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reached home gloriously drunk, and Ins
len« being unfastened. he was lilted Iron) lus
ho. - into t:ie arms of the k.tclteq maids,
*»h>' uidigur itly eclared “it w s a sin and
a sh, »e, so it was, to maae such a i>w\ ol
IM> ,. r John!” From that moment Col.
l’luck »a* a man of mark. Um picture
setting him forth in all the amplitude ol Ins
uniform, was displayed in all tlte print shops
—naiiurhlets. purporting to contain Ins bi
u-iao ‘y, were hawked about tire street*
tin,l crowds repaired to see him. What ad
t)ed not a little to the interest he-excited, was
the apnointments he ma le and promulgated
or r itii r those made in his nmie by Ins
councellors, lor J-.hu was guiltless of any
•Inn - like ridicule, except wiiat he exhibit
ed in his own person. More tlia.r one grave
eld gentleman was shocked a-ol startled at
seeing his name figured in tio' pkicar- s on
the corn rs, in the undcsired office ot drum
or life major, quarter-master or sergeant,
and persons were appointed captains who
h id a holy horror ol arms and armies.
The notoriety acquired by Cos . i'l *‘:k at
horn**, was soon extended abroad, and some
of the Sew Y ork editors, to further the
joke, gravely put forth, through their col
umns, an invitation to uiin to visit that city.
Major Noah promised mat Col. King, of
the Ante.ican newspaper, shoubl do me
honors of the tour, and volunteered cither
the purchase or loan of a sword to be used
on the occasion. Acting tin these sugges
tions, some worthless fellows persuaded
Pluck to accompany them os a tour, and in
New York and oili r places further east,
they actually exhibited him at « shilling a
head for spectators. 1 lie theatres also made
a case o! him, and in this way the poor wretch
was carried from place to place, to be stared
at and laughed at, nor did he complain so
long as his animal wants were satisfied.
Hut the joke like every other, began at
last to grow stale and the Colonel s keep
ers, finding the speculation lively to prove
unprofitable, rcstoied iiiin to his home and
stable, and laying aside tiie emblems of mil
itary authority, he resumed tlte brtisn and
the curry-comb. Tiie outrage upon the
military laws which the Colonel had com
mitted, in ins parades and Ins pere
gri rations, could not however, be passed
bv unnoticed, and a court martial was accor
dingly summoned to try him lor “unotficer
ond ungentleinanlike conduct.’
On me day tins tribunal was in session,
the Colonel, who contumaciously derided
its authority, might have been seen sitting
on the floor of a small wagon, (which was
driven through the principal thorough fa'es)
with hi- back to the horse, dressed in lull
regimentals, a ouge reu feather surrounding
his chapeau, and pinned to his breast a pla
card. winch bore in immense capital letters
the inscription. “No Court Martials— Lib
erty forever!” The sentence of the court
“was. of course guilty,” and John Pluck
sometime Colonel, was duly casnicred Iroin
the military service of the state ol Penn
sylvania, and declared thenceforward incap*
nule ol holding any commission in “the grand
army.” .
As those who had brought P.uck lorward
had now achieved their object in throwing
odium and cont'onpt on the system ot an
nual tnilitia parade, they did not choose a
ny longer to be encumbered with him, and
Me was very soon relapsed into his proper ob
scurity. Either his habits had been spoiled
during the term of his renown, or his ambi
tion had been cnlaiged, for within a year or
twool uis disgrace lie w as seen' conduciiug
hii ash cart, and was engaged in making ex
changes of candles for soap fat and hickory
ashes, lie next necame asoit ol underling
at one of the slaughter houses in Spring
Garden, and finally, when he became too
old or 100 lazy to work, he found liisway in
to that ge.neral receptacle of loafers and
vagabonds, tiie Hlockney Almshouse.—
Here he was employed in various menial oc
cupations, and for the last year or two had
assigned to him the business ol washing the
rags used in the surgical department. In
this vocation he continued until tiie timeof
liis death, which happened in the month oi
September.
We trust that when our Montreal cotem
porary reads this true history, he will recall
his anathemas against repuolioan ingrati
tude, and spare any further lamentation over
the “war-worn hero,” whose military
achievements we have thus briefly chroni
cled.
JWistery, Renton and Faith —Taken from
an fc.ssay b> tin Reverend t'. Peabody, of
New Bedford:
Night comes over a ship at sea, and a
pas-engcr lingers hour after hour alone on
the deck. The waters plunge and welter,
and glide away beneath the keel. Above,
the sails tower up in the darkness, almost to
the sky, and their shadow falls as it were
a burden on t*>edeck below. It) the cloud
ed night no star is to be seen, and as the
ship changes her course, the passenger
knows not which way is east or west, 01
north or south. What islands, what sunken
rocks, may he on her course—or what that
course is, or where they are, lie knows not.
