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LABOR DAY ADDRESS IS MADE BY COL ROOSEVELT i Speaking at Fargo, He Discusses the Problems \ of Trades Unionism and the Great Need of Proper Legislation for the Wage- Earner. Fargo, N. D. t Sept. s.—Ex-President Roosevelt, who arrived here last even ing and spent the night here, was the chief speaker today at the Lat>or Day exercises. He was listened to with interest and respect by a great crowd, •and his utterances frequently elicited hearty applause. In his address he said: /Today—on Labor Day—l spoak In one •sense especially to those personally and vitally interested in the labor struggle; and yet I speak of this primarily as one aspect of the larger social struggle grow ing out of the attempts to readjust social conditions and make them more equitable. The nineteenth century was distinctly one of economic triumphs—triumphs in the domain of production, including trans portation and the mechanics of exchange. The marvelous progress made in these respects multiplied man’s productive power to an almost inconceivable degree. In the matter of the production of wealth, as much progress was made during the nineteehth century as during ail previous periods since history dawned; that 19. the changes brought in a single century through machinery and steam have been greater than the sum total of the changes of the preceding thousands of years; and these very changes and this material progress have thrust upon us social and political problems of the first magnitude. The triumph of the physical sciences ,in the nineteenth century represented prog ress primarily In the material elements of civilization. The most pressing problems that confront the present century are not concerned with the material production of wealth, but with Its distribution. The demands of progress now deal not so much with the material as with the moral and ethical factors of civilization. Our basic problem is to see that the mar velously augmented powers of production bequeathed to us by the nineteenth cen-. tury shall in the twentieth be made to ad minister to the needs of the many rather than be exploited for the profit of the few. The American wage-earner faces this larger social problem in a dual capacity; first, as a citizen of the Republic charged with the full duty of citizenship; and next as a wage-earner—as a wage-worker— who, together with his fellow-workers, is vitally concerned in the question of wages and general conditions of employment, which affect not only his well-being and that of his wife and children, but the opportunities of all workers for a higher development. Must Depend on Our Own Efforts. It is true of wage-workers, as of all other citizens, that most of their progress must depend upon their own Initiative and their own efforts. Nevertheless, there are three different factors in this prog ress. There is, first, the share which the man’s own individual qualities must de termine. This is the most important of all. for nothing can supply the place of Individual capacity. Yet there are two other factors also of prime importance; . namely, what can be done by the wage i workers In co-operation with one another; what can be done by government— f that is, by tha Instrument through which all the people work collectively. Wages and other most important conditions of employment must remain largely outside of government control; must be left for adjustment by free contract between em ployers and wage-earners. But to attempt to leave, this merely to individual action means the absolute destruction of indivi dualism; for where the individual Is so weak that he, perforce, has to accept whatever a strongly organized body chooses to give him, his individual liberty becomes a mere sham and mockery. It Is i! ipensably necessary, in order to presi v* to the largest degree our sys tem g. individualism, that there should be effective and organized collective ac tion. The wage-earners must act Joint ly. through the process of collective bar gaining. in great Industrial enterprises. Only thus can they be put upon a plane of economic equality with their corporate employers. Only thus is freedom of con tract made a real thing and not a mere legal fiction. There are occasional occu pations where this is not necessary; but, speaking broadly. It Is necessary through out the great world of organized indus try. I believe this practise of collective bargaining, effective only through such organizations as the trades unions, to have been one of the most potent factors In the past century in promoting the progress of the wage-earners and In se curing larger social progress for human ity. I believe in the principle of organ ized labor and In the practise of collec tive bargaining, not merely as a desir able thing for the wage-earners, but as something which