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OUTRAGES UPON AREANsAS
FRONTIER.
We copy the following from the Little
Rock Times ot the 23d nit: —On Saturday
jnst, Maj. E. Rector arrived at this place
with live prisoners from the Clivruke.' na
tion; three In.nans anti two white men, who
are all safely lodged in jail. Contrary to
what has been geneiallj supposed here,
sh ;se men were not takrn on me <h»rge of
U'Ug concerned in tlie mi.ir u-i ot the Kni
ves and Boutlenol, hut ;.,i oi..er crimes.
An Indian named Terri!, anillwu w hite men
na.lied Shrun an I N.-.vinaa, were taken
l>, a coniuiaiid under Lieut. Northrop, of
ihe Dragoons, lor luimercifully heating
and loijvin. for dead, a tt-.ms’er named
Ballard, lice .use, as itiey said, he worked
cheaper thin they would. Jack Tcrnl.a
brother 01 (lie one taken, and principal in
tile affair, made t.is escape, Ini' it is bchrv
id xvil! he taken. Alter they had whipped
B t laid, l:,kt n his'pistol and knife, all I left
him lor dead, Jack, in order to make sure
of their victim, returned and stamped on his
bead. Ballard, however, recovertl. The
same party also attacked and dangerously
stabbed a son of Col.' Whinnery, <d Wash
ington county, threw a Missouri hog driver,
into a fire and shockingly hurtled him.
Jack Nicholson was taken by a command
tinder Lieut. Porter of the Infantry, for
some time since whipping and cutting off
the enr of a matt named Laxton. lie is
the man whom John Richardson, on the gal
lows, declared to lie concerue I in tin. minder
of the Wright family. George Waters was
iudicted last summer, with others,fo the
murder of a white mau in the nation. He
has been considered a desperate character,
and bade defiance to any man to take him ;
hut Maj. Rector, with three chosen men,
in the most daring manner, succeeded in
capturing him. Leonard Randolph, also
concerned in the same murder, is now in
Texas, near Jonesborough, of which fact
Maj. Rector lias apprised the commanding
officer of Fort Towson, so that he will pro
bably lie taken.
We regret to learn tint I.icut. Northrop
who is said to be a brave officer, and deserv
ing much praise, received a severe wound
by the accidental discharge of his own pis
tol. while attempting to take a man named
Drew. The bail lodged in his leg, near the
knee, and is feared that he will either lose
his leg o, his life.
Maj. Rector assures us that Gen. Arbuc
kle is determined, at all hazards, to scout
the country, and bring to justice all offen
ders on the frontier and in the nation; and
that his zeal and perseverance entitle him
to much credit.- Citron. &• Sen.
Death of a Debto". —The closing scene
in the life of a chancery prisoner is thus
thrillingly and beautifully sketched by
“Boz.”
The turnkey led the way in silenre, and
gently raising the latch of the room door,
motioned Mr. Pickwick to enter. It was a
large, desolate room, with a number of
stump bedsteads made of iron, on one ol
which lay the shadow of n man, wan, pale
and ghastly. His breathing was hard and
thick, and he moaned painfully as it came
and went. At the bedside sat a short old
man in a cobler's apron, who by the aid of a
pair of horn spectacles, was leading from
the biLie aloud. It was the fortunate le
gate. The sick man laid his hand on his
attendant's arm. and motioned him to stop.
He closed the book and laid it on the bed.
“Open the window,” said the sick man. He
did so. The noise of carriages and carts,
the rutt'c of wheels, the cries of men and
boys; all the busy soundsof a mighty mul
titude instinct with life anti occupation,
Mended into one deep murmur floated into
the room. Above the hoarse loud hum arose
from time to time a boisterous laugh, or the
scrap of some song, shouted forth by one
of the giddy ciowtl. would strike upon that
car for an instant, and then be lost amid
the roar of voices and the tramp of foot
steps; the bn aking of the billows of the
restless sea of life that rolled heavily on
without. These are melancholy sounds to
a quiet lisener at any time, but how melan
choly to the watcher bv the bed of death !
“There is no air here,” said the sick man,
faintly. “The place pollutes it; it was fresh
around about where I walked . three weeks
ago, but it grows hot and heavy in passing
these walls; 1 cannot breath it.” “We
have breathed it together a long time,” said
the old man.” “Come come!” There
was a short silence, during which the two
spectators approached the bed. The sick
man drew the hand of his fellow prisoner
fowatds him, and pressing it affectionately
between both his own, retained in h's grasp.
