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Official Organ Ordinary.
OFFICIAL - ORGAN OF WINDER.
PUBLISHED KVKIIV THURSDAY EVENIN'*
JEFFERSON OFFICE:
With the Ordinary in the Court House
P. W. Quattlebaum will represent the
paper and take subscriptions.
Subscription Rates-
Onk Year, - - - *I.OO
A. G. LAMAR,
Editor and Publisher.
THURSDA/. JUNE 8, 1899.
The cjuutry is having another epid
eiric of suicides.
The Populist party will be a power
iu the la r and next year.
If you want to be on the side of
weight and humanity join the ranks ot
reform.
it is enough to tickle the trusts to death
to hear the two old parties condemning
them.
The Alaskan boundary is again loom
ing up and is likely to disturb the friend
ly relations of our country witn Brit
ain.
Holp circulate reform papers and you
will be doing a great good for the mas
ses and strengthen the cause of the peo
ple.
There is no way to get reform only
through the Populist party. You can
never get it, my friend, through the
old parties. If you want a change for
the better duty plainly tells you what
to do.
The physicians had a lively discus
sion last week at the meeting of the
American Surgical association in Chi
cago on the treatment of appendicitis.
The discussion developed the fact that
they know as little about this dreaded
disease as the poor layman.
The teachers of Winder public
school have labored hard this year to
make it a successful oue and deserve the
thauks of the patrons for their efforts
in this direction. Toe board can do no
better than to re elect the same faculty
again for another year. The Econo
mist does not know whether any of them
desire to remain, bat if they do, they
should be unauitnously elected to suc
ceed themselves.
No Wonder.
The aworn statement of the Standard
Oil Company in the hands of the Attor
ney general of Ohio shows that a barrel
of refine oil cost that oompauy just 20
cents. In that cost is inoludedraw ma
terial, treatment aud the expense of re
fining the oil. Think of ic for only one
moment and yon can see why the Staud -
ard Oil Company has become the great
est monopoly known aud why its presi
dent has mado #.'00,000,000 in 30 years.
It costs but too fifths of a cent a gallon
and the consumer pays 20 oects. 40 gal
lons cost the Standard Oil Company 16
cents aud the consumer pays $3,00 for
the 40 gallons. No woader that Mr.
Fiagltr, one of the magnates, could build
a #3,000,000 hotel at St Augustine ou
the profits of oil in olb day. No won
der that Mr. Rockefeller, its president,
has an income of over #12,000,000 per
year. Talk about your gold and silver
mines, but they are nothing compare and
to the great Standard Oil Companv.
T his ougnt to get the people to thinking
if they are capable of such a thing.
“A Graduated
Income Tax.”
The British government is colleotiug
income taxes on the entire revenues of
British corporations American brewries,
even when the stock is largely held by
Americans who have never been in Eng
land. Every person or company within
reach of the British tax gatherer ha3 to
help sholder the public burdens of the
kingdom unless exempted by poverty.
If John D. Rockefeller were in England,
he would have to pay, in addition to all
his other taxes, an income tax of three
and one third per cent., which, on <in
income of |12.000,000, would amount to
$400,000 a years. The British income
tax-produces over $60,000,000 a year,
with not more than two-thirds the nat
ional wealth of the Uuited States to
draw upon. Mr. W. W. Astor pays the
British exchi quer a tax on the rentals
of his New York houses, although he
pays none to the government of the
country that takes cire of them.
In Germany the income tax increases
by six graduations beginning at oue
seventh per cent, on incomes of S4OO,
it rises to 4 per cent, on income of $25,
000 and over. It' Mr. Rockefeller were a
German, he would pay an income tax
of $480,000 a year, in addition to his
other taxes, and those other taxes would
all be said—uot dodged.
On auy theory of taxation, income
taxes ought to be progressive increasing
in rates as well as in amount as the in
come increases. If we hold that taxes
ought to be proportioned to the benefits
received from government, it needs no
argument to show that tho chief benefi
ciaries are tho men who are protected
by the government in the possession of
enormous fortunos that would vanish in
a day if that guardianship were with
drawn.
If we tiy to secure equality of sacri
fices it is manifest that a million dol
lars a year deducted from an income of
ten millions represent less sacrifice than
a dollar taken from a man who has to
go without meat for a week to pay it
If we base our taxes on "faculty,” as
most professors of finace now think we
should, it is obvious that the man with
tho $10,000,000 income is much better
able to pay a tax of a million than the
man who is earning st> a week is to pay
a dollar. There need be no ' ‘burden of
taxation” in America, for in a country
as rich as this all the revenue needed
can be collected from the people who
will not feel its piyment. Bat if \Ye
hire soldiers and judge to protect great
fortunes, aud tlieu make people with'
out anything,pay for supporting them,
we may expect to hear complaints.—New
York Journal.