nas been demonstrated to be essential in the long run to their permanent progress. This does not mean that T unequivo cally indorse any or all practises that labor organizations may happen to adopt, or any or all principles that they may choose to enunciate. Labor organizations have the weaknesses and defects common to all other forms of human organiza tions. Sometimes they act very well, and sometimes they Act very badly; and I am for them when they act well, and I am against them when they act badly. I believe that their existence is a necessity; I believe that their aims and purposes are generally good; and I believe that all of them have occasionally made mistakes, and that some of them have been guilty of wrong-doing. Just in so far as they are strong and effective they tempt de signing men who seek to control them for their own interests, and stimulate the desires of ambitious leaders who may be clever, crooked men, or who may be hon est but visionary and foolish. In other words, in treating of labor unions, as in treating of corporations, or of humanity generally, we will do well to remember Abraham Lincoln’s saying that “there Is a deal of human nature in mankind.’’ Whether in a man or in an organized body of men, the power to do good means that such power may be twisted Into evil; and in proportion as the power grows, so it becomes steadily more important that it should be handled aright. Just In pro portion as in its proper function power is important to social progress, so in its Improper function it becomes fraught with social disaster. Wise Course For Original Labor. Outside clitics should appreciate the necessity of organized labor, and under stand and sympathize with what Is good in it, instead of condemning it Indiscrim inately. On the other hand, those within its ranks should fearlessly analyze the criticisms directed against It and ruthless ly eliminate from the practises of Its or ganization those things which Justify such criticism and attack. This is the path, not only of right, but of wisdom and safety. Public opinion in the United States is daily becoming more alert and more intelligent and more forceful; and no organization whether trades union or corporation, whether Industrial or non-in dustrial, can endure or permanently amount to a social force if it does not harmonize with a wise and enlightened public opinion. Hitherto we Americans have been over-occupied with material things, and have neglected to watch the play of the social forces about us. But now we are awakening from that indif ference; and every form of organization representing an important economic, polit ical, or social force must undergo a closer scrutiny than ever before. I think that the next quarter of a century will be Important politically In many ways; and in none more so than in the labor movement. Not only are the benefits of labor organ* tions more clear ly understood than e' before, but any shortcoming or vice d\ lyed in connec tion therewith is also n i clearly under stood and more quick* resented. The public is growing more and more to un derstand that, in a contest between em ployer and employee—a corporation and a trades union—not only the Interests of the contestants, but the Interests of the third party—the public—must be consid ered. Anything like levity in provoking a strike, on the one hand or on the other, is certain more and mere to be resented by the public. Strikes are sometimes nec essary and proper; sometimes they rep resent the only way in which, after all other methods have been exhausted, It is possible for the laboring man to stand for his rights; but it must be clearly under stood that a strike is a matter of last re sort. Our social organization is too com plex for us to fall quickly to condemn those w’ho, with levity or In a spirit of wanton brutality, bring about far-reach ing and disastrous interference with its normal processes. The public sympathizes cordially with any movement for p. good standard of living and for moderate hours of employment. (I personally, for In stance, cordially believe In an eight-hour day, and in one day in seven for com plete rest.) Where men and women are worked under harsh and Intolerable con ditions, and can secure no relief without a strike, or, indeed, where the strike is clearly undertaken for things which are vitally necessary—and then only as a last resort—the public sympathy will favor the wage-workers; but It will not favor them unless such conditions as these are ful filled. Therefore It Is becoming more than ever important that the labor move ment should combine steady, far-seeing leadership with discipline and control In Its ranks. Dishonest leadership Is a curse anywhere in American life, and nowhere is it a greater curse than in the labor movement. If there is one lesson which I, wmuld rather