“I hope,’ lie gasped after a while so faintly
that, they bent their eats close over the bed
to catch the half formed sounds his cold
blue lips gave vent to ; -‘I hope my merciful
judge will bear in mind mv heavy punish
ment on earth. Twenty years, my Iriend,
twenty years ill this hideous grave. My
heart broke when my child died, and I could
not even kiss him in his little coffin. My
loneliness since then in all this noise and
riot has been very dreadful. May God tor
give me ! He has seen my solitary, lingering
death.” He folded his hands, and murmur
ing sntnc'hiug more that they could not he,.r,
fell into a sleep ; only a slee|> at first, lor
they saw him smile. They whispered to
getlierfor a little time, and the turnkey stoop
ing over the pillow, drew hastily hack. “He
lias got his discharge,” said the man. He
had. 15lit had grown so like death in life,
that they knew not when he died.
SAFKTY ST 10AM BOATS.
Tn the Washington Correspondence of
the Charleston Patriot, is contained the
following acconnt of a late iinpr veinen tin
Steam Boat Boilers, which if correct, will
give great additional safety to our citizens.
Tiie frequent accidents which have occur
red, and the terrible destruction of human
life consequent upon such disasters, rendet
any improvement of the kind, however slight,
a desideratum with all who are interested
in the travel and transportation of the coun
try. Cos! •> mb us K/i 1/ u irer.
“A great number of petitions were pre
sented and referre I. Among themjwas one
relating to an invention to prevent the burst
ing of Steam Boilers, and which from the
rein irk* ;n*'h\ .will furnish an effectual
remedy. If consists in (be application of a
pelf acting valve (invented by a Majorßaub.)
to th>* boiler. It i< denominated the double
self anti ig Safety Valve, and ctMsists of two
valves-- one opening upward* and tlte> other
downwards, upon the top us the boiler. tttiJ
connect fid with a weight inside the boiler.
It is fyu nded. upon the principle that a body
immersed in water is lighter than when sus
pended .in apy medium less dense than wa
ter ; and loses by immersion on amount of
weight exactly equal to the weight ofwa
i ter 4is.ilaced uy it. Its operation is as fol
lows: Wh en the water in tlm bail* r is in
iiue.(pi.mit y for safety, the weight mside
the boiler i » entirely immersed in the water;
the two v i Ives are then closed because
they balance each other; the expensive
force of th e steam within the boiler oper
ates to close the inside v.dvo and thus keep
Do'.ufi-r* ;n their rcsp ciivv -scats, The in
side weight thus immersed in water weighs
nothing, anti therefore does not open the
va'ves. But when the water in the boiler
falls below the inside weight, and leaves any
|M>riiou of it uncovered, this weight falls,
opens both valves, and enables the steam to
escape.
It lias the section of the Navy Depart
ment, and is, I understand, to be applied
to all Government Steam vessels. The in
ventor wishes Congress to purchase the pa
tent right.'*
From the National Intnli geveer.
THE MAINE BOUNDARY.
A Messaoe from the President of the
United States was presented to the Senate
on Thursday, containing the information
called Im by certain resolutions of that bo
dy concerning the state of atfairs oil the
boundary between the United States and
the British northwester*’ possessions.
We shall lay these documents before our
readers as soon as we can get possession
ol them. For the present we must be con
tent to state the Substance of them, as un
derstood front the reading by those who
heard them read.
The tn.treri.il .papers are those furnished
by the Department of .State, consisting as
follows:
1. A Letter from Mr Fox, the Bri'ish
Minister, to Mr. Forsyth, Secretary ol
State dated in November last, complaining
of the violation of the agreement entered
into between the agents ol the two Govern
ments last winter, bv the opening of roads
to the Aroostook, and the occupation of a
part of the disputed territory by a body of
armed men employed by the authorities of
tlie State of Mame.
‘2- A Letter from Mr. Forsyth, written
some weeks afterward-', replying to the
complaints of .Air. Fox, (hat the opening ol
th” roads in question is not a recent mea
sure, hut merely carryi ig out a policy ad
opted twelve or fourteen years ago ; that
the armed body spoken of is only a jossc
employed tu drive off intruders; ad that
nothing has been done on our side incom
patible with tlie spirit of the agreement be
tween the agents of the two countries ; whilst
on the British side acts have been done
which may be justly complained of as in
fringing the agreement, such as erecting
barracks for troops on the St. John’s plac
ing Hoops on a part of the disputed territo
ry, &c.'
3. A Letter from Mr. Fox justifying
what the IJejtisli authorities have done, on
theground of the current report that the
Legislature of the State of Maine had an
intention to abrogate and nullify tlie agree
ment made between the two countries last
sjiring, which rumor was too strongly corro
borated by the language es Governor Fair
field at the opening cf tlie Session ol that
Legislature not to justify precautionary
measures, which have not been resorted
to, however, with any design to infringe the
agreement &c.