All around to him is Mhtery : he hows
down in the submission of utter ignorance.
Bui men of science have read the laws of
the sky. And the next day this passenger
heholds the captain looking at a clock, and
taking note of the place of the sun. and
with aid of a couple of books composed of
rules and mathematical tables, making cal
culations. And when he has completed
them, he is able to point almost within a
hand’s breath to the place at which, alter
unnmbored windings, he has arrived in the
midst of the seas. Storms may have bent
and currents drifted, but he knows where
they are, and the precise point where, a
hundred leagues over the water, lies his
native shore. Here is liaison appreciating
and makiug use of the revelation (if we may
so call them) of science.
Night again shuts down over the waste of
the waves, and the passenger beholds a
single seaman stand at the wheel, and
watch hour after.hour, as it vibrates beneath
a lamp, a little needle, which points ever, as
jf it were a dying linger, to the steady pole.
jnan knows U' thing, of the r.ules of
»:aVle..'lio'l, untiling of the courses, of the
-sv. Bn f reason and experience (lave given
«il it ru !'t te the co"'ilha".<img officer of the
jafei-r—fa : ;U. in Lies that control her
course—-faith iu tn ‘ unerring integrity of
id'. 1 little g..iiJe before t»‘in. Altd so, with
nut a single doubt, lie st’sff* iis'Uipon
tiCCOT-lidg to the pr scribe! di.reeti>' M M
'h ough flight, artd the wave*. And that,
fvitlv snot disappointed. \V-‘ih tiie morning
run I v beholds lar- away: th .suniuius.ot
iiie griy and misty’ oigMHKids. rtsißgplikb a
/loud on tha hbrixou ; nod a* j;t? hears
)hein, the hills apjtette, and the light lipy>“
j»i the euteranee of the harbnr, and (sight t/t
joy] the spires of the chtytehes, and shin
ing roads, among which he to detect
fcis own, . ,
Pressure in the Country.-—, The. ftrrndrs
are suffering under a ?ad *r i- th r i i‘
V - s are > rossed with giain --the>T bast-els
heel—- .he-.' irk op with butter.' atr.l
U.cr.rosy ci.erke.l daughters with young
wishing v> gel in trrjed.—How saj !
WASHINGTON.
Joseph R. Chandler, Esq. Editor ot the \
U. S. lately delivered au address i
before some of the literary societies ol his !
sta'«\ which i» highly #pokeu oi no doubt de -
served!}’, ’riie subject ot libs discourse w.lB
the crafirf leading |nincipie, on which de
fends the striking dliTercueo between the
intellectual chancier ol the ancient and
moderns. We insert the following- extract
from the address relative to the “ lather ol
Ins country.”
•• I place not the name of Washington in
comparison witli those ot. wariors aud ora
tors ol anvagCi '1 will do no such injustice
to 'heir lame;' He, the father ot tiie na
tion, held pre-eminence for greatness and
goodness combined, which t e illustrious
of any age may glory in acknowledging,
without a though of envy, or movement ot
emulation. Greatness, and even superiori
ty. are claimed for, and conceded to, dis- I
i tmguished mimicry of every age, when
| compared with others, but Imm that com
parison the nairi<Mil Washington is exclud
ed. Alone in his virtues, and above his
race in ihe.r exercise, the pre-emineae
which a grateful country asks -lor its father
is acknowledged t>y an admiring world, and
nothing is denied to our coun'ry by that
world, bht the right of appropriating to its
se l the name of Washington,
j 11 is was a lame lounded on a virtue liigh
ier even than patriotism—or tiiat virtue
i might have required of him wiiat the good
i of other claims could not have applauded,
i It was not the love of soil—nor even, alone,
! tire love ol those who occupied tiiat soil,
I that moved linn.. His comprehensive mind
while it understood and resented the wrongs
-<>iliis country, included in tire right* of man.
And when he struck for independence, lie
felt that though one people only was in
cluded iu the proclaimed effort. mankind at
large were to profit by tiie blow.
We appeal to no single field (or the fame
of Washington, no one victory, no Irriliant
sortie, or gallant defence, makes up his
miiirary glory. Whenever he appeared,
his dignity commanded respect, and his
character secured confidence. A smgle
battle, even under his command, might
have been lost; but the great contest ever
tended onward to victory. *.u individual
field startles us with the adventurous dr ring
of Washington; while tiie whole revolu
tionary struggle >vas made successful by his
cautious valor.
Well may our realm i his Fabian wisdom
boast—
llis prudence saved shat bravery had
lost.
The eloquence of Washington was effec
tive from its evident sincerity; his heart
went with every word; and, as a speaker,
the clearness of his style, the purity of his
diction, and the evident integrity of his in
tention, if they did not entitle him to the
highest praise of eloquence, wrought for
the cause that was advocated, all the effects
tli it eloquence could produce.
