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ter am ;’uer, till my heart grew faint with the
excess ot its owu sensation. Another :,| *d
another star came out, till the whole firma
ment gti-Wed as with a shower «and hr : ia' l ’--
Sim. y rtiev see ned melting one in u ;ui
her- hat tone, beautiful star ami ml —am!
I W as asleep again.
\( v next waking was 'h ii 'he . ight
’ 'foe ro«>» was dark, ami lie t .mi---d;u!i j
o f.itignetmd pain, which i- on < .tin |
<• ! itti! that 1 had ik* u i >hi. 1 l 'iiutl"i s
war Is cam-; so inv min!; my h«.;rt jhi-d
within me, at: I 1 im.v»*v *d bemv-t . the *'** 1 •
clothes it a paint'ii lit cl coughing. in
diiknes a is ippadii.g : my rouifr bm;nn<- .
more atid vin <• »*. and l telt as i! ,
hau l ol' I- nil *as alie.eiy ttme. M» j
thoughts b—'-aio-r >t.ni;.> mi -mm, a-ii, if
nturniiare I I-* mtsc’l as one lit 1 ain.
V:,-! m .ft I he 4.i • " •• •
very sw. -t ? Um»t I « ' ' , >‘ , f
ev t on tile in i; in .m l in; ttuiiul earth, « hen
but jnst return)' I to it fi'ioii tne porta sot
t.ie ton*l» ? W iiltli.it pain star rise seat
after v ar anil tremble ovei my grat e a,;,,
tvne.i I shall lie laid ncside my mother in In'
cold, dt'i p c'.iariieitiouse <d n:tlnr- .in t
moth i■ who died in my cailv iril im y, and
leit .ne to l ite gen.-rous car" id one ti ho h id
cherished me even as if I had hem her own
chilli.” These were sail hitter iuough s,
hut I could not escape t .etn; the doctor’s
words Tung m my ears like the deoiuieia
tionsofa prophet. “It V>u eaten cei l. I
felt that 1 had caught cu! !. a id that ! mti't
din. Slow and solemu li.otigi.ts oi o, -< i
uiiso passed by me like sjiec.i -s irmeli .g in
the music of a dirge. My tuncml seeme t>
piss iu mourulul review. i.m h.tie coffin
with its velvet pail a.id mysell lying pale and
cold in the stio'v - white s! routl, as I had
seen poor t’her<se. with all the It ibiliineuts
of mourning, marshalled them* Ires in my
excited brain. The darkness ironed seem
ed an immense curtain ol olaek, enveloping
mein its t'oids and shutting nu out h im the
ear'll for ever. Death! death ! Oil, wiiat
a chill came over nie as 1 whispered tne
dread word aga.n and again in the agony of
my fear. Then came more tender thoughts,
thoughts of my sisters and ol lueir grief
when they should see me cold and dead. I
could almost hoar them weeping and mourn
ilg over me ; lueu appeared the pale laces
of my father and of my dear stepmother;
they were full of settled grief. Ihe dark
picture was too distinct for my excited im
agination. 1 thought my hear' was break
ing, and subbed and wept in my bed, tib I
lay strengthless and utterly exhausted, w ith
my face buried in the damp pillow, and my
trembling limbs bathed in the dew ol min
gle I weakness anil agony.
1 know not whether I (aimed or !ept;!>ut
there was a t;me of oblivion, an I tuni a
Strain of sweet, wild music came floating
through the roam, and I felt the nght ol a
itew day steal over my closed eyelid . I
fay thus, a moment, between wakefulness
and slumber, then a shadow broke the im
perfect light, and a soil kiss was pressed on
my forehead. It was my mothet ; she lint!
stolen to mjf bed-side at toe first dawn ol
day, to inquire how 1 had rested.* Her cheer
ful face brought new hope to my heart, nud
1 was ashamed to inform her how much 1
had sit tiered during the night. She dtew
back ’he curtains and raise I tne up that I
might look out on the dewy earth. The
iosv light was kissing every green thing into
new beauty, and the old oak w aved its boughs
arid rustled cheerfully in the morning
breeze.
••There, do you hear that ?” -aid my
mother, as the bird, whose music had dis
turbed me, sent forth a succession of w ild
sweet notes from the oosom of the tree.
“You shall go out again to-day, when the
grass is dry.”
1 looked anxiously in her face, and ven
tured to say, “But, mother, are you sure
that I have not taken cold ! I coughed very
badly in the night.”
“Cold, no dear. You will be all the bet
ter for a little fresh air. You were tired,
that was all.”
My heart leaped ; I felt as it snatched
from the coffin, and flinging my arms about
iriy mother's neck, I wept, aud told her all.
She pitied and soothed me in her own kind
way, bade me try to sleep again, and prom
ised that I should go out to play with my
sisters, notwithstanding the doctor's predic
tions, and so 1 did, that day and tiie nex'
and the next again. Our doctor growled
aud scolded, ami flourished his crutch most
magnificently when t;e came to \i-it me,
but tny mother took it all very quietly ; -lie
was a woman—and women will have tln ir
way —when they can.
LOOK OUT FARMERS.
