Newspaper Page Text
VOL. 11.
THE CABINET
Is published every Saturday by )\ I,
ROBINSON, fVarrenton, Geo. at
three dollars per annum, which may be
discharged by two dollars and fifty
cents if paid within sixty days of the
time of subscribing.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted at
seventy five cents per square for the
first insertion and fifty cents fur each
subsequent insertion JMonthly inser
tions charged as new advertisements
Advertisements not limited when hand
ed in, will be inserted until forbid, and
charged accordingly.
CONGRESS.
SUNDAY MAILS.
The Committee on Post offices anil
Post roads, to whom the memorials
were referred for prohibiting the
(rat importation of Mails, and the
opening of Post Offices, on Sunday,
report—
Tiioi the memorialists regard the
first day of the w eek as a day set a
p ri by the Creator for religious exer
cise, the transportation of the mail and
the opening of Post offices on that day,
tlo violation of a religious duty, and
Cnh f-r the suppression of the practice.
Others, by counter memorials, are
k w*wrt to entertain a different senti
ment, believing that no one dayjof the
week is holier than another. Others,
holding the universality and immuta
bility of the Jew ish decalogue, believe
in the. sanctity of the seventh day of
the week as a day of religious devo
tion; and by their memorials now be
fore the committee, they also request
that it maj be set apart for religious
purposes.— Each has hitherto been
left to the exercise of his own opinion;
and it has been regarded as the proper
busimss of Government to protect all,
and determine for none. But the at
tempt is now made to bring about a
greater uniformity, at least, in prac
tice; and, as argument has failed, the
Government has been called upon to
interpose its authority to settle the
controversy.
Congr ss acts under a constitution
of delegated and limited powers. The
committee look in vain to that instru
men* for a delegation of power author
izing this body to inquire and deter
mine what part of time, or whether
any, has been set apart by the Al
mighty for religious exercises. On
the countrary, among the few prohib
tions w hich it contains, is one that pro
hibits a religious test; and another,
whi h declares that Congress shall
pass no law respecting an establish
ment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof. The committee
might here rest the argument, upon
the ground that the question referred
to them (lops not come within the cog
nizance of Congress but the preserv
anee and zeal with which the memori
alists pursue their object, seem to
r quire a further elucidation of the
subject. And, as the opposers of Sun
day mails declaim all intention to unite !
Church and State, the committee do i
not feel disposed to impunge their tno- j
tiveg; and whatever may be advanced
in opposition to the measure, will arise
from the fears entertained of its fatal
tendency to the peace ar.d happiness
of the nation; The catastrophe of
other nations, furnished the framers of
the Constitution a beacon of awful
wattling, and they have evinced the
greatest possible care in guarding a
gnintit ihe same e\ il.
The law, as it now exists, makes no
distinction as to the days of the week,
hut vi imperative that the Postmasters
j ball attend at all seasonable hours, iti
every d*y, to pet form the dutb-s of
tjinr c flii t*s; and the Post master Grn-
eral has given his instructions to all;
Postmasters, that at Post offices where 1
the mail arrives on Sunday, the office!
is to be kept open one hour, or more, j
after the arrival and assorting the
mail; but in cases that would interfere
w ith hours of public worship, the of
fice is to he kept open for one hour af
ter the usual time of dissolving the
meeting. This liberal construction of
the law docs not satisfy (he tnemoi id
ists. But the committee believe that
there is no just ground of complaint,
unless it bu conceded that they have a
controling power over the consciences
of others. If congress shall, by the
authority ot law, sanction the measure
recommended, it would constitute a
legislative discussion of a religious
controversy, in which even Christians
themselves are at issue.—However
suited such a decision may be to an
ecclesiastical council, it is incompati
ble with a republican legislature,
which is purely for political, and uot
religious purposes.