In the deprivation and sufferings of his
•army at Valley F -rge, Washington exhibi
t-si many of the highest qualifications of a
military commander, and there, too, he
displayed some of the effective powers of
eloquence, when he retired from the tu
mult of the oa up, and unheard, except by
God and one accidental listtier, he invoked a
blessing' on his lellow sufferers, and dared
to solicit divine aid apnn tire cause—and
that cause alone which w,.s right. Surely
this was an eloquence which must move
man by its fervency, and please Go I by its
confidence and truth.
Af\Curiosity.~ \ gentleman informed us
a few days since that, a short time previous,
while in pursuit of wild turkeys, in Hart
county, Kentucky,.ill company with a friend,
they discovered on the summit of a knob or
elevation, n large hole, that would admit a
man’s body w ithout much difficulty. Cu
riosity led them to make preparations, and,
bv an accession, they entered this mysteri
ous pic,cc. At the depth of about GO fei t
they found themselves iu a subterraneous
cave or room apparmtly cut out of solid
rock, through which the,' had passed runiiv
feet, wliicdi appeared to be 16 or 18 feet
square. Our informant was the first that
entered the. room, and he was not a little
surprised that the first object which met
his eyes wasahuman skull, with all the
teeth entire. Upon farther examination, it
was found that the whole nlace was filled
with skeletons of. men, women and chil
li re n.
Under the smill aperture through which
they descended the place was perfectly dry
and the bones in a state of preservation.—
An entire skeleton of the human body was
obtained They concluded to examine
how deep the bones laid, and penetrated
through them in one place, between four
and seven feet, but found them equally
plentiful as on top : but there seemed to
rise an offensive effluvia as they approached
where-it was a little damp. There was no
outlet to the room, and a large snake which
they found there, and which appeared io
he perfectly docile, passed around the room
several times while they were in it. The
discovery is a subject fur the speculation of
philosophers with regard to the period and
circumstance attending this atic : ent charnel
house.—Central IVatchtowcr.
Van Amhurgh---A Lion tamed infour days.
The new lion with which Mr. Van Ambnrgh
exhibited himself yesterday in his cages,
after only four days of education, is a native
of Africa. His history is rather a curious
one. Sent as a present by the Etnperior of
Morocco to the President of the United
States, the laiter, complying with the laws
of his county, which mohibit a republican
functionary from receiving a royal present,
sold him to Mr. Titus for the sum of 620?,
which was remitted to the authorities of
New York for the benefit of the poor. It
was from that city that the lion was despatch
ed to Van Atnburgh. who made his acquain
tance for the first time, on the evening ofthe
2d October. The prefecture of police, be
ing co rectly informed of the day on which
the , I'iean lion had left New and ar
’ rived at Pari% h id prohibited so intrepid and
hazardous an experiment being made with
out a previous one, iu' the morning, before
a commission. This experiment proving
successful, the public representation was an
tlibViscd and proved u complete triumph.—
The emotion ntm anxiety of the public were
imnscribable. The celebrated tamer, who
had not evinced the slightest hesitation, ex
o'eJe I all that had been anticipated (ronv
liis ir-.^P l 'ityi and the docility and obedi-
Vncji ofthe hew lion, which he had known
bht four days, > itf>l,n d , ‘d !,, e tyvo thousand
spectators whothrof'sCil tile 1 ort St. Martin
Theatre.*—-Paris Caper.
. When a man g.«f» jnarjied he ,*«ith his
wiie arid child will make three—
Advertiser. j
i We know r man who got married, and u£
cud his wile alone made thirteen Boston
Times. ‘ V’ “
And we. know of a man who got mar- j
rie I. and ho. and his wif c put together made
nothing.—Vermont pupil— J
U. S. CONGRESS.
SPEF.CII OF Mil. COOPEIi.
'WED.NF.SnAY Dr ..-EMBER 4. 1839.
After Mr. Barnard roniludod his Speech
in this day’s Debate Upon the proposition of
Mi. Wise (for calling through lie names
of members w hose seats were undisputed)
and of Mr. Hunt l«»appoiiiung a tempora
ry Speaker, fee. —
Mr. (Jobper said lie appeared as a Repre
sentative from tke State of Georgia; and
wiihnutinwndii* an disparagement to tlio.se
who may have omitted to do us much, he
presented in he hand, for the inspection of
the members rs the Twenty-sixth Congress
now assemble! from tire several States, tire
evidence of tiat character, which, until
now, had been tssumed amongst you. It was
a commission D which was affixed the great
seal of the Sttte of Georgia.
.Sir, (said MrC.) I rise for the purpose
of making a fewstatements, or which may a
rise several questions pertinent to the posi
tion ofafi'airs l.e-e existing. From these,
inferences may te drawn bv which we m ly
understand whatrpiati >n the individuals now
present bearto etch other and to the coun
try. I shall be ible thereby to show :he
views 1 entertain cf the powers of this unor
ganized mass of intividnals.
