Newspaper Page Text
A (JRE IT LIFE.
iio.v. nonEirr rooxuv of oeobgia.
The Earlv Toomtwr nml (heir Origin—
On hi* Hiiilliiko—Ni>ll To fongrvnH—
In tin- No*sln Whlrl>\iril<MNi Mr.
UiulvUli) flip Soatli r.tllt't]. Etc.
■' IT. B. CJ." in Thiladelyhia Timet.
Atlanta, G a.. July I.—The recent
speech made by General *' Bub ’’Tooiulw
in the eisc of the Suite against ex-Treaa
urer Jack Jones disclosed an alarming
condition of physical weakness on the
part of the old man eloquent, and gave
too plain evidence that his race has been
nearly run. Three or four times he had
to totter to his chair and sit down ami
rest. His mind is still powerful, and
his frame is massiVe and erect, but it is
quite clear that he is not equal to many
sustained efforts. The people of Geor
gia never loved anv man better than
they love General Toombs, and the signs
of his breaking down have awakened a
tender interest in him uud nil that to
him pertains. He is the most remarka
ble man in many respects that the South
ever produeed, and it is doubtful if the
records of a lordlier life than his can he
found in the history of our Republic.
He has never moved* as other men, nor
worked by ordinal v methods, lie has
been lavi.-h in his opinions, kingly in all
bis ways: disdaining all expedients, or
deliberations, and moving to his ambi
tions with a princely assumption that has
never been gainsayed by the people, and
seldom by circumstances. Senator Beck,
of Kentucky, once said to me: “ I have
known most of the great nieu of this
country, but I have yet to see the man,
that’s in mv opinion the equal of Gen
eral Toombs.”
The life of General Toombs reads
like a romance, llis anee.-tors were
English royalists, and followed the for
tunes of Charles 11. They owned, it is
said, the retreat sought by that luckless
king at Boscabel, after the battle ot
Worcester. They left England shortly
after this event and settled in Virginia.
During the Revolutionary war a regi
ment of Virginia troops was sent tS
Georgia, after the losses at Savannah
and Dry Creek, at the request of the
Georgia authorities. The father of Gen.
Toombs, then a mere boy, was a major
in the regiment. At the close of tin
war, the State gave to each officer and
private of this regiment a fine estate.
Major Toombs selected a tract in what
is nmv Wilkes county, and settled down.
As he was the younger son, and the law
primogeniture, then of to ce in Virginia,
would have given him but little ol
his father’s estate In this way also
came the Terrell’s, Whitfield's, and
many other distinguished families to
Georgia.
Robert Toombs was born in 1810, and
is no vO9 years of age. lie was sent
to the university of Georgia, where he
was distinguished for his ability, and
from which lie was expelled for fighting,
lie then went to the university of Vir
ginia and read law. ll*' returned to his
home and began the practice of bis pro
fession. He was very su -eessful. Be
fore lie was 3J years of age, having
made $150,000 in fees and profits, his
income being 20,000 per annum at least
for two or three years. When he was
27 years of age he was elected to the
lower house of the Legislature. Then
commenced a political caroer unequall
ed in Georgia for brilliancy. \\ bile
Stephens, Cobb and Crawford were fight
in ' s’u iho cult' a\ l wi !i varying lu.-k,
and Ben Hill, then a brilliant young-
ster, was being beaten at the polls, after
sweeping the hustings, Toombs took his
honors without a struggle, and as if hv
divine right. He won distim tion in the
Legislature bv breaking down an omni
bus bill granting State aid to rail muds
for all reotton.s of the State, assm.lting
first the sc heme to build a road to his
own toWtt. lie followed this work hv
taking the finances of the State out of
the hands of the old managers, and pre
paring a bill that at once sent State
bank notes from about 40 up to 100 per
cent. While in the Legislature lie was
nominated for Congress and made the
rave. Although there was a majority
of 1,500 against, and the great McDuffie
was imported to meet the young irre
pressible, he carried his district by a
rousing majority. The bitterness of
Georgia politics'at this period can not
he expressed, The State was split int"
personal factions led by Clark and
Crawford, and the feeling was intensely
bitter. The two leaders met twit e oil
the - field honor, and it was charged
iiiat Clark sent a gallant young fellow
named Van Allen, to kill Crawford;
who, however, fought a duel with him.