4. Another Letter from Mr, Forsyth to
Mr- F ox, m which he says that there is no
reH son to apprehend such an intention as
is imputed to the Legislature of Maine;
tha 1 tllfi alleged precautionary measures
are therefore altogether gratuitous on the
par l of the British authorities in New
Brunswick, and must be considered “a bold
infraction” of tlie agreement of last winter;
and that if the British Government uphold
this proceeding on the part of its agents,
such a course on its part will be regarded
by this Government as evidence of a want
of that friendly disposition on the part of
Great Britain which has hitherto been be
.ieved to exist, &e.
This is the snbstaDce of these Letters,
which we expect to be ttble to publish at
large in our next paper.
NEW ORLEANS, JAN. 18.— From
Texas. By the arrival of the steam packet
Neptune, in 27 hours from Galveston, we
have received papers to the 14th instant.
John M. Allen has been elected mayor of
Galveston. The weather bad been for some
days exceedingly mild, and more like spring
than winter
It is said a road is being opened from
Nacogdoches to the Trinity, to strike that
river nearer at Carolina. The distance is
only sixty miles.
The Austin Texian ship ot war arrived a few
davs ago at Galveston, from Baltimore. She
is said to be a splended vessel, staunch band
some and a fast sailer. Another brig, tlie
last contracted for tb<- use of the navy by
the government, is shortly expectetj.
Congress had provided forsectionizingtbe
Cherokee lands, which are soon to be
brought into market and soklfortlie bene
fit of the government. jTliey are the most
valuable tracts ol uncultivated land in tin
country, and will probably sell fora consid
erable amount.
Colonel Burleston had another battle
with ti.c Cherokees, about 35 miles north
west of Austin, in which ho defeated them,
though with what loss we have not learu-
ed.
Sometime sine’, a British vessel, the
Agnes, arrived at Galveston ( r ! r\as) with
emigrants. It appearsthat John Woodward,
the Texian Consul at New \ork, had sold
to a Mr. lken, an English capitalist, large
quantities ofTexian lands, to wli.ch lie had
not the shadow of a title, and that these
emigrants who had come out, had purchas
ed their lands of lken. Their disappoint
ment may he easily imagined. A laige meet
ing was held in Galveston, some days ago, at
which General Hunt presided, to express
tneir opinion of Wooward's rascality. 'I hey
recommended his immediate dischage.
It is said that Congress will grant these emi
grants donations of land in addition to head
rights.
The schooner Wasp was lost, a few days
since, on the Brassos bar. It is said tjiat
the channel across this dangerous bar can
be deepened to three fathoms and a half at
a cost of fifty eight thousand dollars. The
steamboat Friend has gone tip the Brassos
to see how far the river is navigable.
JAN. 19. Passing a Forged check.
B. B. Wharton, a good looking young man
oftall stature, rather genteely dressed, yes
terday charged before Recorder Baldwin
vs Ith passing a forged check, purporting to
he drawn by Frierson, Dele & Cos,, on the
Commercial Bank, for *1.150, on Allen.
Clark &Cos. Exchange Brokers, Canal
street. In appearsthat on Thursday, Whar
ton went into the office of Allen, Clark
A' Cos, and requested hank notes for the
check. As he had a bankbook at the time
in his hand-had all the appearance of a
young men in mercantile business, and
moreover took Tenessee notes for his check
he was at once accommodated, When the
forgery was diseovefed information was giv
en to the police of the Second municipality
wjio arrested him on Friday at Carrolltou.
with all tho money in his possession, lie ac
knowledges having passing the check but
denies having enmoiited the forgery. Tears
of contrition dropped plentifully from him
as he satin the box—he is cvideutly a tyro
in such transactions.
We are ?nre we’r tight so go ahead.
POLIT'CAL
JUST AS WE EXPECTED.
We have long known that Mr. Forsyth,
although ihe first Secretary, iu point of
grade and of importance, iu the Cabinet of
Mr. Van Buret, was by uo means the first
in the confidence, or ill the regards of its
head. We have long known that Mr. Van
Burcn and others, who have influence with
him, only suf rtJ Mr. Forsyth to remain
iu Ins present position. Mr. Van Bureo,
tl is well kuown, insult*d the Secretary, by
bis attempt to banish him Irum public lile,
and public mlluence, by burying Inin among
the Austrians. Kendal, the Chief of the
Lower Cabinet, we know, only endures the
Secretary, and would hail with raptuie the
hour ot Ids safe dismission. How could it
be otherwise ! Have our readers ever heard
of a very characteristic anecdote of the Se
cretary. m relation to tue chief of the
kitchen. Cabinet ! Any way it will bear
repetition.
Mr, Kendal's admirers, as one of the com
mon inodes of flattery now m days, got up
Ids picture, in the form of an engraving.
Os course ihe lauhtul were hound to sub
scribe for it, or be considered derelict. Up
on entering the Secretary of State’s office,
the friends presented the proposals, and re
quested the subscription of the Secretary.