He felt proud to realize, for the first time
the presence aronut him of the talented,
distinguished, and worthy members ol the
most august assemhhge of legislators known
to the world. It is no other than a meeting
of the Representative# of the several States
forth* purpose of organizi ig the Twenty
sixth Congress, enuveued pursuant to a
compact of Cniou entered into between the
States. That compact was the Constitu
tion.
lie said the members of Congress are
here. 'Phis statement, though doubtless
true, was manifest only in part. What now,
he asked, is our true condition ? The per
sons present having called to their aid, by
authority of precedent anil usage, the Clerk
of a former Congress, by common consent,
agreed to pursue the course heretofore ad
opted for organization. By tiiat course the
Clerk was required to call the States sev
erally, beginning with Maine, passing thence
South and West, so far as he might be for
tified with reasons to believe members were
present. He had called the States thus in
order, asking the several members so called
to respond to their aanies. Thereupon he
enrolled the names called to represent each
State, un il he arrived at New Jersey. He
then sounded the name of one member, and
enrolled it. Here ljesuspended thecal!, ma
king known to iho.se present that five other
names were reiijrriejJA’y New Jersey- These
five (said Mr. 0.-) Ixr-tr, res| eetively, a com
mission, under the great seat of the State,
in like manner and ih due form with the first
certifying them to be members elect of the
Twenty-sixth Congress. But the Clerk has
also in his possession papers purporting to
b« credentials or certificates of election, in
favor of other five persons, showing them to
be the elect of New Jersey. These certi
ficates. are signed and sealed, but not by the
great seal ofthe State. The Clerk, finding
in himself no authority to decide which
shall be called, asks the advice of those pre
sent. Thus far, he said, it seemed to biin
lie pursued a prudent course.
Under these circumstances, sir, (said Mr.
C.) various propositions are made in suc
cessive order on which has obtained a pro
tracted discussion. During its progress,
grave and novel as is the attitude rve are in,
principles the uiost grave have been advoca
ted or denied.
It appeared tr, him that the names alrea
dy called and enrolled did not constitute a
quorum of. a House of .Representatives.
'l'iie embarrassment was apparent to all,
and each one in turn repeats the inquiry,
What shall be done ? The Clerk could
not proceed without advice. Less than a
quorum could not advise. None but mem
bers elect could advise ; and the multitude
present, not yet called, he said, were not
known as members. The Clerk, he conten
ded, could not p rss over New Jersey with
out the unanimous consent ofthe individ
uals present, forasmuch as by unanimous
consent it was agreed she should be called
in the order she now stands in. Hence
would arise continually the question, Wiiat
could lie done ?
Amidst the varions propositions submit
ted, there were two into which all the oth
ers ultimately would run. One was, to pass
New Jersey, by allowing her no Represen
tative, because of the contest. The other
was, to admit the member# certified by the
seal of the .State, h" sai<l, lor want of power
at this period, to question the right of those
who bear it. »
INIr. C. said that, impelled by a sense of
duty to the country, ibid of respect to those
he addressed, he fHt bound to repeat no
more of wlm other? had urged than w as ue
eessary to the presenting fnirlv what occur
red to him as new. He w ould also endex
vor to bear in mind one other good rule,
which wasto “quit when he had done.”
At this stage of proceeding, he held they
could not entertain a question as to the right
of the five persons from New Jersey, who
came with the great seal ofthe State, accom
panied by a certificate in due form.
Mr. C. said, in the argument here, lie
was almost superseded l:v the clear and for
cible illustrations of the gentleman from
Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) followed by those of
the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Hoff
man.) He did not hope to add weight to
what they had urged. Hence, having made
the statement he designed to make, he pro
ceeded to ask. Who and what they were
that now debated this mat’er ? They were
not the House of Representstives, because,
though placed together in this Hall, they
did not yet know each other as such, hav
ing exhibited no credentials, nor answered
to their names. Until that should be done
they were no more a House, as contempla
ted by the Constitution, than before they
left. imme. “The -House of Representa
tives shall b«r cam posed of members chosen,
Ac. says the Constitution. This imports
a placing together of members recognised by
each other in some house.
What, then, (said Mr. C.) are we, sir ?
We- a rewrite persons “chosen by the People
of the several States.” (This he asserted
for his colleague# and iiimselt, and presume#,
<>f other#, for sake of illustrhfion.) They
had come together, he said, in that House,
and wer- inquiring of each other's vtctr.lier
ship. Before being satisfied, except as to
part, they had mine to a pause. Was it true
then, that anterior to being known to each
other as members of ill is Congress# now
being “composed” into a House of Repre
sentatives ? Such, said he, was the fact ;
otherwise, their coming here, or their mee
ting together, in this Hall, had made them
members.