A.few days since four men were taken up
i.t Randolph county, in this State, who had
jo their possession six negroes, which they
had stolen from tee county of Glynn. —
They had travelled quite a circuitous
route, during which time they kept the
n jgroes in carts covered,--three negro men
and three women,—deluding their pursuers
until within a few miles ol the Chattahoo
chee. Three of the men went by the name
•it Summerlin, two of them from the county
of (iI un, and one from llawkinsville, —one
b y the name of Studiey ; ah having chang
ed their names, also ttie names of alt tne
uegtoes. The gentlemen who pursued
them were a Mr. O’Neal and Mr. Ratclif,
who certainly dcscive much credit iu their
active perseverance.
The theives uni tie.'roes w ere weli chain
ed to 'ether, aud pi iced on their buck track,
and iTis hoped will be landed safe in toe
country where their fool deed was perpetra
ted. —Columbus Enquirer. G.
Accident. —0)n Christmas morning there
was an accident, attended with serious con
sequences , at the Roman Catholic church
of St. Joseph, situated at the corner ot
Sixth avenue and Barrow stieet. During
the six o’clock service, a bench iu the gal
lery Arose, witit atood cracn. ihe people
ia the church w-rc mi ned.ately po-s ssed
with the idea that the gal.cry was falling,
a id a iiisii for tne street was commenced.
T’he passages from tiie church became
blocked, an i th p ga lery sta rs crowded with
in -n, women u:t t children. tever.il of
those in die front were trampled under loci,
in the eagerness ol those bullied to make
t’jeir way out. Four worn u aw- aa elderly
mau were badly hurt. One or two of the
women are liinuznt to bn dangerously injur
ed. The pressure the crowd was so
great, that the lower part ul me bannisters
and railing of the gallery »u.rs were carried
completely away, and t.toae standing Upon
the st iprs wjgre precipitated upon me head.)
of these below. —A. Y. Com Ado-
The Nashville WJiHJ oi Monday ays ; • A
letter received in tins city last v. ;m.g iroin
Jackson, in this State, arfrises that a g u-
Leman had just arrived at m <t p'.u ■ direct
Iroin Texas, with tb« it s Uiat Gen. .Sam.
Houston had been shot, ly/i personal icn
„ couire, by theSpeaker of the Texas lieu"
of Representatives; no hope o.’ittrtaiu ! of
Uis recovery. Houston was g muorfrvm
M. Augpstipe countv.’’
U. S. CONGRESS.
REMARKS OF MR. NISBFT.
OF GEORGIA.
Fill nil . December 07, 1839.
The question being on a motion to re
consoler the vote of the House concurring
iu the resolution of the Senate for the up
poi«»,mri!t of a ehaplsin—
Mr. N 'SHUT. <d' Georgia, rose nr. 1 r.d
dn-.sed the ('hair a* follows : Mr. Set ittia:
—Colivmrml that the motion before the
i'nnse involves matter of serious tMiimeni
to G!:tistianitv anti tin* country. I beg leave
to older a few reflections. I confess, al
iliongh informed of t'i e opit.iiu.s of toy col
league, (Mr. Cooper.) i have b> eu taken by
surprisi hy ti,.- debate now in progress. I
eert.iiifly did not expect it this morniug. i
nt.st say that 1 differ with my Itoiiorable
ilic'.igiu* in the views he lias exhibited.
Vud although his searching and accurate
mind, in its investigation* alter and elucida
tions of truth, rare.vetrs, vet I believe that
he is now wrong, i know full well and
justly apprcc a'e liis motives. No one is to
Cli istiauitva more sincere friend titan him
self, oil no one illustrates its precepts in
prat lice mole fully than lm docs. lie, by
sustaining the motion, intends to tri;;:nl;mi
boilt (’lirislai-in .ihd flic Constitution
Snell art mv own wishes. We differ in the
mode of ae'-omptisliing the s.itne etuis.
It eerlaiolv would he to my mind a tucl
■neiioly result si,lin’d the House of Ilep
rosi niatin s this great nation resolve cer
tainly that it would not elect a Chaplain—a
minister ol the go*'tel, called to throw around
the legislation oft: e country the hallowed
influences of piety—a result which would
strike wi h alarm ami apprehension the
wh If People of the Union; apprehensicn,
not so much f»r religion or the Constiiuta u
as for that e(.ns‘ ivotive influence wli -It it
exerts ution the principles of free govvra
nient.
What, sir, does not liberty owe to Chris
tianiiy.? M’he history of :tic Colonies proves
that we are iudt I'teil, in a great degree, for
those noble principles of free government
engrafted upon our Constitution and in our
laws, to that freedom of thought and action
which hrouglit out Pilgrim and Huguenot
ancestry to our shores. They fled fr om the
religious bigotry and political intolerance of
the old world for cm science sake. They
came hither to worship God in freedom.
And upon the shores of anew world they
planted the standard of religious, and, with
it,* of civil liberty. That independence of
mind which they asserted tu matters of
conscience made them dike independent as
to all rights. Freedom of service to Heaven,
by a very necessity of our nature, constrains
men to think and act freely ia matters of
less consequence. The free spirit of the
pilgrim impressed itself upon colonial gov
ernments and same o*' the best features of
our most admirable system a>e traced to
colonial patcniagc. ] make these remarks
to show,sir, that civil Ijberty is too largely
indebted to Christianity to permit us to en
dniiPtr the former bv abandoning even the
for.il.s of the .Jailer. Its influence* might to
pervade, and do now pervade, all the de
partments ot Government, more or less.