In our individual character, we all
entertain opinions, and pursue a cur
responding practice, upon the subject
of religion. However diversified these
may be, we all harmonize as citizens,
while each is willing, that the other
shall enjoy the same liberty which he
claims for himself. But in our repre
sentative character, our individual
character is lost. The individual, arts
for himself—the representative for his
constituents, lie is chosen to repre
; sent the ir political, and not their reli
gious views—to guard tho rights ot
man-, not to restrict the rights of con
science. Despots may regard their
subjects as their property, and usurp
the Divine prerogative of prescribing
I their religious faith. But the history
Jof the world furnishes the melancholy
demonstration, that the disposition of
one man to coerce the religious hum
age of another springs from an un
chastened ambition, rather than a
sincere devotion to any religion. The
principals of our Government do not
recognize in the majority, any author
ity over the minoriry, except in mat
ters which regard the conduct of man
to his fellow rnan. A Jewish monarch
by his grasping the holy censer, lost
both his sceptre and his freedom; a
destiny as little to be envied may he
the lot of the American people who
hold the sovereignty of power, if they
in the person of their representatives,
sliall attempt to unite, in the remotest
degree, Church and State.
From the earliest period of time,
religious teachers have attained great
ascendency over the minds of the peo
ple & in every nation, ancient or mod
ern, whether Pagan, Mahomcdan, or
Christian, have succeeded in the in
corporation of their religious tenets
with the politic al institutions of their
country. The Persian idols, the Ger
man oracles, the Roman auguries
and the modern priesthood of Europe,
have all, in their turn, been the sub
ject of popular adulation, and the a
gents of political deception. If the
measure recommended should be a
doptrd, it would be difficult for human
sagacity to foresee how rapid would
be the sucecsssion, or how numerous
the train of measures which might
follow, involving the dearest rights of
all—the rights of conscience. It is
perhaps fortunate for our country,
that the proposition should have been !
made at this early period, while thej
spirit of the Revolution jet exists in;
full vigor. Religious zeal enlists the!
strongest prejudices of the human
mind; and, when misdirected, excites
the worst passions of our nature, un
der the delusive pretext of doing God
service. Nothing so infuriates the
heart to deeds of rapine and blood;
Warrenton, April 10, 1830.
nothing is so incessant in its toils: so!
persevering in its determination; so
appalling in its course; or so danger
ous in its consequences. The equal
ity of rights secured by the constitu
tion, may bid defiance to mere pul it.
ical tyrants; but the robe of sanctity
too often glitters to deceive; The
constitution regards the conscience of
thejew as sacred as that of the Chris
tian, and gives no more authority to
adopt a measure affecting the con
science of a solitary individual, than
that of’ a whole community. That
representative who would violate this
principle, would lose his delegated
character, and forfeit the confidence
of his constituents. If Congress shall
declare the first day of the week holy,
it will not convince the Jew nor the
Sabbatarian. It will dissatisfy both;
and, consequently convert neither.
Human power may extort vain sac
rifice; but Deity alone can command
the affections of the heart. It must be
recollected, that in the earliest settle
ment of this country, the spirit of
persecution which drove the pilgrims
from their native home, was brought
with them to their new habitations;
and that some Christians were scourg
ed, and others pot to death, for iv>
other crime than dissenting from the
dogmas of their rulers.
With these facts before us, it must
be a subject of deep regret, that a
question should be brought before
Congress, which involves the dear
cut privileges of the Constitution, and
even by those who enjoy its choicest
blessings. We should all recollect
that Cataliiic, a professed patriot,
was a traitor to Rome; Arnold, a pro
leased whig, was a traitor to America;
and Judas, a professed disciple, was
traitor to bis Divine master.
With the exception of the U. States
the wholo human race, consisting it
is supposed, of eight hundred millions
of rational human beings, is in reli
gious bondage; and in reviewing the
scenes of persecution which history
every where presents, unless the com
mittee could believe that the cries of
the burning victim, and the flames by
which lie is consumed near to heaven
a greatful incense, the conclusion is
inevitable, that the line cannot bo too
strongly drawn between Church and
State. If a solemn act of legislation
shall, in one point, define the law of
God, or point out to the citizen on*
religious duty, it may with equal pro
priety define every part of divine re
velation, and enforce every religious
obligation, even to the forma and cer
emonics of worship, the endowments
of the church, and the support of tin
clergy.