Full Legal Tender Paper
Money.
From Missouri World,
As money becomes more plentiful it
is easier to get. Money is easier ob
tained when it takes loss labor and less
property to get a given amount of it.
Money is cheap when labor and proper
ty are high. Money is dear when labor
and property are low. The advantage
of a higher level of prices is in the fact
that burdens of debt, taxes and railroad
charges are lightened thereby. A giv
en amount of labor or labor’s products
will under a high range of prices pay
more debt, taxes and railroad charges
than it will under a low range of prices.
The burdens of the people of the United
States are great. National, State couu-
ty and city taxes amount to one billion
and two hundred million dollars every
year; the railroads collect over a billion
dollars a year. The interest paid by
the people annually amounts to not less
than a billion dollars every year. This
is a terrible burden and no man can es
oape shouldering more or less of it. The
fairly well to do man gets it the hard
est, though he may not owe a dollar.
He is able to buy aud ou everything he
buys there is interest on money aud
railroad charges iu the price; he has
property to be taxed. He may not see
the burden and be unconscioas that he
is bearing it, but it may drag him down
as it has unllious of others. The stu
pendous amount of the principal of the
people’s debts which most all are strug
gling to and hope some day to be able
to pay, represents probably one-third of
the value of all the property in the
United States. The overtowering im
portance of the volume of money can
be realized when it is considered that
every contraction of the volume in
increases the burdeu aud every expan
sion lightens it. An issue of currency
which would double the money volume
would reduce the burden of debt one
half That is to say, oue-half the labor
aud products it now requires tc pay a
fixed amount would pay it. Such a
reduction in the burdens of the people
would bring immense prosperity. No
strong arm would be in enforced idle
ness. Billions and billions of dollars
worth of labor and labor’s products that
people now desire to but cannot get
would be purchased. The whole na
tion would be one busy, happy scene.
The refiuement and other blessings
brought by prosperity would be visible
everywhere. Did you ever uotice a
very, very poor but worthy family come
into the possession of a small inheri
tance after years of struggle to keep
the wolf from the door? How they be
came encouraged to try to be somebody,
what interest they began to take in
education, how well-fitting clothes
brought them out, and how their old
acquaintances gave them so much more
attention and actually offered them
substantial favors? A reasonable
amount of property certainly has a
most peneficial effect. The present is a
struggle for a bare existence by three
fourths of all the families in the United
States, among which, if they had fair
incomes, would be developed tho lead
ers of invention, of science, art, true
statesmanship, and progress generally.
The road to prosperity and fortune is
plain. The government should forth
with issue- and put in circulation
enough full legal tender paper money
to bring about an equitable level of
prices.
The Difference Between
Democracy And Popu
lism.
Dr. Henry B FAY says: On the fol
lowing points of vital interest tho Chi
cago platform is si’ent. On all the
same points the Populist platform ex
presses its positive and emphatic ap
proval:
1. The initiative and referendum.
2 Election of president and vice pres
ident and United States senators by di
rect vote of the people.
3. All public salaries correspond to
the price of labor and its products.
4. That idle labor should be employed
on public works in time of depression.
5. Disapproval of the scheme for re
funding the debts of the Pacific railroad
company and demanding the execution
of the law on that subject.
6. Establishment of the postal savings
banks.
7. Condemus the excessive grants of
land to corporations.
8. That private monopoly of land and
alien ownership should be prohibited
by law.
Plutocracy has two wings to its army.
One wing is always performing, the
other is always promising. Which ev
er one of these wings happens to bo out,
does the promising: the one that is in
does the performing. The two wings
are the republican and democratic par
ties.
The combined money power voted the
republican ticket in 1880.
The combined money power voted the
democratic ticket iu 1884.
The combined money power voted the
republican ticket in 1888.
The combined money power voted
the democratic ticket in 1892.
The combined money power voted the
republican ticket in 1896.
In 1900 the office seeking fusionists
and free silver republicans will again
alternate to the democratic party.
Democracy canuot succeed without
the eastern and southern’ democrats.
These constitute two thirds of the dem
ocratic party and will be the tools of
Wall street fully as much as the repub
licans.