The Toombses, as did all the imported
Virginians, espoused the cause of Craw
j The elder Toombs had a person
al encounter' wi,h P lrtrk >. * hil ® Uo !.’ cr ‘
led the younger wing ot the Crawford
party through at the turbulent cam
paigns. Toombs r ntaiued in Congn et
eight vears, and was elected to the Sen
ate wfiile in the House, succeeding Hon,
J McPherson Berrien, he enteiedthe
Senate in 1855 and was re-elected in
1857. On both occasions his e.ection
was virtually unanimous and was '.von
without a struggle. He was never beat
en in a popular election and was in ac
tive public life from 1837, when he en
tered the Legislature, until in 18b-i,
wheu be escaped from New Orleans.
\U the time he was a leading actor in
stirring *enes with which he was sur
rounded, and his reminiscences and spec
ulations as to his colleagues and their
actions are exceedingly interesting, in
a long talk with our correspondent
he talked freely of the events that led
up to secession—the organization of the
secession government —the causes of the
failure of the Confederacy ; of his fight
after the collapse; of his opinions of re-
The Hartwell Sun.
By BENSON & McCrILL.
VOL. Ill —NO. 4G.
construction: and throw much light on
these interesting topii s. I shall let him
tell these things in his own words:
TOOMBS A UNION MAN FOP. YEARS.
“ I have always believed in this sov
orei'ntyof the state, but I have been
very much misunderstood on the subject
of secession. I have never believed the
Constitution of the United States was a
good one, and as an original question I
would never have voted for it —hut I was
not the blatant secessionist that I have
been represented, that is, up to the time
that I thought there was n** peace or se
curity for inv people in the Union. Then
I determined to lead them out of a com
pact that was protected by nothing but
good faith ; was shown to have no good
fa t’i back of it. Mv first vote was for
Andrew Jackson, but I fell out with him
about the nulifiratmn troubles. In 1850
I supported the Clav compromise very
strongly. Many of my constituents
were hot-headed then, but I thought the
Union could be saved, and I stood by
Mr. Cla v. It lias never been my custom
to consult my constituents on public mat
ters. When, therefore, they became an
gered at mv adherence to the compro
mise that promised to save the Union, I
only stuck to it the closer. I saw in it
a fair, liberal, statesmanlike concession
to the fanaticism of the North, and as
such I favored i*. My position was
made an issue in Georgia, and a conven
tion of the people was*ailed rf-niiie
home to defend it. I united with How
ell Co’ b, w ho was conspicuous just then
rfbr having refused to sign the “ South
ern address,” and with Alee Stephens,
who stood upon about the same ground
I did. Mr. Cobb ran for Goveriw, Mr.
Stephens for Congress, and I fought for
my record.
We whipped the fire-eaters out and
carried the State handsomely. I stood
hv these views of compromise iu the
Union suhstantiallv, until after the fail
ure of the Crittenden compromise. In
the compioinise of 1860, I supported
Breckenridge in that campaign. Mr.
Stephens supported Douglass, and Ben
Hill supported Bell. We led the three
elements in Georgia at that time. After
Lincoln’s election I saw that trouble was
brewing, but 1 was still unwilling to
commit myself to secession. And then,
too, I was not certain that Georgia could
he carried on that hsue. Stephens and
Hill were both for Union. I telegraph
ed Breckenridge aski ig him to nppoiir
a representative committee that would
offer some compromise to meet the press
ing exigency. He appointed on this
committee, among others, Crittenden to
represent Bell and Everett, or rather
the men that supported them : Jeff Davis
and myself for his friends: Seward for
Line In, and Douglass for himself. The
Crittenden compromise was offered. I
supported it heartily and sincerely, al
though the sullen obstinacy of Seward
had made it almost impossible to do any
thing. For supporting this compromise
I was denounced in Georgia bv Ben Hil
as having betrayed mv section and un
people. I didn’t mind this at : 1 ! , as
Ben is alwuvs denouncing somebody or
something. At length I saw the com
promise measure must fail. With a per
sistent ob-tinacy that I have never vet
seen surpassed, Seward and bis backers
refused every overture. I then tele
graphed to Atlanta, ‘ All is at an end.