If members before they arrived here, when
and how became t’iey so ? let the Uon
stitm'OD speak, the compact ol union, and
t,*' it l“t every ouUifier abide.
The Constitution snv#, section 4th :
••The time*, ('.faces, and manner of Molding
elections for w'eqaipi's and Representatives,
shall h e testtibed itycaiTh Slat# hy tire
Legislature thereof.” Thus, it appears, i
the act of the State determines the how and
the token a man becomes a member. But
how does she make her act known ? Here,
too, she was left untrammelled, for they
darpd not inquire into the mode in which
she chose to make it known. Whether her
letters patent, with her seal affixed, contain
the whole fact, or whether by them she
makes known that it is properly evinced by
the certificate of a justice of the peace, was
immaterial. When she declared she had
done an act, and put her seal to :he declar
ation, she had done the most solemn actslie
could perforin.. We (said Mr. C.) are
bound to respect il : so is every earthly
power—unless, to’sonie. she had delegated
power to call it in question.
Hadslie delegated such a power? lfso,
to whom 1 By the Constitution, section
6th, the House of Representatives “shall be
the judge of the elections, returns, and qual
ifications of its own members.” This grant
of power is to the “House, composed” and
formed a# before shown, and to none other.
and at no other tinie. Until that tribunal,
pointed out by and wi'h her consent and
authority, and, that of her sister States, was
created or “composed,” her most solemn
declaration was conclusive touching the el
ection, biuding on them for the time, and
all the woild besides. So true was this,
that, between sovereign States, a discredi
ting one Slate by another is just cause of
war. How, theu, should they escape the
conclusion ? Should they, an unorganized
body, not yet characterized before eacli oth
er “members,” “el-c*?.” “chosen,” but not
“composed" into a Hon.se before the grant
of power is delivered, assume to set aside an
act of sovereignty—nay, drive from their
presence the sovereignty itself, in the per
sons of their Representatives? Yes, -sir. lie
said, the sovereignty ; because, although he
might, before the proper tribunal, be taught
there was a fallacy in it all, still, for the pre
sent, he must ret on the presumption that
an act having such authenticity did truly
transpire. And whilst he conceded the posi
tion of the gentleman from Carolina (Mr.
Pickens) that the people iu a primary as
sembly might perform acts paramount to
the great seal, the laws, and our Constitu
tion, he still mnint line I, what he thought a
nullifier ought, that, in the absence of any
act of a primary assembly to the contrary,
the expressed will of a People, advanced by
the most solemn act of their superior agent,
in form and manner directed by them, was i
sovereign act, on the plain principle that
wli .t one does by an agent he does by | limselt
Here, sir, said Mr C permit tne to pause
for a moment to review the relations of
those 1 have met here, whilst I point to the
positions occupied bv what I understand »o
be the two great contending parties that di
vide the politicians of this country ; not for
the purpose of denunciation or acrimony,
but, hoping to excite none on the part of
either, and feeling none, I recur to them to
enforce what 1 say. J ap“eal to the acts and
sayings of both to demonstrate that, in this
matter, consonant with what one “arty now
says and does, and that which the other of
late said and did, there ought to be found
no one objecting to the proposition requiring
os to recognise, for the present, without
question, the members from New Jersey
who hear tiie great seal of the State.
Before doing this, he asked to be allowed
to state that, in coming here a nullifier, and
believing the perpetuity of the Union
greatly depended ou the preservation of that
Republican faith, and being identified with
the State rights party from choice, educa
tion, and habit—yet knowing no rule bnt
the faith contained in the creed—he was
taught to believe he should fiud here that
party he was used to oppose, more nearly
professing and acting out his principles than
tlieir opponents On the point here deba
ted, he found, he said, tin st, if not all the
Opposition, especially the gentlemen from
Virginia and the one from New Y'ork, lead
ing in a way that looks as familiar to his eye
as the road to the mill. If, then, the Dem
ocratic Republicans, as they are sometimes
called, shoulu be found in the same track,
for one time they should all harmonize on ’a
ground at one period or other maintained by
each.
To show, sir, said Mr C that my views
ought to be sustained, and that, on this
point, they and I ought not to differ, I beg
to read from an authority they will no
doubt recognise.
Mr. C. read from the Globe of July 17.
1838, from a document, the caption of
which is as follows :
“At a meeting of Republican members
of the Senate and House of Representa
tives, held at the Capitol July G, 1838, the
Hon. John M. Niles of Connecticut, and
the Hon. Charles K. Haynes of Georgia,
being chairman, and the 4 llon. George M.
Keim, of Pennsylvania, and the Hon. 11. L.
Turney of Tennessee acting as secretaries,
the address to the People of the United
States was received, and further considered ;
whereupon, on motion of the lion. Hiram
Gray, of New York, it was
“Resolved. That the addre«s be signed
and putrlished by the committee who pre
pared it, in behalf of the Republican mem
bers of Congress.”
