and 1870 is ille
gal, and not warranted by the Constitution of
this State, and that Tax Collectors be instruct
ed to desist from collecting the same, and that
Tax Collectors be relieved from all such poll
tax as appears unpaid iu their respective
digests.
A LITTLE ROMANCE.
A Female CongrrM.
Mrs. Julia Want Howe lias issued a sort of
pronnneiomento against war. She stylet
appeal to womanhood throughout
: ” nxltd tfoit n. general Coatrri-s
A corespondent of the Lynchburg (Va.) Re
publican relates the following bit of romance
about the Empress Eugenic:
In 1851 the uncle of the writer resided as
American Minister at Paris, with a large family
around him. At this time appeared in society
there Eugenio Marie de Guzman, Countess of
Montijo, a lovely person and an aristocratic
name securing her brilliant conquests iu that
society, and constituting her one of
tho most famous ladies in Paris. It
was thought, aud indeed freely remarked, that
her mother was more ambitious than herself;
that the former dcsiguedfor hersomo great al
liance, while Eugenie herself appeared a model
of simplo sincerity, a girl who would choose
to consult her heart in any matrimonial affair.
Her sister had just married the Duke of Alba
and Berwick, a lineal descendant of James H.
of England; and the worthy mother. Dona
Maria, uo doubt designed at least an equal
matrimonial destiny for the more beautiful of
her daughters. Bnt the heart is not always
to bo controlled, even iu the most aristo
cratic life, or to yield to its exactious «>r coiir
veuieuce. Eugenie lost hers to a fine-looking
blonde Virginian, young William C. Rives,
sou o: the American Minister. They were
engaged to be married ; but Aunt Judy Rives,
a Virginia matron, very decided and angular
iu her scruples, interfered and broke off the
match; the Countess was too "last” for
her old Virginia views of social sobriety.
The woman for whom future had reserved
so much escaped tho comparatively humble
match that her heart had decided upon—-the
destiny of a quiet Virginia housewife—to as
cend the throne of Franco. Alas, what other
contrasts may yet remain for her! If an event
pad been ordered differently, if a prospective .
mother-in-law had proved complacent, tho
Empress, the woman who has adorned tho
throne of Franco and displayed to the world
the charms of another Cleopatra, might at this
moment.bjo a quiet country matron, firing in a
farm house near Cobham Depot, county of Al
bemarle, aud State of Virginia!
world, ,T aud asks that a general Congress of
would) be rolled to promote tho .general afli-
anoe of mdious and tho amicable arbitrament
of difficulties.