North determined. Seward will not
lunlge an inch. Am in favor of seces
sion.’ Then the fight was fairly opened.
I still felt doubtful about carrying the
State. The people were determined
against the unjust encroachments of the
North, but there were many who favor
ed some sort of compromise measure:
and others w ho wanted to wait fbr co-op
eration, and still others who feared to
take so desperate a step. And let me
sav right here that I never doubted the
gravity of the situation. The statement
that I said that I would drink all the
blood that was spilt is one of tlie stereo
typed lies that they have circulated
about me* When I left the Senate, I
knew it meant war, and I said in mv
farewell speech that the next time I
looked upon Washington I thought I
would heat the head of Southern troops.
You will see later how serious I thought
the war would lie. After a heated cam
paign the secession convention met. I
was doubtful about the result, even after
I had looked over the roll. I felt that
the current must lie turned before the
voting came. I went to work with the ,
delegates, therefore. Alec Stephens
thought he had me. lie said the con
vention would never vote to secede* I
told him I thought it would. He said :
‘ Well, if you will put a fair* square res
olution of secession and carry it, I will
go with you* I only insist tlgit it shall
not be equivocal like the Alabama ordi
nance.’ I replied : ‘I do not see Alec,
how we make secession more definite I
than by repealing the act of accession.
But to satisfy you that I am sincere,
vou write the resolution yourself, and 1
will then put it as you offer it.’ And
he did so. I have often laughed at
him nlmut having written the res
olution of secession for Georgia When
it was put we carried it by thirty odd
votes. Even after this I was not satis
fied that the people of Georgia were for
Msccssiop or wqoW staud hy it, aud I
HARTWELL, GA.. WEDNESDAY JULY 16. 1879.
went to work to reconcile nil the elements.
To show that the movement did not
mean the elevation of the Breckenridge
wing, I agreed to give the opposition fur
nut of nine delegates to the provisional
Congress called in Montgomery. This
we did in good faith, and this had very
much to do with solidifying the State.
Hill and Stephens and their followers
came in and the people were soon united.
now MR. DAVIS WAS MADE PRESIDENT.
“ What about the meeting at Mont
gomery?’’
“ The secret history of that meeting
has never been given. The majority of
the deb-gates were opposed to the elec
tion of Mr. Davis. His own State (Mis
sissippi) was opposed to him, and if the
vote had been east by delegates rather
than bv states, he could never have been
eleeted. Carolina was for Davis all the
time. He suited the extreme views of
that State, and Mr. Uhett held the dele
gates well in hand. Florida had only
three votes. One of these, Anderson,
was an old school-fellow of Davis, and
Owens was n Carolinian and under the
nfluenee of llliett, they out-voted the
third delegate and gave him the State.
With these two states, each counting as
much as Georgia, he secured the Ala
bama delegation by one vote, by means
of which I will not discuss. Georgia,
Missi-sippi and L-misi.- nt, would have
preferred either Mr. Cobb or myself, but
neither of us were candidates, and neith
er would consent to have a struggle. So
thev agreed with the three states that hail
sjo .en. Texas, informally represented,
a*-quiesced, and Mr. Davis was elected. I
was not on good tiros with Mr. Davis.
He appointed me Secretary of Suite and
1 deci’ne 1 to accept it, preferring to go at
once to the field. I was urged to recon
sider, and at length I did so, fearing that
m r re iisal might be considered as signifi
cant of a lack of harmony. I was never
satisfied with my position in the cabinet.
The trouble was that too many of our
leaders sought places, when they were
needed in the field. I secured our nego
tiations as beligerents, established re
lations with the unseceded Southern
states, and then insisted on retiring.