••Would he not purchase Mr. Kendal's
picture ! the p cture ol the Ulysses of tire
party/” with his lip and nose turned up. in
most expressive contemptuousness; (and
who cm sneer more eloquently :) tlie Se
cretary demanded, “What do we want with
the picture, haven’t we long ago purchas
ed the. original ?’*
We give the anecdote merely to show
the relations between the Secretary of the
llnper. and the chief ol the lower Cabinet.
But to the point in hand ; *ve have long
known that, however anxious Mr. Forsyth
might be to retire Horn a Cabinet of which
lie knows he is so unwelcome a member,
upon the Vico Presidency, yet that he nev
er would attain his wishes in that point, if
the goodwill of the administration was es
sential to it. We believed, from the first,
that tu this, as itt all else, Mr. Forsyth
would find himself betrayed by those with
whom lie was connected. r J he thing be
gins to work; tne indications are becom
ing apparent, and the result will not fail in
realizing them. In corroborration of our
views and in confirmation of them, we see
that the Washington correspondent of the
Augusta Constitutionalist, one of the par
ly, who is intelligent aud observing, and
wiio no doubt writes as he feels he is author
ized to do; this correspondent to the Iriend
and supporter of Mr. Forsyth, writes that
“The next Vice Presidency may now be
considered as fixed on Col. Johnson, and
though recent events have in a measure ren
dered this necessary, we cannot but regret
that the claims of a distinguished son ol
Georgia must be thrown in the -sha . e for
the present.”
For cause this correspondent assigns the
reason to be, that Gen. Harrison's military
claims are so ellective with the people of the
West as to render it necessary to bring out
Colonel Johnson, another military chieftain,
on the Van Buren ticket to countervail
Harrison’s influence it> that region, So it
goes. Forsyth is thrown over board with
out a groan, and without any formality, in
deed, we suppose, greatly to tlie gratifica
tion anil delight of Kendall <nd the kitch
en, and perhaps quite as much to the satis
faction of Van and the upper cabinet like
wise.—Southern Recorder.
EXTUACT OF A LETTER OF THE
HON. HUGH L. WHITE,
To the Legislature of Tennessee, on de
dining to obey certain of their Resolu
tion of Instruction, aud resigning the of
fice of Senator ot' the United States.
1 have now troubled you with all the re
marks 1 deem it necessary to make upon
your six resolutions, taken separately, but
do not feel that I will have discharged my
whole duty until I have shewn the deduc
tion to be drawn from them when contiec
teil’y considered. They contain the politi
cal creed ol the present Chief Magistrate of
the United States, as expressed through his
friends in the Tennesse Legislature; and
what is it ?
By the 2d resolution it is proved he wishes
tlie whole moneyed power of the U. Slates
vested in him and subject to his control.
By the 3d it is proved he will not agree
that the patronage and power he now ex
ercises. shall be either lessened or regulated
by law.
By the 4th it is proved that, in ortier to
have full cofif-rs, he wishes the States to
surrender their right to the moneys arising
from the sales of the public lands; and
By the 6th it is proved that lie wishes
Congress compelled to vote for ev iy leading
measure he may recommend, and I am in
structed iu good faith to give my aid to
maintain this creed.
These instructions i c.tnnot and will not
obey. So fat from it, mv creed upon these
points is;
Ist. That the power over the public purse
ought to be constantly kept under the con
trol of the Legislature.
2d. That the patronage as well as the ex
enditures of the Executive are already too
large, and ought to be reduced.
3d. That, instead of surrendering the
rights of the States to any portion of the
public moneys, they ought to adhere to
'hose rights, and in due season provide for a
lair distribution of the land funds; and.
Lastly, for no consideration ought we to
agree that any other portion of tiie legisla
tive power shall he vested, either directly or
indirectly, in the President, save that which
is already vested in him by the Constitution
of ihe United States.
At last, no person can help seeiug that the
difference between your honorable body and
myself is, that you wish to add to the power
and patronage of the Executive; 1 wish to
lessen his (lower and patronage
On the decision of this contest by the
American People, in my opinion, the liberty
of the country depends. Should your creed
prevail, ere long the whole legislative power
vested in Congress by the Constitution will
be transferred, substantially, to the Presi
dent, and the only use of Congress will be to
stand between the President and public odium,
when laws are enacted which arc disapproved
by the People.
In addition to this, the election of State
officers and State legislation will be regula
ted according to the will of the Executive
of the Union. Should mine prevail, the
States will retain the powers they now pos
sess—-the powers of the Federal Govern
ment v ill remain divided into different de
partments in substance as well as form.
Which of these creeds will best secure the
liberty, the happiness and prosperity of the
People, I cheerfully submit for decision to
the freemen of Tennessee.