From that paper 1 read the following ex
tracts, to wit:
“Hence the different light in which the
two parties viewed the character of the sys
tem. The Republican party held it to be
federative in its character, and formed by
the States in their sovereign capacity, and
adopted for their mutual security and hap
piness, while many of their adversaries re
garded it as a great National Republic,
formed by the American People in the ag
gregate, to promote the interest of the ma
jority, insM ad ofthe seyeral States com
posing it.
“We adhere to the constitutional doc
trines of the Republican party of 1798 ’9.
We adopt the rule of strict construction
they maintained. These are the principles
upon which we would have otir Govern
ment administered; and a reference to our
view upon the great and agitating topics of
the day will, we trust, show tlmt we are dis
posed to carry these principles into practice
by our public acts.”
These are doctrines (said Mr. C.) famil
iar to us—sound and good. Now ; sir,
here is a case to apply. Let us stand to
them through evil ag well as good ; take
hold of them, and, looking right nor
left, let us sec what first arises. 1 now
invoke those win have adopted iliesi prin
cples—l affectionately invite them (for I
truly feel affection for all who sincerely lake
hold of such) to arrest this controversy, and
by unanimous consent put an end to debate.
This was a union of Blates, not ol' the
aggregate mass of the whole people of this
Union. Therefore, New Jersey properly
speaks in this case in her organic capacity,
and we, at this time, cannot controvert her.
or permit it to be done iu a rvay appointed
Wo (said Mr. 0.) hold to the doctrine of
“strict construction” of delegated powers.
Therefore, we, to whom no power is dele
gated cannot inquire to discredit or overrule
New Jersey.
l)tri again, sir, (continued MrC) rernmjy
Weriug still that u»y appeal is to all who hold
this doctrine of strict construction, let me
here demonstrate what mainly I rose to
prove. It is this: that, by lire power d-le
gated, no judgment cau obl-du by us now,
or the House hereafter , “of the election re
turn and qualificaiions. Arc. of any one not
admitted to be a member. There most be
something in p-ss( ssi on purporting to be «n
“election” or “return”—some man, pro
fessing and acting presumed or taken to be
a member amongst you. Aou cannot act
on nothing—against no one. How can you
judge of “elections” where none appear, or
of “returns” where none exist ? As well
might you attempt to take nothing from
nothing.
But, in addition to this reason, from the
nature of things, there was a still better
reason for a strict constructionist, found in
| the Constitution.
I The power to judge was by the Consti-
tution [sec. 5.] given “of the eleciions, re
turns, and qualifications of its own mem
bers.” Here then, the grant, by strict con
struction, was given to judge concerning
one who is a “member” —not only one who'
is a member, ami so claims to be, but actual
ly is in liis seat exercising his rights. With
out this he is no member.
Further still, he must be a member in
whom the Mouse ciaiitrs an interest, an
ownership. He must he the House’s “own
number." Until then, and if any other, you
judge without n delegated power.
Do not sav that this is unreasonable—not
so. It is just what the compact of Union
contemplates, to wit, that each State should
be represented.
(ff Representatives, “members chosen
by the people ofthe several States,” shall’the
House be composed.” So you perceive,
without a violation of principle, assuming
the objeqt to be to admit the second five,
you can only do it by recognising the tint
five.
Seeing, therefore, that having consented
to adopt a mode now progressing, but ir.te
rupted—not to be changed or departed from
but by like consent—that your professed
principles require you to respect, for the
time being, what you may think will ultim
ately be found to be a pretended claim, and
ihat the Opposition are no-.v occupying
ground you (were wont to assume: then,
in the name of the peace, good or ler. and
dignity of this asscinb’age—by the regard
you have to the sovereignty of the States,
and the interest you lcel tor the good of the
country, withdraw, for the tone being, all
opposition to the Jersey members, who, with
out your admission or denial, are members
ntid were so before they, you, or I assem
bled here, and who can only be ousted by
the action of the constituted authority
silting in judgment on these “its men mem
bers.’’
Unless, said Mr. C. you shall so consent,
there is but one mode to get out of the dif
ficulty orderly. That will be to give to the
Clerk, by th e respective State delegations
that advice which, as a mass, cannot be ask
ed of us; then according to that advice, let
vhe Clerk withhold one or other set of
cieucn’ials.
Correspondencethe Charles'o.n Courier.
Washington, Deeembei 0
The House, it is feared, is as far from
organization as at the first day of the session,
although they have resolve-1 themselves into
a meeting, and appointed a chairman, and
adopted rules of proceeding. It wasthouglit
that a quorum would be ascertained to-dav,
and a Speaker chosen, the disputed election
cases being laid over for adjudication in the
regular way; and that, of course, the Mes
sage would be received, to morrow. Bu'
new embarrassments appearto preset them
selves at every step The spirit of compro
mise manifested on Tuesday has not shewn
itself to-day. It does not appear in Mr
Wise's resolution of last evening, though it
was so conspicuous in liis proposition of
Tuesday.