By this time other states had joined
us, and I felt that the cabinet should be
reorganized. I suggested to Mr. Davis
that he ask for the resignation of all
the portfolios, that all the latter states
might be represented. lie sni Ihe dis
liked to do so, and I then said I would
lo it for him. He acquiesced in this,
and T informed the cabinet of what I
bai thou g'lt of doing an and what I thought
they shoal 1 do. It was a bombshell in
in the ranks. The}’ asked me if Mr.
Davis had sent me lo them. I then
told them exactly what had happened.
But they declined to give up tlui
places. I then resigned and w’ent to
the field.”
WIIY THE CONFEDERACY FAILED.
“What, in your opinion, was the
cause of the failure of the Confeder
acy?”
“If I had to give one act that was
most fatal, I should snv the conscript
act. That demoralized the troops and
country. There was no necessity for
it. and it spring from Mr. Davis’ de
sire to have the appointment of officers,
lie was crazy oVer his West Point mar
tinets, and when he could not appoint
the officers of the volunteers, he went
to Congress and demanded the con
script law and got it. I said at the
time, “The cause is lost, and t!
should be its epitaph : * Killed by West
Point..’ ” In general terms the abso
lute inefficiency at Richmon 1 was the
cause orf our failure. Davis is a re
markable character. He is a good
writer, and that is all. He was a slow
man and always acted rashly at last.
His delay was not caused by delibera
tion, but was a combination of variety
and a refusal to think. He is a very
small military man. His idea of war
was based on the experience in the
Breckenridge campaign. I told him
that 90 per cent, of war was business
that we must organize victory rather
than trust to fighting entirely. I urged
him to send to England to buy all the
arrris there. He ordered 8,000 rifles.
Joe Brown had more arms for a long
time than the Confederacy had. Under
pretence of giving Unionists time to
leave the South, I kept our ports open
for sixty days. No new government
ever started with such unlimited credit
as we had. We had any amount of
cotton offered us, and urged Mr. Davis
to send this to England as fast as it
could be carried and buy ships and
arms with it. We could have iwrrow
eu rny amount we wanted. The first
loan was $50,000, when it should have
been $5,000,000. But it seemed to be
impossible to get the government to
look at the matter in a serious light. I
advanced s n me $15,000 myself for office
rent, etc. Sernmes was there begging
for cotton and pledging himseif to bring
back ships and arms for every bale be
took. He finally got, I think, 300
bales.
The financial records of the Confed
eracy was a failure that would have
been ludicrous, had it not been so seri
ous. With unlimited credit, backed by
a rich and patriotic people, and con-
Devoted to Hart County.
trolling the leading staple of the world,
our bills were soon so low down that
it was said the government run the
presses nil day, and the niggers run
them all night. Had the first CO days
of the Confederate government been
properly Improved, we would have so
organized tliat defeat would have boon
impossible. At one time it was an
nounced that there was an error of
$300,000,000 in the amount of bills out
and the amount on the liooks of the
government. There w’as never a mo
ment during the war when Davis actu
ally appreciated the situation. Why,
after tiie march of the Confederates
from Rappahannock to Shnrpsburg and
back again, when tliev had swept every
thing before them, Davis thought the
war over, and actually began to quarrel
about who had whipped it. lie was as
jealous as a Barbary hen, and once
started to have me arrested for ridicul
ing him. I am thoroughly satisfied
that the establishment of a government
under Mr. Davis was an impossibility.
Indeed, the fight was haphazard from
beginning to end, without metbolor
statesmanship, and sustained only by
miraculous valor, as long ns it was.
The constitution was a good one, but
there praise of the Confederate govern
ment, as to its works, must end.”
TIIK ROMANCE OF TOOMB’S ESCAPE.
“ Did you see much of Mr. Davis
during the war !’’
“ Not much after I left his cabinet.
Our relationship to that time had been
pieasant enough. The confederate gov
ernment went to pieces in the little
town in which I live. Mi. Breckenridge,
Mr. Reagan and others, came to my
house. Mr. Davis stayed at a neigh
bor's house. From tliat pointeach man
went to save himself. 1 saddled my
mare, Gray Alice, and put out of my
back gate for the mountains. I was
disguised in the most effectual manner.