Into our courts of justice, our executive
offices, and cur halls of tegi 1-ition it ought
to seed, r.nd does send, its sanative l ower.
It gives a hcahhful tone to public sentiment,
and purifies the fountains of legislation. In
this country i' is necessity, it seems to me,
to maintain, in the forms ol legislation,! tie ex
ternal ceremonials of religion. \V hat though
it is sometimes desecrated, and its ministers
false ! What though it seem to some to be
but part of Congressional pageantry, empty,
vain, and a lie] Yet still the very form ol
service tnamt.lies the ascendency of moral
ity. Those forms are the emblems of its
essential purity. Blended, as they are,
with the piocedure of Congress, they them
selves become vital. Destroy, sir, tlie ex
tern, 1 manifestations of Christianity, and
you weaken its influence and endanger its
vitality. Vou should observe even here, sir.
the form of mayor. The vu’oe ol praise
should hush for a brief inouii tit, at regular
intervals, the noise of party war, and say to
the troubled waters, “Peace, he still.”
The appointment of a Chaplain to this
House is a declaration, hy the nation itself,
that theßible is tine. It is the practical re
cognition of its obligations. Is this no ad
vantage? Is this not bearing evidence to
Christianity ? is it tmt the voice of ih*‘
Confederacy ? Does not this act proclaim,
thtough the length and breadth of the land,
that, according to the belief of the Aiwcri
c.tn Congress, God reigrs in Heaven and
upon earth? The statesman, therefore,
should not withhold this evidence. In nil
we do, it seems te me. wa should recognise
the sanctions of Chiisiianity. and should
maintain the purity both of the Church and
the State hy a decent regard, in our public
acts, even to the forms of piety.
The manifestation of regard to religion,
in the election of a Chaplain to this House,
is due to the convictions and moral sensi
bilities of the constituency ol this body. It
is ii just response to the requirement of that
moral feeling which pervades the States
No less than this, I will venture to assert, is
required hy the People, whether p ofessors
or not- It is a tribute of respect to that re
ligion which makes sweet the homes of the
thousands who dwell 1> oeath the fosteiing
care of American legislators, and in the
peace of an unobtrusive vet sustaining faith.
Lei it not he said that the '26th Congress lias
declared of record that it will dispense with
the service» of the ministry. Conceding,
for the argument's sake, that the power to
appoint a Chaplain, under the Constitution,
is doubtful, yet 1 know ir will not be denied
that a failure to appoint would shock the
country. L will do violence to that fervid
pietv which lives and breathes and burns iu
the grea' heart of the nation.
The sen ice with which it is now proposed
to dispense has been maintained here for
veats. Tin’ wise and virtuous and pat
riotic of nt tor days exercised the power, and
believed in i's expediency. Jr is hoary with
accumulated years. The fust Congress that
assembled under the Constitution elected a
Chaplain. W’e are scarcely wiser or better
than that august body ot men. They ming
led worship with politics. Most of the State
Legislatures. L believe, sir, do the same
It has been objected that the worship
conducted here is iu»ii.ceic---n fniry and a
mockery. Admitting this to hr true -and I
lament that, iu pari, it must be conceded to
he true—yet, stilt the general good is ac
complished, and tim general evils averted, to
which I have befu ’• referred. And these
general ends are paramount; they outweigh
particular abjection* Iu all assembles there
are in iucere worst mpers : men will bring
the cares and thotigi and fr-elitigs of the
world into the sanctuary. I do not know
that this hody, being professedly political,
on that account, the less devout. That dis
traction of mind awaits him who mingles in
tiie stormy strife, of this House, is true ; and
w that account it (swell to bring hither the
soothing, softening influences of charity
and love. But I think, Mr. Speaker, that
there is in this House not oniy a sacred re
;_ard for Christianity, but also tee 1 -
mg ot piety. Beneath tie surf caaEjL. .: |
- -
- . l ull ■ ■ ■■ -
■ n ;■ t -V.
.jKipiJyrljiiSsl
wl
fioiti V irg i nia.
lie _ - utterance to the triepressiDle lecling
id lespu' t tin moral things, winch, doubt
le-s, he imbibed in Ins earliest formation ol
character. Nor can 1 permit inysell to
doubt lira, there aie many lu re who meet
tinse advices with all t at solemnity ol
in.inner a id leeling which becomes the oe
e.ision. My -colleague, and also the gentle
man trciii I.ou.si.ilia, (Mr Garland.) Ibid a
i e.ison agritts; e.oi ting a Cl ap!aiti,;ti tills, that
they .ne p.ud---ih.it Uiey pray and preach by
contract, and 11,.i( they make this temple a
place id an ri handise, selling alike ttieir
consciences and tin ir services. I liud niy
seil nothing wrong in religious or political
principle in rewarding the minister. It is a
vom.'itary contribution by the House to the
necessities ol those whom they invite to
officiate lor them. It is not a pension lor
the clergy, by law or from con tnutiouui ne
yessuy, Out a donation to the matt. Re
ward, to tey mind, does not necessarily de
mur.ili/.e and secularize the pieachcr, else
there were no inmi-tiy —no temple—no wor
ship. ijliiill lot tiie priest live oy tiie altar ?