teach to my fellow-Ameri oans than any other; It Is to hound down the dishonest man—no matter what his condition—and to brush aside with Im patient contempt the creature who only denounces dishonesty when It Is found in some special social stratum. There are dishonest capitalists, dishonest labor lead ers, dishonest lawyers, and dishonest business men; dishonest men of great wealth and dishonest poor men; and the man who Is a genuine reformer will de cline to single out any one type for ex clusive denunciation, but will fearlessly attack the dishonest man as such, when ever and wherever he Is to be found. Worthy Leaders Available. For many years I have been more or less closely associated with representative leaders of labor .unions. Some of these men are among my close friends, whom I respect and admire as heartily as I do any men in America. There are some of them to whom I go as freely for assist ance and guidance, for aid and help, in ♦making up my mind how to deal with our social problems, as I go to the leaders of anj r business or profession. I cannot pay too high a tribute to the worth and Integ rity of these men—to their sincerity and good judgment as leaders. But no move ment—no leadership—however earnest and honest, can endure unless the rank and file live up to their duties, and search for such leadership, and support it when they find it. If the best men in a labor union leave Its management and control to men of a poorer type, the effect will be Just as disastrous as when good citizens In a city follow the same course as re gards city government. The stay-at-home man in a union Is Just as much responsi ble for the sins of omission and commis sion of his organization as the stay-at home man In a city Is for the civic con ditions under which he suffers and about which he complains. All that can properly be done should be done by all of us to help upward the standard of living and to improve the ability of the average man to reach that standard. There are still in the United States great masses of skilled and unor ganized labor, whose conditions of work and living are harsh and pitiable. It Is a shocking indictment of our Industrial con dition to be told in a matter-of-course way in a government report that thous ands of Workers in this country are com pelled to toil everyday in the week, with out one day rest, for a wage of $45 a month. Such a condition is bad for them, and,*ln the end, bad for all of us. Our commercial development should be hear tily encouraged; but It must not be al lowed to commercialize our morals. It Is not merely the duty of the wage earner, but It is also the duty of the gen eral public, to see that he has safe and healthy conditions under which to carry on his work. No worker should be com pelled, as a condition of earning his dally bread, to risk his life and limb, or be deprived of his health, or have to work under dangerous and bad surroundings. Society owes the worker this because it owes p. 3 much to itself. He should not be compelled to make this a matter of contract; he ought not to be left to fight alone for decent conditions In this respect. His protection in the place where he works should be guaranteed by the law of the land. In other words, he should be protected during his working hours against greed and carelessness on the part of unscrupulous and thoughtless employ ers, Just as outside of those working hours both he and his employer are pro tected In their lives and property against the murderer and thief. Far Behind Other Nations. This opens a vitally Important field of legislation to the National government and to the state alike. It Is humiliating to think how far we of this country are behind most of the other countries in such matters. Practically all civilized countries have, for more than a decade, prohibited by the strictest regulations the poisonous match Industry; yet we had not done anything at all until very re cently to protect the laborers against this horrible danger. The National govern ment made an investigation a year ago into this industry, which showed a condi tion of things unspeakably shocking and revolting. Legislation to prevent these abuses was introduced in congress, which was not passed. Since then the com panies In fault have ostentatiously an nounced that they have done away with the objectionable conditions. I hope so; but whether they have or not, a law should be passed in stringent form to pre vent any possible backsliding. So it is in the matter of injuries to em ployees. In what Is called “employer's liability’’ legislation other industrial coun tries have accepted the principle tfiat the industry must bear the monetary burden of its human sacrifices, and that the em ployee who is injured shall have a fixed and definite sum. The United States still proceeds on an outworn and