I had my whiskers painted red, and
was dressed in journey-up jeans clothes.
1 was known as Major Morton. I
bought a clipper that was to sail with
u.e from near Columbus. I hail work
ed my way down to the river when the
Yankees captured my little ship. 1
wsyt back to the mountains, and next
struck out for Mobile, where I was
sheltered by Miss Evans, the authoress
of “ Beulah,” “ St. Elmo,” etc. From
Mobile I went to New Orleans, and
was taken out by a British ship. I
went to Havana, and thence to France.
After 1 returned to America I heard
that Badeau wanted me and I went
through to Canada, and stayed there
awhile then I came home.”
TIIE LAST OATH TOOMBS EVER TOOK.
“ Have you ever taken the oath of
allegiance to the United States govern
ment ?”
“ No, sir. The last oath I took was
to the confederate states, and I shall
never take another. Ido not like the
general government and I would not
consent to serve it in any capacity. It
is a temporary concern at best. The
constitution has no power within itself
to enforce itself. It depends solely on
the good faith of the people, and that
guarantee alone cannot continue to
bind together a great country of di
verse interests. 1 have never really
believed since 1850 that this union was
a perpetuity. The terrible experience
of the late war will probably deter any
faction from making a row for the next
few years. Ha lit not been for this
;he west might have precipitated a col
lision during the election muddle o*'
1876. I have no faith iri the Puritan
New Englander—the fellows that Mn
cauley said were opposed to bear-bait
ing, not because it hurt the bear, but
because it pleased the people. As to
the talk about the northern people for
giving rue, I have nothing to say. As
I haven't forgiven them, and don't ex
pect to, I am indifferent as to the state
of their feelings.”
THE GREATEST AMERICAN.
" Who was the greatest man witli
whom you wi re thrown in public life ?"
“All in all. Mr. Webster was the
greatest man I ever knew. Not the
most eloquent, but the greatest. Asa
regulator of men, Clay, was his superior
and on occasions Clay was as elo jnent
ns mull could well be. Calhoun was
the greatest logician I ever knew. It
may seem strange, but the two most
eloquent men I ever heard were Yan
kees, Choate and Prentiss. They were
incomparable. Prentiss was the most
eloquent, probably, but Choate was the
best debater. I saw Choate and Web
ster pitted once and to Webster's dis
comfiture. In those days our states
men were much better scholars than
they are now. There was less general
education, but higher special education.
The greatest southerner I ever knew,
and probably the greatest man ever
produced by the south, was McDuffie,
the most eloquent southerner, and W
C. Preston.” “ Both Carolinans ?”
“ No, sir, McDuffie, was a Georgian and
Preston a Virginian. Randolph was r-.
remarkable man, but depended more
upon Ids executive unique manner, than
upon liis real greatness. Tazewell was
one of the most finished orators I ever
beard, and W. L. Yancey was eraphat-
81.50 Per Annum.
WHOLE NO. 150
i ’ally a first-class talker."
“ What is your opinion of the presi
dents with wh>7in yon were thrown ?"
“ I know every president personally,
except Washington, Jefferson and the
elder Adams. I saw Jackson inaugu
rated. and sat by Quincy Adams when
lie died. I was not intimate, perhaps,
with Pierce, the best gentleman of
them all. He did not have any especial
force, but was clever and correct. Mr.
Fillmore was a fine scholar, an 1 an
honest man. lie asked me to join bis
cabinet, and offered me the secretary
ship of the treasury. I declined to ac
cept it, and suggested Governor Jen
kins. of Georgia, as a proper man. lie
then offered Jenkins the navy, which
was declined. Mr. Taylor had already
offered me the secretaryship of war,
which I declined, suggesting Geo. W.
Crawford, who wa3 appointed. Taylor
was the most ignorant president of them
all. It was amazing how little lie
knew. lie was a soldier, and nothing
else. Van Buren was probably the
most accomplished statesman—but lie
was not a broad man. lie was shrewd,
rather than sagacious or wise. Tyler
was great at a female seminary com
mencement or a cow show, lie was a
pretty speaker, yon know. When lie
was selecte 1 to go and deliver the ad
dress of welcome to Lafayette, Web
ster said to me that he never knew a
man who could make a pretty sjieecli
that was fit for much else, and this
truth. I think, go-’s without exception.