'l'iie House opened with a storm. All
the elements of strife and contention, which
have been for four days brewing in the
House, seemed to burst out at once. Tiie
reasonable and mode,ate portion of the
House, scarcely dared to shew themselves.
Mr. Rhett catne forward in a manly and
impressive manner, ns a peace maker, and
offered the same compromise which had
found so much favor with the House 'on
Tuesday last, to wit—that the conflicting
claimants should stand aside till a quorum
was formed, and that then the House, be
fore proceeding to any other business, should
detetmime which of the parties should take
the seats in dispute. But there were few
member* ready to listen to the proposi
tion—whether it was right or wrong.
The first question before tiie “meeting,
for so they now term it—wa i upon the pro
position offered last evening by Mr W ise,
tiiat the Clerk be directed to proceed w ith
rlie call of the members from the diflrreut
States of the Union, in the usual way ; call
ing the names of such members f urn New
Jersey as held the regular and legal com
missions from the Executive ol that State.
Mr. Rhett moved to lay it on the table,
with a view to offer liis proposition, as above
indicated; and he made an appeal to the
House, in favor of mutual concession and
compromise. Tellers were calle I for ou
the vote, and Mr. Dromgoole of V a . was
appointed one of the tellers. Mr. D. asked
the Chair whose votes he wasto tak**. It
it was left to him, he would count all who
presented themselves.
Mr. Adams (the Chairman) promptly de
cided that the Tellers were to take the votes
ofthe legally commissioned members from
New Jersey, and no others. Mr. V ander
pool appealed from this decision, and de
clared it to be a gross and high handed
usurpation of power. The Chairman, lie
said, In and decided the very question that
was in dispute, and to enable us to decide
upon which, was our purpose in calling him
to the Chair. That was the whole point
at issue, and the members of this body, and
not the Chair are to decide it.
It was also objected to Mr. Adams’ deci
sion, that the members whose seats were in
dispute could not, under the rules yester
day adopted, vote in a question in which
thev were personally interested. Mr. Adams
decided that not they, hot their constituents,
were the parties interested. A hot debate,
which is still raging, arose on these ques
tions ; and. tire merits “f the original elec
tion were frequently brought into the dis
cussion. 1 see not where all this is to end.
There appears to be a firm determination
that the members elect from New Jersey,
shall not take their seats by their own vote.
W.ysitt sgtox, December 7, 183(9.
In my last, I alluded to some slight dis
affection in the Administration ranks pro
ceeding from the late caucus nomination of
the Speaker by that party. It had been
urged by the New York and several of the
Pennsylvania members, that some token of
gratitude (if one may so call it) was due to
tiie State Rights men, for coming forward
to fieir assistance at the time the Sub
Treasury bill was brought before Congress.
For this reason, if you will refer to .your
files, ypt» will find that jtnosl of the leading
democratc journals have, for the past six
months, brought forward the claims of Mr.
Pickens in a very strong light, and it seem*
ed to he a general understanding among :be
mass of the representatives, that he should
be chosen. Some misunderstanding oc
curred. however, owing to Mr. P.’s apathy
in regard to the office of Speaker, and a di»-
po-ition on the part of his friends to keep
him where his sei vices would be more val
uable—on th-' floor as a debater—-for, by
■he way. there is none to lead the adminis
t nit ion forces, at present, against the over
powering number of orators they have a
gainst them, save Mr. P—and Mr. Lewi#
was then taken up. But while this matter
was in the tide of successful experiment,
Mr. Benton, the Senator from Missouri, is
said to have stated that “such a man (mean,
ing a Nullifier) would not suit,” and lienee
the choice of Gen. Jones. The sore feel
ings thus created w ill have to be healed in
some manner, as the State Rights men ex
press themselves free Irom committal, save
on the single question of the Sub Treasury.
One thing is certain : if Mr. Dawson, of
I Georgia, is run as the Whig can lulate, he
: will carry more votes than either Mr. Jones
or Mr. Beil, inasmuch as the Nnllifiers
are hound to vote for a companion iu prin
ciples.
This election, however, will depend
wholly upon the vote of the New-Jersev
members. My own impression is that their
seats will be allowed them, as the subject
Ins mixed both parties so much, that no
reliance can be placed upon either side, to
make it a strict party vote. Allowing them
their scats, however, will he no test of th e
stp rigth of parties on the leading measure
of the administration*, the Sub Treasury,
which, it is conceded on all hinds, will
pass the House and Senate by some half
dozen votes.