And is not the laborer worthy of his hire?
J ii.it some who wear tiie priestly robe have
come hither trading upon the slock ot their
ministerial character, and i ceding lor a con
sideration tlie sacred mini nations of our
lio;y religion, i» perhaps true—-hut nut all
have so come, ii may be conceeiied at
once, without weakening 1 lie obligation to
< Let a Chaplain, that there aie false profes
sors ol that religion. In its purest and
earliest state, among tiie twelve who listened
io the words, aud saw the works ot God
himself, there was one traitor.
I cannot concur, Mr. Speaker, iu the ap
prehension exptessed hy my honorable friend
and colleague, that the act to which he ob
jects may ultimately tead to a union ol
Church and fchate. i think that our whole
political . y ,tem, as also ttie state of the
church in our country, makes such a union
au utter impracticabilty. Such a tiling
could not be without ail entire change in Un
essential elements and actual organization
ol the frame ol government. The very
freedom of religious opinion and action
guarantied to the People must operate au
insurmountable bar to such a union, i
should as soon, nay, sooner, look lor a des
potism iu place of our cous.itulioual liberty ,
as the result which gentlemen appreheuu.
TuC recollections of tiie past, the interests
of the present, and the expectations ol the
future- -religion, which seeks its own per
petuity in tiie maintenance of its purity
all forbid it. Our denominational divisions
constitute a system of sleepless aud enter
prising vigilance over tiie encroachments
oi ilie church. Protestant Christians have
lon« ago ascertained, from history written in
tiie blood oi martyrdom, ihat their rights ol
conscience depend upon Itec government,
i bey are committed to niaiutaiii tiie sepa
ration of the Church aud the State by tne
distinct of stli-deleuce, and by ilie precepts
of their own tiullt. 1 think lam not mista
ken when 1 say that tiie Church herseii
would be th< last to seek an unholy and eii
destroying alliance with the Sta e. Piety
would die in the embraces of government.
No, sir, Protestant Christianity must stand
aloof from political associations, by tiie law
of iter own existence. A loss ol liberty
might, perhaps would, necessarily corrupt
tiie church; whilst liberty remains, the
church will muiutain its purity. Keep pure
the church iuour land, aud the Constitution
is defended wi'.n impregnable bulwarks.
In England we know, sir, that the church
is part of the Government—-that the articles
ol the established religion are held to be
parcel of the common law—-that the sacra
ment. is a condition precedent to the tenure
of office; that rich governmental revenues
sustain the sacred aristocracy—that lauds
and franchises and political power, by the
very principles of the British Constitution,
(if Constitution Britain has, which I very
much doubt,) appertain to the church; not
to Christianity, sir, but to our lorin of church
organization. Net so here, i hat aid w hich
the G jvaniiueiit can here give the church
i; alone iu a freewill offeriug to the principles
it professess, protecting all creeds and names
equally by its tolerant and equal legislation.
For myself i can conceive ol no abomina
tion more otl'cnsivly abhorrent than a union
of the Chnreh with the State; and 1 would
resist tiie* very first approaches towards it
v.ith the sternest and most relentless hostil-
i:y. Bui, sir, there is a union which is al
ready, in some degree, consumated, which
I hone I shall not live to see dissolved ; I
mean, sir, the union ol religious principle
with political conduct.
'j'lie leaven of moral primcinle should
lighten the whole lamp ol the body politic.
We should be cautions lest we divide tilings
so happily mid usefully united. \V < should
be cai all! lest we invite into our legislation,
and adopt as rules ol conduct, the p' iloeo
phy i,f a meielv human faith. No gentle
man, 1 know, would give his vote directly or
indirectly to unhinge Christianity, or in any
way lessen its influences. 1 beg not to be
understood as so charging. 1 only mean to
say that the result at which t'ley now aim
may, in my.opiuioq, produce that elleu”.
The politicians of France desecrated the
temples of God-burned theßible- endow
cd ilie goddess of Reason w »1) the attributes
of the Deity-—a ul soon, very soon, the
foundations ol society were broken lip, and
anarchy reigned triumphant. Jhe vine-clad
hills and fertile plains and crowded streets
of F auce flowed down with blood. To a
public relaxation of moral obligation, I have
no doubt, iii.ix be traced those starting hor
rors which pie ededand followed the I* reucli
Revolution.
General Ii <n Kington's / pinion of profane
Swearing. — ika'icuttd to all if lens whether
militant or end. — Extract Iron) the Orderly
Book ol the army, under command ot
Washington, dated at Head Quarters, ill the
city of New York. August 3, 177(5: —“ Jhe
General is sorry to be informed, tha’ the
foolish and w icked practice ot profane swear
ing a vice heretofore little know n in an
American Atmy.is growing into fashion;
lie lope- the officers will, by example as iu
flneuce.cntleavortocheci.it. and that both
rimy ami the men will reflect that we can
littie hope of the blessing of Heaven bn oor
arms, il we insult it by iui" : .ei v anti lolly ;
uiiled to this, it ;sa vice so mean and. low.
without any tcmplalii.. u that eery man of
sense and detests and despises it.