The records of congress show that as
mauy democrats as republicans have al
ways voted against our principles even
on the money question; that both are
profuse in promising the dear people all
sorts of relief before election and as
freely breaking their promises after
electiou.
Wall street tries to frighten the un
thanking voters, by picturing Brvan as
a destroyingradical; The truth is they
are not afraid of Bryau, but of the strug
gling spirit of the masses behind him,
which spirit Bryan conspicuously fails
to represents by raising a olamor abont
“sixteen to one,” and keeping larger
and more vital questions iu the back
ground.
I can beconslnsively proved that fus
ion means the destruction of the People’s
party, because the democrats have for
much self respect to fuse where they are
strong by themselves. They advocate
fusion only where they need voters
from other parties to hely them into of
fice.
During the 16 years that the demo
crats had controll of the house they suc
ceeded iu defeating 20 free silver bills;
and for the four years they were in con
trol of the senate they knocked 15 free
silver bills in the head.
Under a democratic administration
$262,000,000 in bonds were issued in time
of peace.
We have challenged democratic re
peatedly to point out one siugle cardinal
principle of their party, as announced
in their platform, and backed by their
record in congress, that is at the same
time, one of the fundamental principles
of the People’s party. They should stop
their hypocritical pretense that the de
mocrats and Populist are working for
the same principles. If they honestly
believe that the principles of both par
ties agee, why do they insist that the
anion must be under their name?
A Christian citizen is not merely a man
who happens to be a citizen and also
makes a profession of Christianity. A
Christian citizen is one whose Christian
ity controls his citizenship, who carries
the Golden Rule and the Sermon on the
Mount to the ballot box, who uses his
citizensnip in accordance with the prin
ciples of Christianity. A Christian citi
zen ernnot give his ballot for the sup
port of men measures through which
his fellow men will be wronged or op
pressed.—The New Era.
To Be Prosecuted.
A young man by the name of Mark
Duster, and who made his headquarters
in and around Winder last winter and
claimed to represent a jewelry company
in New York, has been arrested by the
government authorities and is before
the United States court or commissioner
to-day in Atlanta charged with using
the mails for fraudulent purposes: He
advertised to sell watches at bargain
prices and flooded the mails from this
point last winter with circulars offering
great inducements to those in need of a
watch, These circulars it seems were
sent to parties mostly in Alabama,
Mississippi, and Texas. It was noc long
before he began to receive registered
letters and money orders from those
states and postmaster Smith was kept
quite busy turning the money over to
Mark Dosier. Iu a few months he be
gan to get letters of enquiry from parties
who had sent money to Doster for
watches but who had never received
them. This aroused suspicion and
Doster left for parts unknown. This
week he was located and arrested by
detective and deputy postmaster West
brook of our city and the postmaster at
Hoschtou were ordered to be iu Atlan
ta to day as witnesses for the govern
ment in the case.
THE HUGE SWINDLE.
HOW WE ARE BUNKOED BY JOHN
BULL AND HIS ASSISTANTS.
The True und Terrible Meaning: of
the Treasury Reports on Imports
and Exports—Our Heavy I.oss Since
1873 Caused hy Debts.
Flavius J. Van Vorhis of Indianapo
lis has prepared for the Omaha Noncon
formist a valuable table from United
States treasury reports relating to our
exports and imports. With the table he
presented an article of rare interest,
from which the following is taken:
The New York and Washington press
dispatches and trade reports are con
stantly assuring the public that our
commercial relations with foreign coun
tries are satisfactory and that the trade
balances are favorable to us.
So often have these assertions been
repeated by members of congress and
others in high positions that a denial is
received in astonishment. The president
lately repeated the assurances in Bos
ton. Not long ago a committee of the
“American Economic association,” in
a report made reference to “a favorable
trade balance of exceptional amount.'
It is not surprising that many intel
ligent people are amazed and incredu
lous when it is stated that this is not
only not true, but that our relations
with foreign countries are producing
results that are unsatisfactory and trade
balances that are unfavorable.
The table made from treasury reports,
covering a period from the earliest rec
ords to Dec. 31, 1898, is a conclusive
demonstration of the unsatisfactory
condition of our business with the peo
ple of other countries. It shows that
the balances are now and have been for
more than 25 years enormously against
ns.