It was with a kiss that Judas be
trayed his Divine Master, and we
should all be admonished, no matter
what our faith may be, that the rights
of conscience cannot be so successfully
assailed as under the pretext of holi
ness. The Christian religion mad**
its way into the world in opposition to
all human governments. Banishment,
tortures, and death, were inflicted in
vain to stop its progress. But many
of its professors, as soon as rlothed
with political power, lost the inerk
spirit which their creed inculcated,
and began to inflict on other religions,
and on dissenting sects of their own
religion, persecutions more aggrava
ted than those which their own apos
ties had endured. The ten persecu
tions of Pagan Emperors were exceed
ed in atrocity by the measures and
murders perpetrated by Christian
bands; and in vain shall we examine
the records of imperial tyranny for an
engine of cruelty equal to the Hoi)
Inquisition. Every religious sect,
however weak its origin, commenced
tho work of persecution as soon as it
acquired political power. The framers
of the constitution recognized tho
eternal principle, that inan‘s relation
with his God is above human legisla
tion and his rights of conscience un
alienable. Reasoning was necessary
to.establish this truth; we are con
scious of it in our own bosoms. It is
this consciousness which, in defiance
ofhuman laws, lias sustained so many
martyrs in tortures and in flames.
They felt that their duty to God was
superior to human enactments, and
that man couldexercj.se no authority
over their consciences; it is an inborn
principle which nothing can eradicate.
The bigot, in the pride of his au
thority, may lose sight of it—but strip
him of his power; prescribe a faith to
him which his conscience rejects;
threaten him in turn with the dungeon
and tho faggot; and the spirit which
God has implanted in him, rises up in
rebellion and defies you. Dml the
primitive Christians ask that Govern
ment should recognize and observe
their religious institutions? All they
asked was toleration , nil they com
plain dos was persecution. What did
the Protestants of Germany, or the
Huguenots of France, ask of their
Catholic superiors? Toleration. What
do the persecuted Catholics of Ireland
ask of their oppressors? Toleration.
Do not all men in this country enjoy
every religious right which martyrs
and saints ever asked? Whence, then,
the voice of complaint? Who is it, that
in the lull enjoyment of every print i
ple which human laws can secure,
wishes to wrest a portion of these
principles from tfis neighbor? Do the
petitioners allege that they cannot
conscientiously participate in the pro
fits of the mail contracts and post of
fices, because the mail is carried on
Sunday? If this be their motive, then it
i is worldly gain which stimulates to
action, and not virtue or religion. Do
they complain that men, less consci
entious in relation to the Sabbath,
obtain advantages over them, by re
ceiving their letters and attending to
rheir contents? Still their motive is
selfish. But if their motive be to in
duce Congress to sanction by law their
religious opinions and observances , then
their efforts are to be resisted, as in
their tendency fatal both to religious
and political freedom. Why have
the petitioners confi icd their prayer
to the mails? Why have they not re
quested that the Government b * re
quired to suspend all its Executive
functions on that day? Why do they
not require us to enact, that our ships
shall not sail—that our armies shall
not march—that our officers of justi e
shall not seize the suspended, or
guard the convicted? They seem to
forget that government is necessary
on Sunday as on any other day of the’
week. The spirit of evil uocs not rest
on that day. It is the Government,
ever active io its functions, which en
ables us all, even the petitioners, to
worship in our churches in peace.
Our Government furnishes very few
blessings like our mails They bear,*
from the centre of our Republic to its
distant extremes, the acts of our legis
lative bodies, the decisions of the Ju
diciary, and the orders of the execu
tive. Their Speed is often essential to
the defence of the country the suppres
sion of crime, and dearest.interests of
tho people. Were they suppressed
one day of the week, their absence
must be often supplied by public ex
presses, and, besides, whilo the mail
bags might rest the mail coaches might
pursue their journey with the passen
gers,—The mail bears, from one ex
reme of the Union to the other, letters
>f relatives and friends, preserving &
No. 42.