curiously im proper principle, In accordance with which it has too often been held by the courts that the frightful burden of the accident shall be borne in its entirety by the very person least able to bear It. Fortunately, in a number of states —in Wisconsin and in New York, for Instance—these defects in our industrial life are either being remedied or else are being made a subject of Intelligent study with a view to their remedy. In .New York a bill embodying moderate compensation for accidents has already been passed. Other states will undoubtedly follow in the same path. The Federal government has, so far as ita own employees are concerned, been the first to recognize and put Into shape this principle. However, this pioneer law was not made comprehensive enough; it does not cover all the employees of the Fed eral government that ought to come with in its provisions, and the amount paid for permanent disability or death Is entirely inadequate. Nevertheless, it was a great step in advance to nave this principle of workingmen’s compensation accepted and embodied in the Federal statutes, and the recent action of congress in providing for a commission to study and report upon the stubject gives promise that the same principle will soon be applied to private firms that come within the Jurisdiction of the Federal government. Federation Planks Approved. Women and children should, beyond all question, be protected; and in their cases there can be no question that the states should act. They should be par ticular objects of our solicitude; and they should be guarded in an effective fashion against the demands of a too greedy com mercialism. On my recent trip in the neighborhood of Scranton and Wilkes barre every one I spoke to agreed as to the immense Improvement that had been wrought by the effective enforcement of the laws prohibiting children under the age of fourteen years from working, and prohibiting women from working more than ten hours a day. Personally, I think ten hours too long; but, be this as it may, ten hours a day was a great advance. Among the planks In the platform hf the American Federation of Labor there are some to which I very strongly sub scribe. They are: 1. Free schools; free text-books; and compulsory education. 2. A work-day of not more than eight hours. 3. Releaso from employment one day In seven. 4. The abolition of the sweat-shop sys tem. 5. Sanitary Inspection of factory, work shop. mine, and home. 6. Liability of employers for injury to body or loss of life. (I regard the demand In this form as in adequate. What we need Is an automati cally flved compensation for all injuries received by the employee In the course of his duty, this being infinitely better for the employee and more Just to the em ployer. The only sufferers will be law yers of that undesirable class which exists chiefly by carrying on lawsuits* of this nature.) 7. The passage and enforcement of rigid anti-child labor laws which will cover every portion of this country. 8. Suitable and plentiful playgrounds for children In all the cities. Inasmuch as preevntlon Is always best, especial attention should be paid to the prevention of industrial accidents by pass ing laws requiring the use of safety de vices. At present the loss of life and limb among the Industrial workers of the United States is simply appalling, and every year equals In magnitude the killed and wounded In a fair-sized war. Most of these casualties are preventable; and our legislative policy should be shaped accordingly. It would be a good Idea to establish In every city a museum of safety devices, from which the workers could get drawings of them and Informa tion as to how they could be obtained and used. The matter of compensation for In juries to employees Is, perhaps, more Im mediately vital than any other. The re port of the commission which has be gun to look Into this matter on behalf of the New York legislature Is well worth reading. The bill presented by the Fed eration of Labor In Wisconsin on this subject seems excellent. In all dangerous trades the employer should he forced to share the burden of the accident, so that the shock may be borne by the commu nity as a whole. This would be a meas ure of Justice in Itself, and would do away with a fruitful source of antagon ism between employer and employed. Our ideal should oe a rate of wages sufficiently high to enable workmen to live In a manner conformable to American Ideals and standards, to educate their children, and to provide for sickness and old age; the abolition of child labor; safety device legislation to prevent In dustrial accidents; and automatic com pensation for losses caused by these In dustrial accidents. Have Faith In Yourself. There is a tremendous power in the habit of expectancy, the conviction that we shall realize our ambition, that