The miserable Whig faction may now
disband. The Democrats are coining.
Look ! they are upon the read.
Southern Democrat.
We were aware from the extraordinary
number of recent mail-robberies, that a good
many of the loco locos had taken the lord.
Louisville Journal.
mine A L
i.-.
’ r '
il. -
prospi election.
viewUmth respect to the abolition of slave
ry. But where is the (Ise ? It is true, we
rejoice in the rejection ofHeiny Clay, be
cause lie is a slave-holder, aud a defender
ot slavery. Gen. Harrison, we know, is not
a slaveholder. Neither is Air. Van Buren.
But no one thinks it necessary to interro
gate Mr. Van Buren. Why? Because
his principles ate known to be iu favor of the
ascendancy ot the Slave Poivki. But arc
those of Gen. Harrison any less so. He is
the man of his party, and that party have
shown the absoluteness of theirsub>ervien
cy, by nominating a slaveholder, a peculiar
ly bigoted devotee ol slavery, on the same
ticket with Gen. ilairison. and now by c
lecting a nullifying slave holder from slave
breeding Virginia, for Speaker.-
But ive subnur. fart her, that General
llarrLon’s principles are already well known
by his deeds, ol which we find the following
summary iu the Rochester Flecni.m :
In December, 180”, white Governor of
lndi. ua Territory, lie was president of n
Convention of the people oi ihat Territory,
held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Con
gress a memorial ol the Coat.o.i m, praying
that the sixth article of the “Ordinance';??.”
which prohibited eLvery ti.c*',
.suspended. (See A in. S'ale papers, 1 cfOB.)
His efforts to make Indiana a slave State
were prosecuted for years while lie was
Governor ol 'hat Territory.
in 1819, Feb. IG, Gen. Harrison voted,
a* ii member of tiie House ol Repieseuta
tives, dfiiii. •/ a clause prohibiting the fur
flier introduction ol slaveiy in Missouri,
and against a clause ol the further emanci
pation (at 25) of slaves born within that
State Two days afterwards, he voted
against a clause prohibiting the future intro
duction ol slavery into Arkat sas, and against
the luiure emancipation of slaves born in
Ark; ns*
So basely did he how to slaveiy that even
Ohio was shocked. He was indignantly re
jected at the next congressional election in
1822. The National liiteliisencer of Octo
ber 20, 1822 says :—“lt is continued to us,
that Mr. Gazely is elected iu opposition to
Gen. Harrison. A friend informs us, which
we are sorry to learn, that lie was opposed
particularly on account of his adherence to
that principle oi the Cousti tuion which se
cures to tiie people of the South their pre
existing rights.” It seems, then, that Gen.
Uarritun claimed for the South the right
to fasten slavery upon any soil which tl,c na
tion might have or purchase*.
He has had but little opportunity to act
in a public capacity upon the subject ot
ilavery since that time; but an address from
his political friends iu Virginia, in 179(5,
srys, "he is sound to the core on the subji. t
ot slavery.”
Under these circuo stances we submit
that conscientious abolitionists me bound
to regard the two parties and their candi
dates as standing precisely on tiie same
ground that ol unlimited sunserviuncy to the
dominion of the Slavocrmy. It is trno—
Gen. ilnrtisou's personal i!ei..ni,strntio: s
are less recent than Mr. Van Buren's. But
they are much stronger, Im Mr. Van Bitten
helped to send Rulus King to tiie U. S.
Senate to oppose slavery in . Missouri, and
he has never attempted to extend slavery
to regions where il was already abo’ishedf—
And further, ti.e demonstrations of tin-
Harrison party are more recent than those
of the other. And if it is said that we
should give the old General a chance to
repent of his pro-slavery, we reply, that il
belougs to the men who repents to exhibit
his own repentance. Certainly, time are
no circumstances in the case which warrant
the slightest presumtious in favor of the re
pentance. Let him or his friends, if they
choose, show wherein his views now differ
lioni his actions in 1802, and 1819, and 1800.
And in default oi inis, let tlie friends of hu
man lights come at once to the conviction,
that the cause they have espoused is by
Divine Providence, entrusted to their own
guardianship, and tha for its success or fr.il
use their country and posterity will hold
them responsible.
Gen. Harrison. —We again recur to the
sentiments ofGen. Harrison ou the subjects
of slavery and abolition, to render him all
the justice in our power. The impression
has hitherto been strong on our mind, that
although he could nut himself be called an
abolitionist, y> t that he was disposed to
.can towards the abolitionists, or at least
court their adiance—aud under this impics
sii n we have recently written several articles.
We have been furnished. I tnvcver, w i Ii a
copy of a late number of the Raleigh,
(N. C.) liegislcr , containing the following
extract from a speech, deliv red by Get*.