Tvier was very elopient and finished,
however, old Buck was a good presi
dent, a fine statesman in a small way,
and an unequalled leader of small bod
ies of tnen.”
Mr. Toombs says he never said that
he would live to call the roll of his
slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill mon
ument, but savs “ that was a fancy lie,
started by Jack Hales, of New Hamp
shire.” (Jtice when Mr. Toombs de
clined to taken place in the confederate
states senate, which was said to be
open for him. a friend said, “ There are
few men who have the chance to get
such a place.” “ Yes,” he replied.
“ and ad- —d sight fewer who can re
fuse them.” Gen. Toombs was a fine
soldier and a brilliant fighter. Gen.
Longstreet once said to me : “ I have
seen him in battle often, and I never
saw a braver man lead a brigade.” lie
is quite wealthy, his estate being val
ued at probably 8500.090. lie bought
100,000 acres of Texas lamia in flic in
fancy o’ that state, at 12 or 15 cents
an acre. It is now worth from $1 to
$lO per acre, but lie has sold 30,000 or
10.000 acres. His income from his
practice has reached $40,000 per an
num. lie is a princely liver, but a
most careful financier. Beneath all liis
apparent recklessness there is a current
of shrewd business sense that leads
him to drive a sharp trails And knit a
bargain. Indeed, the feckless manner
of Mr. Toombs is not an index of his
character. In action he is really con*
9:*rvative and prudent,, ami is usually
a safe adviser. There are few men who
ever so fully enjoyed the confidence of
liis people as Mr. Toombs. At the
close of the war lie could have had any
thing within the gift of the people, and
lie is still immensely popular. He is
even now being pressed to take the
field for governor, but has most posi
tively declined to do so. Ills only
public service since the war, beyond
work on the hustings, was to take a
s at in the constitutional convention
that put aside the old constitution of
1867 and mad ■ a Uew one. In this
body General Toombs was distinguish
ed for a very determined fight on the
railroad monopolies. He advanced the
money out of liis private prteket to pay
the expenses of the convention and the
state reimbursed him at a later period.
Much of his bitterness against tlm gen
eral government is thought to be feign
ed. His hopes rtf political prd'ermen*
died with the confederacy; and he felt
no ambition to go back to the senate
and retrace his old-time footsteps* In
place of a purely personal reason fbr
remaining out of politics, he assigns
hostility to the government. With all
liis recklessness he has been remarka
bly metholical and successful in the
material affairs of life* and there is no
innn living who, when he wore the liar
ness, enjoyed more thoroughly the con
fidence of his people, or carried into
liis retirement more of their love and
reverence.
Recipes,
To beat the whites of eggs quickly,
put In a pinch of salt. The cooler the
eggs the quicker they will froth. Salt
cools and also freshens them.
To clean flat irons: Tie a lump of
beeswax in a rag and keep it for the
purpose. When tiie irons are hot rub
them first with the wax rag, then scour
tiiern witli a paper or cloth dipped with
salt.
A strengthening drink: Beat the
ye’k of a I‘reMi egg with a little sugar,
add a very little brandy, beat the white
into a strong froth, and stir into the
velk, fill it up with milk and odd lit
tle nutmeg.
An lows editor, who attended a party,
was smitten with the charms ot a fair dam
sel who wore a rose on her forebaad, an*l
thus gushed about it:
Alhit*- her nose
Thera is rose i
Below that roue
Thole Is a nine.
Jhwi*, auoa,
No***. riMto,
Kwrtl nw.
Dear utwe.
Jh-low her chia
There Is a pin i
Ahoeo that pin
There I* a chin.
Pin. chin,
Chin, pin,
Sweet pin,
Dear cnln.
Whereupon a rival editor thus apostro
phises the lowa chap:
Above the stool
There Is * fool;
Below the fool
There Is a stool.
Stool, foot.
Fool, stool,
DM stool,
Danin f.iol.