In England, this' would be the common
contest, between the prerogative of the Crown
and the privileges of the People, Those
maintaining your side would be called Tories,
those maintaining mine would be called
Whigs- it is a contest between the
patronage of the President and the Tight of
sujfvrage of the People. I will not at pre
sent give those who maintain your creed any
name—you may give those who maintaiu
mine, any ooe you choose. “Names are
nothing with me ” My motto is, “princi
ples in preference to men while I some
times think that some of my opponents
ought to be, “men without principles;”
though I would be sorry to intimate that
such a motto would suit your honorable
body.
I shall trouble you with no further obser
vations on these important topics. It has
been my aim to state my opinions with can
dor, aud maintain them with firmness; but,
at the same time, to tieat your honorable
body with the most perfect respect.
1 was called to the service of my State
fifteen years ago, without any solicitation on
my part. With reluctance t accepted the
high station 1 now occupy- 1 have been
continued in it, perhaps, too long for the
interest of the country. 1 have been thrice
elected by the unanimous vote of your pre
decessors. My services have been rendered
iu times of high party excitement; some
times threatening to hurst asunder the bonds
of this Union ; aud your resolutions contain
'he high eontplimcnl that bitter political op
ponents can find only a solitary role worthy,
in their judgment, of “ uiquallijieil condem
nation.”
I hope if will be in your power to select a
successor who can bring into the service of
the State more talents. 1 feel a proud con
sciousness more purity of iutendon, or more
nmeinittiiig industry lie never can.
For the sake of place, 1 trill never cringe
to power. You have instructed me to do
those things which, eutertam'ng the opinions
1 do, I fear I would not be forgiven for, either
in this world or in the next ; and, practising
upon the creed l have long professed, 1
hereby tender to you my resignation of the
trust confided to me as one of the Senators
from the State of Tennessee to the Congress
of the United States.
Allow me to add my sincere prayer that
the Governor of the Universe may so over
rule our dissensions as to secure the liberty
and promote the prosperity of our common con
stituents.
J have the honor to be, gentlemen, your
obedient servant.
HU. L. WHITE.
Senate Chamber, Jan. 11, 1840.
After which, Mr. White proceeded and
said:
Mr. President, l have now finished my
task; henceforth I atn to cease being a
member of this body. I cannot share with
former associates the honors tin* privileges,
or tlie emoluments of a Senator in the Con
gress of the United States. At the same
time, 1 will be relieved from mv portion of
the labors, and from sharing with you the
high lesponsthilities which necessarily per
tain to the station.
In taking my leave of you, in the utmost
sincerity, my prayers are, that, collectively
anti individually, you may be enabled to
pursue a course which will a fiord you
the highest comforts in this life, and that
your labors may be so blessed as to secure
you the grateful remembrance of the pre
sent and all succeeding generations.
OUR DELEGATION IN CONGRESS.
it is matter of congratulation to know
that our present delegation in Congress, by
the force of their talents, and by the judi
cious independent stand statesmanlike course
which they have pursued, have done much
to restore the ancient character of the
State. It would se in as if the days of our
Wildes, our Clay ton, our Cobbs, and our
Berriens have returned ; as if the firmness
and promptness in action of our Jacksons
and our Troups were again manifested in
the national councils. The original and
fundamental principles of republicanism are
once more advocated by men who are im
movable in their purposes, who are both
fearless and gallant in the warfare which
ft»tn necessity as well as choice, they are
constrained to wage. We have had occa
sion to speak in flattering terms of the vari
ous efforts of Messrs. Colqiii't, Cooper,
Nesbet and Black, on tlie New Jersey
question. Their speeches-on that occasion
have been extensively published and referred
to in language of decided commendation
throughout the Union. The north and
south seemj equally ready and anxious to do
them honor-—even their political opponents,
and those who strenuously opposed their
elections are constrained by .Slate pride
to commend both I heir zeal an • ability.
The speech of Mr. Dawson, on the extra •
vagancies of the government, in relation to
the public printing, is pronounced by the
distinguished and intelligent correspondent
of the New York Courier, as a masterly
production. The speeches of Messrs.
Cooper and Nisbet, on the appointment of
a chaplain, succeede I by those of tiie same
gentlemen, second and sustained by Messrs.
Colquitt, Alford and Habersham, ori the abo
lition petitions, seem to have arrested public
attention, and added new laurels to those al
ready acquired. We cannot refrain trim
contrasting the conduct ol the present with
that of the late delegation.in this particular.
In the last Congre.-s, Mr. Dawson stood al
most alone in his resistance of the incendi
ary petitions of the northern fana'ics.
Nearly all the rest crouched before their ad
versaries, and licked the dust In vile submis
sion ; they favored the reception ot the peti
tions, and cherished the foul spirit vhich
seeks to destroy and desolate the south, and
rend the Union into a thousand atoms.