Harrison,about two years since, at Vincen
nes, Jn. which, we do not hesitate to say
places him in an attitude towards abolition
and the abolitionists, different from that
which we supposed him to occupy, and
which is in doctrine and sentiment every
thing that the South could wish, and wlnit
the South must heartily approve. Instead
«f courting tiie abolitionists he censures and
condemns them in no measured terms, and
ev-n argues, with patriotic Zealand logical
strength, that abolition discussions in the
non s'aveholding states are an unconstitu
tional abuse of the privileges of speech and
the press. We still thins the passage we
cited, in previous articles, from Gen. II r
rison’s Cheviot speech, justly an.l highly
exceptionable both in doctrine and senti
ment, and iiis icservc on the slave question,
during the last canvass for the Presidency,
suspicious, but the subjoined more recent
and truly patriotic exhibition of his views,
connected with the .ate denunciations of
hint by the Emancipator , and ihe fln'i-
Slacer;/ Almanac, constant us from a sense
of justice to acquit him of any present al
liance with abolitionism. We cheerfully
make him the amende honorable and record
with pleasme the following evidence of his
fidelity to the constitutional rights of the
South. We shall expect him however, to
hold to his present atiitude, aud n
to give future countenance. r re* cl ye fu
ture support Cu.utic foes‘of the
South. ..e must continue to hold them at
"'.m'-; length and shun their embrace as he
woulJ that of the shirt of the Nessus— mil
if so, but not otherwise, sofar as s’ace ques
tion is concerned, he will stand on an equal
footing with Mr. Van Buren, in canvassing
for the votes of the South.— Charleston
Courier.
GEN. HARRISON ON SLAVERY.
As the views of Gen. Harrison, on the
subject of Shivery ha»e been much mis
represented in the South, the following
extracts from an Address, delivered by
him at Vincennes, (Indiana,) two years
since, will satisfy the public iu this res
pect.
1 have now, fellow citizens, a few words .
Dime to->ay on another subject, and which
is, in my opinion, of more importance than
any other that is now in the course of dis
cussion in any part oi thcUuion. I allude
to the societies which have been formed,
aud the movements of certain individuals
in some ol the States in relation to a portion
of the population in others. The conduct
of these persons is the more dangerous, be
cause their object is masked under the
garb cf diiinteiestcd. ess and benevolence ;
and their course vindicated by arguments
and propositions which in the abstract no
one can deny. But, however fascinating
may be the dress with which their schemes
are presented to their fellow-citizens, with
whatever purity of mt ution they may have
been tonned and sustained, they will be
found to carry in their train mischief to the
whole Union,and horrors to a large portion
of it, which, it is probable, some of the pro
jectors and many of their supporters have
never thought of; tiie latter, the first in the
series of evils which are to spring from their
source, are such as you have read of to have
been perpetrated ou the fair plains of Ita'y
and Gaul, by the Scythian hordes of Atbla
andOlaric; and such as most of you appre
hended upon that memorable night, when
the tomahawks and war clubs of the follow
ers of Tecotnseh *veie rattling in vour
suburbs. I regard not tiie disavowal of any
•such intention upon the pu t of the authors
of these schemes, since, upon the examin
ation ot the publications which have been
made, they will be found to contain the ve
ry fact, aud very argujnent which would
have been used, if such had been their ob
ject. lam certaiu that there is not, in this
assembly, one of these deluded men. and
that tiie.var; few within the bounds of the
State. If there are any, l would earnestly
entr uit them to forbear; to pause in their
career, and deliberately consider the conse
quence of their conduct to the whole
Union, to the States mere immediately in
terested, and to those lor whose benefit they
profess to act. That the latter will be tiie
victims ofthe weak, injudicious, presump
tuous and unconstitutional efforts to serve
them, a thorough examination of the sub
ject must convince them. The strusgle
(and struggle their mu-t bijunay commence
with honors such as l have described, bu;
it will end with more firmly riveting t‘.e
chains, or iu the utter extirpation of those
whose cause they advocate.
Am I wrong felloiv-ciii/.ens, in applying
the terms weak, presumptuous and uncon
stitutional, to the measures of the emanci
pators? A slight examination will, 1 think
show that lain not. In a vindication of the
objects oi' a Convention w inch was lately
held in one ofthe towns of Ohio, which I saw
iu a newspaper, it was said that nothing
more was intended than to produce a state
of public feeling which would lead to an
amendment of the Constitution, author
izing the abolition Os Slavery 1n the United
States. Now can an amendment of the
Constitution be effected without the con
sent of the Southern States? What then
is the proposition to be submitted to (lit m ?
It is this :—"The present provisions oi tiie
Constitution seeuses to you the right (a
right which you held before it was made,
which you hate never given up,) to man
age your domestic concerns in your owu
way, but as ae arc convinced that you do
not mmage them properly, >ve want you to
put in the hands ol the G tieral Govern
ment, in tiie councils of which we have tiie
majority, the control over these matters,
the effect of which will be virtually to
transfer the powers from yours into our
hands. ’ Again ;in some of the States,
and iu sections oi others, the alack popula
tion far exceeds that ot the white. Some
ol tiie emancipators propose an immediai e
abolition. W lnit is the proposition then,
as it regards the States and patts of states,
but tiie alternatives of amalgamation with
tha blacks, or an exchange of situations
with Uiem / Is there any man of common
sense who does not believe tnat the eman
cipated blacks, being a majority, will not
iusist upon a lull participation of , ulnic.it
rights with the whites; and when possessed
olinese, they will uol contend for a lull
share of social rights also ? What but die
extremity of w eakness and lolly could in
duce any one to tit ink, that sucli proposi
tions as these couid be listened to by a
people so intelligent as the .Southern States l
Futiier. The emancipators geuetally de
clare that it is their iiiieuiion to effect their
object (although their acts contradict tiie
assertion) by no other means than by con
vincing ilie slaveholders that tiie immediate
enimaucipalioii of the slaves is called for,
both by moral obligation and sound policy.