Exports and imports are reported un
der three heads In a letter from the
treasury department it is said:
“The tables of gold and silver and
merchandise cover the entire field of ex
ports and imports. There is no legal
way in which anything can be exported
or imported not shown in these tables. ”
I have taken from these three tables
the annual excess of exports and lm
porta ancT from them caTcnlafeJ (im
balance for each year. The table ther*
fore ehows under three headings—
chandise, gold, silver—the annual bal
ance of each division and the annual
excess of all exports and importa
The public mind has been, by reiter
ated statements, confused about what ij
and is not a favorable balance. Intelli
gent writers have added to the confn
sion by failing to indicate the difference
between a balance that represents some
thing sold on credit, paid out for ex
penses or lost, and a balance that repre
sents something received and in posses
sion, such as a cash or merchandise bal
ance. A merchant who sells on credit
will show in his accounts that someone
owes him for goods with which he has
parted. It is a debt in his favor, but as
a balance it indicates that he must re
ceive that amount to make good what
will otherwise be a loss. An article sold
is parted with just as really as an arti
cle destroyed and charged to loss.
It has been the custom to speak of an
excess of exports as a balance favorable
and of an excess of imports as a balance
unfavorable. This is to regard an ex
port as always a credit extended and an
import as always a debt contracted.
Everything is lost sight of except that
one debt is to be paid to us and the oth
er to be paid by us. Such a view is fal
lacious and misleading. The criterion
by which the business success of the
country must be judged is the accumu
lation by production or importation of
wealth within the country. It is an ab
surd proposition that our wealth is be
ing increased by foreign trade while ex
ports exceed the imports. It is absurd
that it will be deci'eased when the im
ports exceed our exports.
An American citizen having mer
chandise and money metals exports
them, then follows them and remains
away. Would this exportation form
part of a favorable trade balance? An
Englishman having merchandise and
money metals sends them to this conn
try then comes himself and remains.
Would his imported wealth form part
of an unfavorable trade balance?
If a cargo of merchandise should be
shipped at New York and consigned to
Liverpool and, instead of reaching that
port, should go to the bottom of the
Atlantic, it would nevertheless appear
in the treasury reports as an export
Would it be a gain? Would it forru a
part of a satisfactory balance? Suppose
it reached the port and was sold on
credit, would it add anything to the
wealth of this country until the debt
was paid?
It is self evident that a country gains
in foreign trade by what comes into it
and not by what goes out of it; that it
loses by what goes out of it, not by
what comes into it. It is impossible to
make any explanation of the excess of
exports over imports between June 30,
1873, and Dec. 31, 1898, that will make
it appear that it constitutes a favorable
trade balance or disguise the fact that
it represents a loss of national wealth.
The method of reasoning that can con
vert this loss of wealth into a national
blessing will be a curiosity in logic.
Comparatively few people seem to
understand the influence upon the trade
between two countries exerted by debts
held in one against the people of the
other. In commerce between two na
tions with no debts and incurring none
exports and imports will be equal. They
must be equal. An indebtedness in
curred must necessarily be by an im
port into the country incurring it. If
such a debt brings nothing of value to
the nation, adds nothing to its wealth,
every dollar of it, when paid, will be a
loss. If a cargo of merchandise is pur
chased in Europe on credit by one of
our citizens when imported, it will rep
resent the debt incurred by him and he
an addition to the fiational wealth. If
lost on the ocean in transportation, tha
debt will ii exist, but will be with
out an equivalent import. The loss of
the cargo will not decrease our aggre
gate of wealth, but the payment of the
debt by exportation will.
This country has incurred a large in
debtedness, public and private, in for
eign countries since 1860. The very
best authority has put the amount at
not less than $5,000,000,000. Therein
practically no difference of opinion con
cerning this as the minimum. Some in
vestigators have placed the amount as
high as $8,000,000,000.
There can be no doubt that if this
country has incurred so large an in
debtedness in foreign countries, the ex
cess of the debts we have incurred over
the credits we have extended ought to
be the measure of our excess of imports
over exports. The reports of the treas
ury department show that from Jnne
30, 1860, to Dec. 81, 1898, there is not
a single dollar of imports to account
for the existence of this vast debt Not
a single dollar has been added to onr
aggregate wealth by it. Every dollar of
it has been and still is a draft upon onr
national resources without a single dol
lar of benefit in the past or to be ex
pected in the future. It must be p®"
by exporting the products of our shops
our fields and our mines.
When a man contracts a debt for a
horse or a house, he ought to have a
horse or a house to show for it. Other
wise the debt will be as barren of bene
fit to him as a debt contracted at a
gambling table. So. if our nation ai ■
Continued to page 7,