How unlike the couduct of those who now
represent the State of Georgia. On the
16th inst. the Hon. Waddy Thompson of
S. Carolina, offered the following resolu
tion.
Upon the presentation of any memorial of
petition paying for the abolition of slavery
or the slave-trade in any District, Territory
or State of the Union, and upon presentation
of any resolution or other paper touching
these subjects, the question of the reception
of such memorial, petition, resolution, or
paper shall be considered as made, and the
question of its reception shall belaid upon
the table, w ithout debate or further action of
the House.
On tliis question-, the Globe of the 17th
says,—
Mr. Cooper ofGebrgia who was entirled
tothe floor, addressed the House at great
length, and with much force and ability, in
explanation of the views he took of the sub
ject, and of the votes he should feel it his
duty to give. His speech he said was not
intended for his constituents, whom he pre
ferred addressing face to face, but to that
House, and to tlie constituents of the gen
tlemen who presented abolition petitions.
It was to them lie addressed himself, calling
them to relieve this House and the country
from excitement and agitation,whichthe pre
sentation and disctiseion of these petitions
lend to. It was his wish to disembarrass
this question of all party cosiderations.
He desired to know what course the Con
gress of the Unit.ed States would take with
regard to a matter of such deep and vital
interest, and he was content to sit with fold
ed arms, resolving to make no motion wliat
ever, until he saw what that course would
be. He regretted exceedingly that any
proposition lor the disposition of this sub
ject had come from a member of the S mill,
aud particularly regretted the proposition of
his friend Iroin South Carolina, [Mr.
Thompson.] He wished the question settled
under a proposition from another quarter.
If his advice could betaken, he would say
to that gentleman takeback your resolution,
and It-t those who bring forward abolition
petitions make such motions with regard
to them as they think the House would sus
tain. He, wished the gentlemen here,
who must see the danger to the Union, as
well as the injury to the slaveholding
States that these petitions were causing,
would address themselves at home to their
constituents—go to them in their towns,
their fields and their villages, and tell them
that they are tampering with the peace and
1 happiness of the South; that hey are endan
gering the Union, and that Congress has
no right under the Constitution to meddle
with this subject, and prevail on them to
pause in their thoughtless career. Mr.
C. said that unless these petitions were
put an end to in this or some other way by
the House, ihe State of Georgia must act
for herself, and resort to means within her
power, to put an end to them.
The above is only a synopsis of the re
marks, a full report of which will shortly be
given. Mr. C. was lollowed by several
gentlemen, and among others bv Messrs.
Colquitt,Biddle of Pa. and Alford. The
Washington correspondent of the Augusta
Constitutionalist, an ultra Union paper,
savs, —
Your delegation are doing t» emselvcs
and the South hono/in the stand they have
introd' ced on the reception of abolition
peiitiois. Among >he mos* eloquent ad
dresses I have ever listened to, were those
of Massrs. Alford aud Colquitt, ofGeorgia,
and they had the attention, not only of their
colleagues, but of the gal'eries aud of every
person on the floor, while they poured forth
“thoughts that breathe and words that
burn.”
We might give other extracts of similar
import from others of the most prominent
papers of the country, but we conceive tunt
the foregoing are sufficient for our purpose.
The character of the Sfte is sustained ;
her institutions are ably and fearlessly tie
fended ; we are represented by men of whom
we may be proud ; and an atonement has
been made for the weakness and inefficiency
of our former delegation. The only ques
tion then, is, shall these men be exiled from
office under the influence of party drill ?
Shall they meet the fate of Wilde and
Clayton and Gilmer, to make place for men
who are profssedly sub nissionists, who ulo
ry in their creed, and who are little better
as to qualifications than those who in the
last Congress vainly attempted to represent
the freemen ofGeorgia, and their republican
principles ! Columbus Enquirer.
MR. DOWNING’S SPEECH,
In reply to Mr. Be.Uowsgipe.