our dreams shall come true. There is no uplifting habit like that attitude of expecting that our heart yearnings will be matched with realities; that things are going to turn out well and ! not ill; that we are going to succeed; that no matter what may or may not happen, we are going to be happy, says Success. There is nothing else so helpful as the carrying of this optimistic, expect ant attitude —the attitude which al ways looks for and expects the best, the highest, the happiest—and never allowing oneself to get into the pessi mistic, discouraged mood. Beiieve with all your heart that you will do what you were made to do. Never for an instant harbor a doubt of this. Drive it out of your mind if it seeks entrance. Entertain only the friendly thoughts or ideals of the thing you are bound to achieve. Reject all thought enemies, all discouraging moods—everything which would even suggest failure or unhappiness. Peculiar Church Ornament. Lambeth “Old” church has numer ous historic monuments, and in one of the windows is the full length figure of a peddler with his pack, staff and dog. This is supposed to represent the unknown person who presented “Peddler’s Acre” to the parish upon condition that his portrait and that of his beloved canine companion should be preserved in the church and that bis dog should be burled in con secrated ground.—Pall Mall Gazette. HOKE SMITH NOTIFIED OF HIS NOMINATION Georgia Democratic Convention i Met in Atlanta to Nominate ! Next Governor. \ “STEAM ROLLER” CONVENTION Tributes to Hoke Smith as a Man of National Prominence and Presiden tial Possibility—Mr. Smith Was Nominated for Governor by a Vote of 233 to 78, on the Roll Call of Counties. Atlanta.—lt was a steam-roller convention which met to nominate Hoke Smith for governor, a body of I Georgia men so exultant in their vic tory that they were intolerant of their defeated foeman, impatient of any thing but celebration of victory and laudation of their chosen candidate. This was demonstrated early in the convention when Joe Hill Hall, of Bibb county, endeavored for ten mln- I utes to put before the convention a request for representation on the j platform committte for the minority | faction; it was shown more conclu sively when at the close of the con vention Senator E. D. Griffith, of Haralson, tried, as the right of the minority which brought 130 votes to the convention, to place in omination Joseph M. Brown, the choice of a representative body of Georgia Dem ocrats. Again and again Senator Griffith was hooted and jeered by men on the floor until his voice was drowned in the uproar. Twice and thrice did J courteous Smith leaders on the plat j form plead with their followers for a [ “square deal for a fellow Democrat," but to no avail. Senator Griffith tried in vain to speak against the up roar, and at last Mr. Lawrence, of Chatham, a Brown supporter and a Savannah delegate, approached the speaker and drew him from the foot lights through the door at the rear. The name of Joseph M. Brown had never been placed before the conven tion. Though the county delegates came to Atlanta with a convention vote of 238 for Smith and 130 for Brown (the figures are Reuben Arnold’s, and in clude the settled contests), the Smith men making up the delegations out numbered the Brown delegates by ten to one, the jubilant Smith coun ties sending big delegations and the Brown counties intrusting their con vention vote to but a handful of dele gates. It was a Smith convention ail the way. The county vote plan was forgotten from the start and never a roll of the counties was called until the actual nomination for governor. The one-sided njake-up of the meeting rendered a roll call unnecessary, and action 6n every motion was taken by acclamation and with hardly a dis senting voice raised against the ma jority. The platform, the rules of the convention, the election of officers and secretaries and choice of commit tees —all went through as if greased. It was cut and dried, framed by lead ers who had the confidence of their supporters and who were not hin- dered in their work. There was not an amendment to the platform drafted by Chairman James li. Gray, except a supplementary resolution which urged upon the national party the consideration of Hoke Smith as the next nominee for presi dent. The convention steam roller moved without a hitch and the minor ity delegates who traveled to Atlanta had only the privilege of seeing it roll. The platform of the convention, | drafted and read by James R. Gray, i editor of the Atlanta Journal was a i lengthy document. It was in many ways a reiteration of the memorable Macon platform of four years ago, but toward the end it grew bitter in its denunciation of the Brown admin istration, criticising the governor for the Durham mine affair, for failing to purchase the