An unfledged youth, at the moment ofliis
leaving (indeed in many instances before lie
has left it) his Theological Semiuarv, mi
dertukes to give lectures upon morals to I’.m
countr* men of Wythe, Tucker, Pend)eti..n
and Lowndes, and lessons of political w.is
d. m to Stales, whose affairs have so. re
cently been directed by Jefferson a ,and Mal
ison, .'I aeon and Craw lord.- Is it | ossible
that instances of greater vanity
sumption could be •ixhibiti d? M u{ t i JL .
course pursued by tiie emaucij ators is un
constitutional. Ido not sav Unit there are
any winds in the ConstituGun which foibid
tie discussions they aie engaged in; i
know that there are not. And there is even
an article which secures to the citizen the
right to express and puolish their pinions
without restriction. But in the construc
tion of the Constitution, it is always neces
sary to ruler to tne circumstances under
which it was framed, and to ascertain its
meaning by a comparison oi its provisionswith
each other, and w ith the previous situation
ol the several States who were parties to it.
In a po.tmn of these, slavery was reco"iiij!-
ed, and they took care to have tne right se
cured to thfcm ; to follow and reclaim such
of them as were fugitives to other States.
'1 i;e laws ol Congress passed under this
power, have provided punishment to any
who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise
ol tin- iigl t. Now cun any* one believe,
tint tiie instrument which contains a provi
sion ol this kind, which authorizes a blaster
iu pursue his slave into another Stale, take
him back, and provides h p.misliment‘for
any citizen, or cure* of that State who
should oppose liit.* should, at the same time,
ttUtl’Onze t),,. jalter to assemble together*
b> ;..3S Resolutions aud adopt Addresses,
Dot only to encourage the slaves to leave
their masters, but to cut their (hosts before
they do so ?
I insist ilt.it if tie citizens of the n©n
slave-holding states can avail themselves of
the article of the Constitution, which pro
hibits the restriction ofspeech, or the press
t > publish any thin}; injurious to the rights
oi the shtveholding .States, that they can go
to the extreme that 1 have mentioned, and
ellect any thing further which writing or
speaking cou'.d elfcct. But, fellow-citizens,
these are not the principles of the Consti
tution. Such a construction would defeat
one ol the great objects of its foundation,
wtiich was that of seeming the peace and
harmony ol the Slates which were parties
to it. The liberty of speech and of the
press, were given as the most effectual
means to cacli and every citizen
their own rights, and to the States M,a
rights which appertained to them, at ,h*
tune of thetr adoption. It could never have
been expected that it would oe used bv
he citizens of one portion ofthe Siatesfor
the purpose of depriving those ol another
portion, of the rights w hich thev Lad re
served at the adoption ol the Constitution
a id.,,, the exercise of which, none but
themselves have any concern or in.etest
s avery ts an evil, ,h e evil , s with .J* '
Il there .s gu.lt m ,t the guilt is theiis iat
ours, since neither the States where „ doej *
riot exist, nor the Government of the United
Mates can, without usurpation of power
and he vmlatton ol a solemn compact, do
any lung to remove it without the consent
ot those who are immediately interested.—
But they wii netther ask for aid, nor con
sent to be aided whilst the illegal, perse“u
ting and dangerous are i n pm
gress, cd which I complain; the interest
ofa I concerned requires that these should
be stopped ..timed,ately. This can oniy be
done by the force of public opinion, ‘and
bat cannot too soon be brought into opera
lon. Lvcuy movement w| , ic h is made ,
the aboltmmts.s in the nou-slaveholding
Mates, is viewed by our Southern bretheren
as au attack upon their rights, and which’
i persisted in, must in the end eradicate
tlii xe ic-el.ngs ot attachment aiid affection
between the citizens of all the States which
was produced by a community of interests
and dangers tt. tiie War of the Revolution
winch was the Inundation ofonr happy union -
and by a continuance of which, it can alone
be pcict ived. 1 entreat you then, to frown
upon the measures which are to produce
results so mucli to be depiecated. The
opinions which I have now g ivett, 1 l )ave
omitted no opportunity for tin- last two years
to ay jefore the people ol my own State
have taken the liberty to express them
Imre, knowing that even it they should
fortunately'tint accord with yours, that they
would be kindly received.
MARTIN van BUREN AND THE
FARMERS.
I he 1 resident and his faction have alivavs
professed to be the staunch friends ol t i e
" lll ' ls 'l'** soil. While they h : , vt .