If any man, Mr. Moderator, finds he’s
got a leetle too much starch in his shirt col
lar, 1 would advise him :o git up in sich a
crowd as this to make a speech for the first
time, ami il it don’t mak“ tilings feel pritty
limber about him, then Pm mistaken. 1
bad no notion on't afore; and 1 feel jist
so now, that I would a plagy sight rulher
agree to chop wood all winter on the Aroos
took, right in the face and eyes of all the
Brumzikers, than to go on w ith the job of
making a speech, anil so many folks all
around listening to it : but I hope I'll git
use to it afore long, and if I sty any thing
that aint according to rule and order, I hope
it wont rile folks up too much—for I rulv
dont want to make muddy water twixt any
on us. Nor do I want to drink nlmldy wa
ter riled uo by other folks, until’ 1 have a
chance at clearing on't. if this Convention
expects me to go back away long before pa
per was invented, and come along up side by
side and neck by neck with Mr. Bellows
pipe, or to figure up any of his long tables,
ihsy are mistaken: all that may suit tolks
who have a notion for such things. 1 know
a pumpkin from a potater, and 1 know that
a good ripe minkin makes a good pie. if
folks know how to fix it. Now l don’t see
what good comes from hunting back to find
out how punkins got on the face of the
airtli, or who first thought of, or invented
pies out on ’em. 1 know that a puukiii pie
is a first rate, good Democratic and patri
otic pie, and if it don't go right to the libs
when eaten, then it is a sure sign that the
punkin wan’t ripe, or was too ripe and rot
ten, or folks who made the piedid’nt know
their business. The mistake aint in the
punkiu ; it’ it is ripe and sound, and the pic
aint good, tlue mistake is in the cooking
on’t. This is sartin—and being so, what
on airtli is the good of hunting back, and
trying to show that a punkin is any thing
else but a punkin.
And just so with paper money. Every
body knows that paper money as it was in
tended to be made, and has been made, and
can be made again, is jus*, as much better
than hard money for carrying on trade iu
cvcry part of this everlasting wide and long
country, as a shoe-string is better than an
old gold or silver buckle, or steam better
than wind to travel by, on land or water.
It we never had good paper money, if we
never had tried shoe-strings or steam, if we
know’d nothing about them—then, 1 s:iv,
let us stick to gold and silver, and copper
money—shoe-buckles, and sails, and veto
everything else ; but folks have tried good
paper money, and shoe strings and steam ;
they know them alias well as 1 know a good
punkin from a bad one, and they know what
is bad piper money ; they know v hat is a
bad shoe-string; and they know what is a
risky s'eani engine. They have tried them
all, and now all they ask is, let us have
good (taper money, let us have good strong
leather shoe-strings, and give us steam weil
controlled ; they say we must have ’em, and
i! we can’t git the best we will take the next
best. Now as we ali know, all these things
can’t be made best, it is a duty to make
'em so—and if not, whose fault is it ?
Will any ruan say we never had good pa
per money, and can’t have it again ?
(Here Major Downing looked at Mr. Bel
lowspipe, who significantly shook his head.)
“The gentleman shakes his head,” says
the Major. “Well there aint much in
that.” Will any man or woman say we
uever had good punkin pics, and can’t have
’em agin /-—(Here the Major turned to the
gallery, and a general nodding of bonnets
answered.) “I know,” says lie, “good
punkin pies have been, still are, and will be
agin, so long as we have folks who know
the nature ol em; but put a puukiu in the
hand of a Turk, or a Chinese, ora Malay,
or a Patagonian, or any other of the folks
the gentleman from Missouri tells on as •'■hard
money folks'' —and tell ’em to make a pie on’t,
and what then, will he eat it ? If he can, he
has a better I have—-and jist so
with steam; we all know what steam is;
how it can carry us along agin,tlie wind on
water and land, and how safe we feel when
we have sicta kind of folks as my old fiieud
Capt. Elihu Bunker to lookarter the steam
kiules, aud to keep the hot water iroin scal
ding folks-—but because some of these
Turks ami Patagonians and Chinese don’t
know nothing abont it, and if they try )t
would blow ’em up all sky high, are we ex
pected to throw cold water on it and step
back to the golden calf age belore steani
was thought on !
Now let us suppose that a rale cminin--
politician who lias spent his hull hf e
managing party folks—takes it into his head
to manage a steam engine—“what,” S; ,, 9
he, “if I can manage living critters, can’t i
manage cranks and pumps and piston rods t
So he tries it—well, what then l the next
thing we hear is a smash and a blow up
The great man, howsover, won’t allow folks
to say it was owing to his ignorance—no
no, that would never do. So he and his
party turn to and try to prove that the fault
was iu the engine, tho’ every body knew
that engine had been working smoothly for
many years, and not a crack about it but
they stick to it, and every sun of a gun on
’em, insist on’t that sich kind of engines
never are safe, and they must have more
“simple machines,” —audio prove this tliev
all set to work—taking advantage of every
chance to unscrew a valve—drops stones in
the pumps and throw smtd on the piston
rods, and when an accident comes, then you
hear’ ern “There is the great bubble buist,’’
“we told you so.”
“Now is the time to put down all steam
engines”—now the people must see it ls
high time to divoice,” and so forth, Tliev
first git ail the owners of the little engines
to join’em in blowing up an, smashing the
big one, and t) en ungratefully (as J some
times think, and then agin 1 think it is but
common justice) turn round anil try to blow
up all the little ones. This would be all
well enuf, and I’d let ’em tight it out if the
hot watPr was kept among themselves ; but
there is something due to the honest and
quiet passengers—men, women, aud chil
dren, who have travelled along by steam for
loryears in salety, and are now told they
must go back to the golden age, and do as
tolks do in other countries, and as they hi ve
done since the days of Moses, and will con
tinue to do luthe end of time—paddle their
own canoes or go afoot.