Chattanooga terminals and for other official sins of omission or commission. Following it Mr. Gray read a resolution offered the committee by a' delegate from Spald ing county declaring Hoke Smith the choice of Georgia Democracy for the next president of the United States. Hooper Alexander, of DeKalb, chosen to place Hoke Smith in formal nomination for governor, delivered eloquent address. His demand that Georgia claim a right to affairs of national Democracy was received with cheers, and the name of Hoke Smith as Georgia’s choice for presi dent brought forth another outburst. Henry C. Cohen, chairman of the Richmond county delegation, in a brief speech fitting to the occasion, seconded the nomination of Hoke Smith for governor. He praised Hoke Smith did not make his ap pearance in the Auditorium until es corted in to accept the nomination, though there were many false alarms of his coming when some late-comer of prominence arrived and was greet ed with cheers. Thomas S. Felder, of Macon, the nominee for attorney general, was on the floor before the convention opened and was kept busy shaking hands. The Coweta county delegation bore a big banner inscribed “We Are Pro gressive Democrats.” Some Salient Features of state Convention Plotform. , Reaffirms Faith in Party. Condemns the Tariff. Congratulates People on Enactment of Principles of Macon Plat form. Commends the Disfranchisement Law. Disapproves Efforts to Emasculate Registration Law. Renews the Demand for Anti-Lobbying Statute. Approves the Railroad Commission Law and Welcomes Legiti mate Investment of Foreign Capital in Georgia. Purchase of Terminals at Chattanooga is Recommended. Unauthorized Use of the Military is Condemned. the accomplishments of Hoke Smith's former administration and predicted greater things for the coming one. Joe Pottle, of Milledgeville, made a brief but appropriate speech in seconding the nomination. Following him, T. C. Olive, of El bert, made a brief speech seconding the nomination of the progressives’ chief. CONVENTION SIDESTEPS PROHIBITION QUESTION The state convention sidestepped the Prohibition question. An effort was made to secure an expression in the platform indorsing the present Prohibition law' ’ and op posing any changes or amendments thereto which are not indorsed by its friends, but the effort was doomed to ‘‘blush unseen and to waste -its fragrance on the desert air." The resolution indorsing the Prohi bition law and opposing any changes in it except such as are favored by its friends was prepared by W. C. Bunn, of Cedartown, and was handed by him to Reuben R. Arnold, chairman of the committee on rules, and in the pocket of the chairman of the com mittee on rules it found its perma nent resting place. It was heard from no more. The resolution as drafted by Mr. Bunn was as follows: "Resolved, That we indorse the present state Prohibition law and op pose any changes or amendments thereto not approved and indorsed by its friends." NEW DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE The new Democratic state execu tive committee selected by the state convention follows: First District —H. A. Boykin, A. D. Coleman, Clarence T. Guyton, J. W. Hughes. Second District—L. S. Moore, Tho mas; E. M. Davis, Mitchell; J. G. Dean, Terrell; C. S. Harris, Ran dolph. Third District—J. R. Statham, Webster; D. W. Nicholson, Stewart; George W. Jordan, Pulaski; W. L. Williams, Dooly. Fourth District—W. C. Neil, Musco gee; C. V. Truitt, Troup; H. C. Ar nold, Meriwether; Leon Hood, Car roll. Fifth District —C. D. McKinney, De- Kalb; D. B. Bullard, Campbell; T. R. Whitley, Douglas; R. W. Milner, Newton. Sixth District—W. B. Smith, Pike; J. B. Jackson, Jones; W. B. Womble, Upson; H. M. Fletcher, Butts. Seventh District —P. T. Akin, Bar tow; J. E. Rocer, Walker; Fred Mor ris, Cobb; T. P. Taylor, Chattooga. Eighth District—J. R. Mattox, El berton; J. D. Matheson, Hartwell; T. J. Barksdale, Washington; F. C. Shackleford, Atehns. Ninth District —W. S. Cornett, Gwinnett; W. A. Cox, Gilmer; F. L. Asbury, Habersham; Cleveland Bonds, Stephens. Tenth District —E. W. Jordan, Washington; John T. West, McDuf fie; W. B. Crawford, Lincoln; T. E. Fleming, Hancock. Eleventh District—L. V. Williams, Ware; D. J. Mclntash, Pierce; J. L. Kent, Johnson; R. L. Tucker, Irwin. HERE ARE THE MEN WHO WROTE PLATFORM The platform committee of the state convention was nominated as follows: First District—Frank Mitchell. Second District—W. N. Spence. Third District—R. L. Greer. Fourth District—D. H. Hill. Fifth District —James R. Gray. Sixth District—S. Rutherford. Seventh District —W. C. Martin. Eighth District—Dr. A. S. J. Sto val. Ninth District—Joseph Underwood. Tenth District—W. A. Smith. ‘ Eleventh District —Joseph A. Mor ris. J. Randolph Anderson, of Savan nah, sat far back on the platform. “I'm surprised to see