-mute itu hi, as wan upon con „|. m- anaike
m.nized the banks, ami reduced m dis
tress, they have lawoed upou ti ie •• honest
yeomanry” with ,| le lllost disgustingsyco
pliancy . Lo a considei able extent theVure
has be t. successful. The fanners i„ many
mstanc s have been made to believe that if,
rr | .|»- r| ". , t as the mercantile community
was hit milled, their interest would be sub
served. 'I hoy have been taught that the
mediants stood rn their tray ; that splended
lot tunes acquired in comti ercewere aiins-rd
at the expense ol agriculture ; ihat they, the
bone and sinew ol the land, were kept iu
t.ie bat k ground, and their merit eclipstn by
tiie overweening pride and splendor of
“monied aristocracy.” It has been inces
santly told them that the destruction td bank-.
iiudtlie substitution of a metahe ettrrem v
tor tbe “worthless rags” in wh ch the,'
were accustomed to be paid lor then* p, (i _
duce.would be to them the commencement of
anew era ol prosperity; and their eyes lune
been dazzled by the tast e and their ear*
charm, <i bv the eternal Unldut ■■ of
and sill er.”
U’e, in common with onr cole rope rarie*
of the opposition press, have continually
warned th« in not io give cn deuce Mr tluse
falsehoods. Wo have laid them, that
though they would be the lust to feel the
blow which had been struck at our com
merce and our credits, they tio uld fee li. iu
Ilic end. I-Lrjrffffecl it. Ruin hasaceom
plished its work upon tlm merchant and the
mechanic, and the farmer is now Relit,"
t be pressure of tw iron hand. \\ e call upon
the kuhb;iii(iiii:m to hear witness that vvr
have been faithful in our warning. Wens'
him ifour predictions are not now in pro* *
ol fulfilment ? We say to him ; • ' risft
farm now worth, in the market orc
the amount it would have broi,»|-
Inmuuu live years ago? Caj*° ,’r M.u
produce, whether it be ri 1 ' ou r
eanh oi slock, for more r’. hints ol tf.te
to one third, tv ha* you i- 0> < V ‘ 4l °‘! e U!l {
in 1833 ? 3 , O Md have obtained.
Farmers of the Sta‘ „ t- ,
could sell your urine- . C Yurl: -}'™
dollar and seen,’,, ~ o r me
last year- tor il 1 ! U ">' c '
tlie..- —\ ou lM ; “ ut >ou
is it wo,tb ‘ ? ,l '* t W hat
State it ■ . wcstirn, art oftfie
per !),-, jC |; ' otsne,ily-fm un.s
- F c\ r rr\ n : io ' ° fw] r -Inc is your
f A ; m i" 0 ' r ? " Ceil Vnrcime
, , 'V !i, '‘ v «ars. (’an it
iat be honuot | or TWO AND \ IJ AI I**
V * r !:ou "° 1 ls J««r Kluat woiVfr
bad what it was a tew y e,us ago ? Would
yon not g'ladly sell i, ut fifty un's perilT
• .»_r.i uiti.risi* throughout lire I’iiuin
wl nun-, hr me productions you
)ou not sutk-r Iron, a propotionate decn-ase
.ler n'V’ll r ‘
dcr a .-till dm pet calamity ! Are not tl ,
reduced turns to a g.eat extent n.etelv
nominal and is it not tt fact that v„„ ,
effect salts cm*ii at this sanificj ' I “ MU
'I hat the affirmative ot these questions is
true is n.it.tfr of nerd. ], eat.not b e con
troverted. Ihe Government has .educe,l
our cities t* s„ch a state that they must ron
humc less. Ihe mu inn ts put upon .he rev
uncut ojneccssdy. ami consumers are com
pelled not only to limit their appetite,, but
to pay an inlet tor price for .vital they do
consume. J
Ku ners ofthe United States, knowing
these things, and feelmg as you now do,
and keenly. that the golden promises ofMar
,,n Van Bunn were false, and that his hard
money policy is eventuating on our ruin in
what light can you look upon the annexed
passage fr om the “President's message” oth
er than an insult ?—„Y. A T . Times
r disease have pain
,ully affiieteo otherwise flourishing portions
of opt* country : and serious embarrassments
vet derange the trade of many of « ur cities.
But, notwithstanding these adverse circum
stances, the general prosperity whi-h has been
heretofore so bountifully bestowed upon us by
the Author oj all good, still continues to call
for our warmest gratitude. Especially have
we reason to rojoice in the exuberant har
vests which have LAVISHLY r.K.COM.MKjIDKP
well directed industry, and given to it that
suut- now Attn which is vainly sought in vis
ionary speculations. / cannot view without
peculiar satisfaction, the evidences ojfo r ded
by the past season of the benefits that spring
up from the steady devotion ’of the husband
man to his honorable pursuit. 'No means of
individual comfort is more certain, and no
course of national prosperity is ’sosuie.
Nothing can compensate a people for a de
pendence upon others for the bread thev cat;
and that cheerful abundance on which the hap
piness of every one so much depends, is to
be looked for nowhere with sucli sure reli
ance is in the industry of agriculturists and
the bounties of the earth.
Rl inCt IBeds,
FOR SALE AT THISOFFICt,