Below his seat
There are two feet j
A hove these feet
There Is a seal.
Seat, feet,
Fi-et seat.
Soft sent,
Rill feet.
A Tough Witness.
Prosecuting attorney: “Mr. Parks,
state if you please, whether you have
ever known the defendant to follow any
profession.”
“lie's been a professor ever since
I’ve known him.'’
“ Professor of what ?”
“ Of religion."
"You don’t understand me, Mr.
Parks. What does lie do ?"
“ Generally what he pleases.”
"Tell the jury, Mr. Parks, what the
lefcndaiit follows,”
“ Gentlemen of the jury, the defend
ant follows the crowd when they go in
to get drinks.”
“*\lr. Parks, this kind of prevarica
tion will not do here. Now state how
the defendant supports himself.”
“ I saw him last night support him
self against a lamp post.”
“May it please your honor, this wit
ness lias shown a disposition to trifle
with the court.”
Julge: "Mr. Parks, state if you
know anything about it, what the de
fendant’s occupation is.”
Occupation, did you say?”
Counsel: “Yes, what Is his occupa
tion ?’’
“If I ain't mistaken, he occupies a
garret somewhere in town.”
"That’s all, Mr. Parks.”
Cross-examined : “ Mr. Parks, I un
derstand you to sav that the defendant
is a professor of religion. Does his
practice correspond with his profes
sion ?”
j “ I never heard of any correspond
| cnee or letters passing between them.”
“ You said something about his pro
pensity fbr drinking:- l>oes -4i drink
hard
•' No, I think he drinks as easy as
any man I ever saw/'
“One more question, Mr. Parks.
You have known the defendant a long
time; what are his habits—loose or
otherwise ?”
“ The one he’s got On now, I think
is rather tight under the arms, and too
short Waisted for the fashion.”
“ You can take your seat, Mr. Parks.”
Tin nlnpr a Jest into a Fact.
When the invention of the telephone
waA first announced, it was humorously
suggested that eventually people would
not need to go to church, but through
'. heir private telephones could lieaf their
favorite preacher's sermon while re
clining at their ease in their lioitdoirs
ail l drawing-rooms. The jest lias
already been In part turned into a fact
—not for the benefit of the lazy* but
for the crippled* who are unable to go
to church. Dr. Moses D. liogc, the
pastor of the second Presbyterian
church of Richmond, Vn., is said a few
Sundays ago to have had a telephonic
communication established between liis
pulpit and fdie room of liis daughter,
who has been confined to bet room for
ten years. She was able to hear per
fectly, and to join in the whole service
of the church, for the first time In ten
veers. What objection there can be to
'xtending tlnls* I lie privilege of the
Lord’s house to such as cannot other
wise Avail themselves of them, we can
not see.
” 1 1
Ths " Spirit of IteYrthdldb,”
New York Star Special.
Washington, July 3.— A member of
Congress in disposing of his unadmin*
istered assets at tile end of the extra
session* before leaving this city, seht
two bottles of Old Bourbon whisky to
a member of the Cabinet, accompanied
by the following note:
“ BIMt Uovjp, June SO, 1879.—H0n.
l 4 Nir—Please accept
the accompanying ‘twin relics’of a
* Bourbon dynasty.’ If you find in
these ‘ chosen vessels ’ any spirit of rev
olution, put it down.
Very truly yours, ——J*
“ Docs that hurt ?” kindly asked the
lentist, holding the young man’s head
back and jobbing a steel probe, with
back set teeth, clear down through liis
aching tooth and into tht-gmn. “Does
that hurt ?” he asked, with evident
feeling. “ Oh, no," replied the young
•nan, in a voice suffused with emotion
and sentiment; “ oh, no,” he said ten*
lerly, rising from the chair and hold
ing the dentist’s head in the stove,
while he dragged Ins lungs out of his
ears with a corkscrew. “ Oh, no,” he
*aid, “ not at all; does that ?” But
the dentist had the better of the young
man, for he charged him fifty cents and
lidn’t pull the tooth then. But by that
time the astonished tooth had forgot its
aching.