you in the camp of the enemy,” joked a friend. "Well, why shouldn’t I come and take my medicine with the rest?" returned Mr. Anderson, a staunch Brown man. Shirt sleeves and shirt waists rub bed elbows in boxes and balconies, for the i ming was hot and sultry and even ihe men who sat next to their women folks discarded coats early in the game. Palm leaf fans, furnished by a wideawake advertiser, were at a premium. At 10 o’clock it was estimated that there were more than 3,200 persons | in the big building and the crowd was still pouring in. The balconies held a great many women, who appeared to be intensely interested in the shift ing scenes about them. HOKE SMITH ACCEPTS SECOND NOMINATION Ex-Governor Hoke Smith, nomi nated again for this office by the Democratic state convention at its meeting in Atlanta, made a pointed speech accepting the nomination. Governor Smith declared for a strengthening of all the principles of "progressive Democracy" which were enacted into laws during his admin istration as governor of the state, and for adherence to the policies promoted by "progressive Democ racy” until all proposed measures are enacted. He declared that all the efforts of his administration shall tend toward perfecting laws making a clean ballot for Georgia, and that the laws governing the franchise of Georgia voters shall be strengthened, honest ballot. He denied that the people of Geor gia want convenience in preference to an honest ballot. The speech of Governor Smith con tained no harsh arraignment of his political enemies. Rather he declared the exponents of “progressive Democ racy’’ should forgive and forget, and unitedly turn all efforts toward the development of the state and the im provement of the individual citizen. HOOPER ALEXANDER MADE THE NOMINATION SPEECH A tribute to the steadfast and rock ribbed Democracy of Georgia, a de mand that the Empire state of the south claim her right to a voice in the affairs of the national party, and a peroration in which he asserted the right of Georgia to name the next president of the United States in Hoke Smith, of Georgia, were the principal features of the address of Hon. Hooper Alexander, of DeKalb county, who nominated Mr. Smith for governor in the convention of Thurs day. Mr. Alexander began his ad dress by declaring that Mr. Smith had been given no intimation of the speaker’s purpose or the subject of his address, and started the conven tion by his reference to past candi dates of the national party. W. C. WRIGHT, OF COWETA, MADE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN In accepting the permanent chair manship of the Democraetic state convention, Which carries with it the ex-officio chairmanship of the Demo cratic state executive committee, W. C. Wright, of Coweta county, address ed the convention, expressing appre ciation for the honor conferred upon him. He declared it the duty of ev ery loyal citizen to lay aside past differences and unite for the upbuild ing of the state. Georgia, he said, had prospered under Democratic rule and “progressive Democracy’’ is but a modern name for the pure Jeffer sonian type. Early in the convention Congress man Tom Hardwick took a seat on the stage and immediately a tremend ous yell of "Hardwick! Hardwick!” went up from the crowd. The con gressman was dragged from his by a friend or two, who didn’t to be straining their muscles, ana came to the front of the stage for a speech. "Gentlemen of Georgia," he began, "we are here today to— ’’ “Boom!" came an explosion from behind, where some misguided pho tographer had set off a flashlight. The diminutive congressman ducked —no man can stand a shot from be hind—but' he soon resumed his ad dress. Some one yelled “Watson!" from the crowd, and Hardwick smiled. He had a smile coming. Thomas S. Felder nominee for at torney general, was given a tremend ous burst of applause when he took a seat on the platform, and as soon as Congressman Hardwick concluded his brief address the yells for Felder forced him to step out and make a few remarks. Mr. Felder took up the fight on the convict lease system, declaring that not one of "the reac tionaries” had lifted a hand to aid in the abolishment of the system. He paid an eloquent tribute to the past anministration of Governor Smith and promised Georgia an equally good administration to come. Reuben R. Arnold, floor leader, was about the busiest man on the job before the convention opened. Ev erybody wanted to talk to him at the same time and he was approached by every delegate who had a pet res olution to offer. When the delegation from Cobb ar rived at the Auditorium, 150 Hoke Smith men from Brown’s home coun ty, a cheer went up from the crowd that nearly drowned the great organ. M. T. McCleakey, a grizzled veteran, bore a banner adorned with a picture of Hoke Smith and kept it aloft.