This Speakership, however, is but a pre
lude to greater matters, as the field for
Mr. Van Buren’s success i* now open in
the democratic ranks, and hence the wish
es of a certain Senator to prevr in the elec
tonof a State Ri chts Speaker. Fiona tho
sines of the rimes, yon will observe that
the Democratic party has the divisions—the
hard currency men. who sc suppose, lean
towards Mr. Benton, the State Rights par
ty, who cling to Mr. C iHioiin, ami theso
ber thinking Democrats, who avoid both
extremes, in the selection of Mr. Forsyth
and you inay easily mark the movement, of
each, thongh on genera! subjects, they will
all pull! together— at present, however,
we have no time to speculate ou this *>ub
jeet.
The present Vice President will doubt
less be dropped by his party at the next
election, as we have heard of no National
Convention, and his name has lot been
•brought lorward in any Slate Legislature,
It is expected, since the nomination of Mr.
Polk, for that office by the Tennessee Le
gislatore, that Messrs. King, of Alabama,
and Forsyth of Georgia, will receive a
nomination from their respective States---
viewing each in liis separate capacity ami
qualifications, the gentleman from Georgia
is likclv to be the man. Mais. nous err
rnns.
I'iom, the Richmond Rni/inrn.
mr. galhoun and the tariff.
We lake the liberty of laying l.die Iclow
ing letter at spec before the public. It ex
plains the circumstance* under which il »as
written; and it unequivocally refutes the ru
mor in circulation, and defines the. position
which Mr. Calhoun maintains in relation
to the tariff. May we not go faitlier, and
infer that no politician who evtertnins this
ir'qualified opinio" ofthe tariff, will nippnrt
Mr. (.‘lay’s land bill, or any of the schemes,
with which it may tie associated ? Who
will divert the proceeds ofthe public lands
rum the public Treasury, unless lie is pie
lare.l to increase the duties on foreign im
portations. in order to supply the vacuum /
With such opinions, who will support the
scheme of wresting the proceeds of the
puhpc lands for the purposes of national
education, of a national system of internal
improvements, or of carrying out the mod
ern project of anew assumption of the
State debts ? Not Mr Calhoun, certainly.
He must disapprove the end, as well as the
means. He must not only disapprove any
augmentation of the tariff; but with the
strict constitutional doctrines which he a
vowed in his speech at the last session, he
must deny ihc rower sought to be usurped
over the great subjects ofin'ernal improve
ments. of national education, and of the lo
cal debts of tbe several States. Let these
her- sics be Dressed whenever they may, wo
have no fear that they will call out able
champions snllicient to subdue them :
Fort Hill, Nov. ”2. 1839.
Dear Sir: l have received the Enquirer,
containing the article from the Providence
Journal, which, among other things, yssetts
that I have c-one out in favor of a high
tariff. I conclude that lam indebted to you
for it, as, in the conclusion of your com
mon:#, you say that you will enclose the
number containing it lu me, and ask of tne
some notice ofthe subject.
You were right in pronouncing tire ru
mor un r oiindcd. It lias not the shadow of
foundjition; and yet, if 1 may judge from the
papers, that and similar rumors have, for
soms; time, been widely circulating in tho
Nothprn portion of the Unioji ; but for what
purpose, or by whom put in circulation, I
am at a loss to conjecture. So far from
favoring. I believe, of a'f calamities that
could befall the country, a renewal of the
protective system, with its certain conse
quences, would be among the greatest, and
it is really surprising, that with the light of
past experience, any one of sound judgment,
and attached to the country, should think
of making the attempt. 1 fully agree with
you, that the South, and I trust the great
body ol’tlie sound and patriotic of ail parties
elsewhere, cannot be gulled by the lallar-i
--ous arguments put forth in its favor. 'The
growing in intelligence of the age is op
posed • all such schemes; and all attempts
at the renewal ofthe protective system must
fail, or, if successful, be followed by a re
vulsion that would speedly prostrate tine
system, with infinitely greater Iqss than
gain to the manufacturers themselves.
I have not seen General Hamilton in the
recess, and cannot speak for him; but have
no doubt that the rutner is as unfounded in
his as in mv case. In fact, I may say that
the united voice of this State, including all
parties, and every pursuit, is opposed to
the system. As far as lam informed, 1
scarcely know an exception.
With gteat resnect, I am, See. Sec.
J. C. CALHOUN.
T.([Ritchie, Esq.
(Er* 1" 3 629, President 1 Jackson, imag
ining that the country was suffering under
a dreadful financial malady, proposed ii to
Bwallow his patent medicine. “Blit, my
dear geueri I,” said the country, “1 do not
need any medicine, for I am not sick.”
“Oh! yes you are,” replied the General,
coolly holding his spoonful of medicine to
the country’s loathing lips, “1 assure you
that you are very sJck, very sick indeed*
buy ylyis litilo dose w lil at once oof all to