A good many steamboats have blown up.
and a good many folks have got scalded
since steam has been in use ; but are w-e
ready tosay down with steam,—not yet I
guess— because folks who keep a run of
'hose mutters know that more lives have
been lost by sails than by steam', ami ten
thousand .linesmore folks go by steam than
coiihl by sails. The extra work that steam
does beyond all the power that folks in oili
er countries can do who don’t know any
thing about it, is just about equal io the e>.-
tr.i work that credit does beyond w hut folks
can do in countries where they don't know
wha» credit is Sometimes credit blows up;
but are we ready to say there must be no
cralil —no confidence betwixt man and man ?
We know ibat steam can be matte sat ;
and we all know credit can be made sab ••
and if a bladder-head blows up a steam in
gine. or a rogue abuses credit, is that a good
teason for abandoning both steam and cred
it- C nil we measure the goed that bis
ami can again be done by them whilst we
are measuring the evil 1 Lotus figure up
the account lairly. and see how tlie balance
stands.
1 sometimes think, Mr. Moderator, if we
don’: look out sharp, that all our good Re
publican Democrats are going to be led in
to a scrape, by some folks who say they are
rale up and down, thick and thin Democrats,
and purer democrats than the world evt r
hewrn tt II ou afore—and by this very plan
now on 100 of knocking down all credit,
and going on the hard money plan entirely.
They tell us that hard money is the on!v
Democratic moiuy, and that credit is.an
invention ol the old federal aristocrats—aid
if it aint put down, the old so nd Demo
cratic party will all goto the bugs.
Some folks don’t seem to.see— [or, if they
do sec it, and act contrary, are bigger ro
gues than fools] —t’>at any plan that des
troys credit, trips up the heels of the dem
ocracy— democracy aint born to fortune ;
there aint more than one Democrat in a hun
dred born w ith a silver spoon iy his month.
Now I am one of those kind ol Democrats
who, though I began to eat with a born
spoon, should like to bo able, by mv hon
est industry and enterprise, to eat my mush
and milk in mv olddays with a silver spoon
it 1 want to; but if the doctrine is no credit.
—all hard luoufr/ —how is a man to get a
longwho don’t happen tobe born to hard
money ! do as they do in no-credit hard
moiiev count tics, f suppose—dig and grub
from the cradle to the grave—for there as a
man is born so he dies; it lie is horn poor,
he dies poor, just as his daddy dill afore him;
and so if he is l orn rich he dies rich, jist as
his daddy did afore him—and tliis is mod
ern Democracy.
Now when you come to pin down one of
these modern Democrats to this argument
lie flies ofl and says—O we don’t mean to
destroy credit we only want to destroy the
Hanks Snell kind of credit as Bills of
Exchange and Promirsory Nutts, and so
forth, we don't wish to destroy; hut. it is
Bank Credit, especially U. S. Bank Cred
it, and the State Bank Credit. Now tiie
blasted scamps—(Here several voices cal
led to order, and the Major looked round
to the benches where tlie voices came from,
evidently much excited, turning up his cuffs
and spitting in his hands, and gave evident
signs of resisting the call to order)— when
the Moderator rose and said, “the Major will
tane his seat”*—lie obeyed instantly, ffhe
Moderator then proceeded and said, that
the words “blasted scamps,” he supposed
were the words objected to. He must sav
himself, if made to apply to any member of
the Convention, they were wrong; and if
any member would rise and say he felt them
as applying tn himself, the Major must ex
plain and clear it up or stop speaking ; ami
as regards settling ou’t elsewhere, you all
know my notions.
No one rising, the Moderator said the
Major will go on. He then rose ana said—
Mr. Moderate*-, my steam, I believe, was
getting up a little too high, and I just open
ed a safety valve to let it off.
I will now say, instead of “blasted scamfs,
these “Modern Democrats” when you corn
er’em, don't seem to see that Bank Cred
it is nothing more or less than the capital
of small means rolled into lumps, to do in *
lump what can’t be done in small particles.
What is a Bank but a capital mads up of 50
and 100 dollar shares, owned by thousands,
and doing what could be done only by one
now having a capital of his own equal to a
Bank ? In the caso of one man, all the
profit of Banking is his alone. Suppose
lie is a rogue, then all the roguery is his'n,
and which is safest in the long run to trust ?
One man who keeps his own accounts and
lets no one see how he manages, or a man
who lets his business open to ten or fifteen
directors appointed by others who have
direct interest in the good management of
the allairs ? This is jist the difference be
tween private Banking and Corporation
Banking.