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1 entered—and the first object that met
n») gaze was my wife, resigning her tender
cnees, wkitit J lud uot suffered, "even the
.Is ofhe v t'u to vtsi. too roughly,’’to his
uisg a»u..g .-aresses. Sir. I iwcame mail! 1
can leliua iti'iio but i.i.<t 1 rushed tiom the
h. use, .uvohlug ‘he most impious m:i e-.lic
lioo- u. . * who tli"l been ilie cause i><
swell nils' ij and anguish; nod .oiled mys-.dt
I.HI 0.0111.0 g til tile sttUtlM: >" ninth YOU
t'jiioiu am. Sir, n*»t::msr, w.'ii " uni tan
i. will be a|i r i-lni. .( • " • ‘ : 'id vimi
U.I bestow no _e.n;-i tavui ti; ■>. i j take my
lue. 1 uaro iived ion bin . 1 aaiicnty to die.
iie was discharged.
Upper-lip tic AJfccliont s.--Di-eases, of an
U;'j"i-li[i tic character, have b-i- tm-so prev
iiie'H 111 -Nei* York, that wears much sur
prised tue attend 111 of professional men lias
n<l ueeu in,ae particular directed !•> ttie sub
i cl. we. uuibeives have seen some yio
loul -.lid frig lit lid casts of this disease, and
».e are sony to see some of our tri»nds at
i.iis lime presenting mripieut symptoms ol
~,i at. no,. The individuals most commonly
ino subjects of it are roau-milliner’* pre*i-
Utc nays, tailors incog., foreign vagabonds,
aud young men living oil their means, i lie
hist symptom* ate exceseire weakness in the
head, accompanied with sensations ol e»t;ih
nts*. ihe patients irequently become t xet
tou to an alarming degree on the subj-ft ol
t oen personal ap t .cartnce. In IhostuU o. leel
,u» tiietr uottous O beauty tab the most es
Wriva .iut luru nniigiiMWe. ,l *'
into Til me development of this affectum, is
me breaking owl. of a quantity oj hair on
t ic winter-. V . 'I 11,15 ac, ’" ,J " l ,l " s
disease lit, received .he c.e.ildic appe la. im.
oi upper Im-uc. The tatio.ialol thedtsease
u uot wed understood. A post mortem ex
.'■niualioo was some time ago had upon a
..con who died until .. "I this o.sease but
o.vtuMo peculiar circumstances, very mile
s-uisUe-tml was discovered. As usual lu
such cases, the bram »•*» •»“!'"«, •‘• i ' llle
iieart presented a siiiah shriveled ntqeurenee.
v,„ dis ell .g the hp it was disc.v. rid ilia.
Vll( . imliviuaal, tor some mystenous purpose,
, l6 e,i m assume an unper-ltp tic s>stem by
stiekim- a bunch of hair upon his h|> with
L aici.ou 3 sub Bu..ce 8 u..ce A I.U e com
mo a sense occasionally used, with pr Sessional
4 arc iu most iu:>uulc». j
Aljrmng Sews.
The sparkle of a gratdied wife's eye
will go mr.lter than amu ol amhrae.ie
it war.us the heart.
BEAUTIFUL. SEN I'IMENT.—The
modest deporimeut ot muse who are truly
wise, tvneti contrasted watt me assuming a,r
ol the ignorant, may be co.npaieu to the d.f
ierent appearances ot wheat, which, while
its ear is empty, holds up us head proudly,
but. as soon as it is Idled with gtain bends
modesty down, and withdraws Horn obseivu
tion.
A Mmof I'marged Ileus.— ’’M'sier,
where’s your house/” as.ee a cur,mu. trav
eller ol a ‘half horse aud hah alligator
souatter. “House, eh ” Ho you thin. 1 m
of that sort stranger! 1 sleep’m me w| <-i u
meni Purchase, l eats raw bear aim buila.o,
and drinks out ot ‘he Mississipi i •
An Apology.—& I'd belonging to a
M issaeliuselts school, cam • mono mormng
and presented to l. e master tue Showing
note from ins “daddy:’
Master—Please t« excuse Bciigman—lot
bean absent from school VV mcii he wt.l ue
evtf, day in the loreoooua.
Correspondence oj lue *V at. In!.
New Y'ork January'do.
Another great fire uas destroyed Imm
One million to one im.iiuu and a unii m
property. Seven stores were destroye.. a
bout three o’clock this morning m »ouih
and Front streets, (business streets ) 1n«
fire broke out in the so-called Pu.nnis IT
Smith’s store, and re .died lit .t ol >lr. ilicss
wnere teas were stored, in which it quick
ly destroyed property ol great value. I lie
Insurance Offices again suiter dreadlylly,
but the iosses tall upon Baltimore, 1 mt
adclpl.ia, Boston, and Ilarttord, as well as
upon New Vorit. l’uere were th.ee li.es
in the city last night ! Even now, three
o’clock l*. M.. it is necessary to watch
the South and '•’root street fire sharply, and
people are busily engaged in presetting
property, sucii is the the yet smouldering
character of the fire. What au ill-fated ci
ty we are this year! The elements, lire and
water, do their wors' almost ; and then
come bankruptcies, pover.y, s-tiering, star
vation, even, for the poor ! 1 **e Govern
ment tests upon i‘s bed ot roses all the
while, ami prepares for us the screw ol the
sub-Treasury. which, but lor the ingenuity
of men of finance in turning to account,
through Treasury draffs and other paper
subterfuges, would be a calamity greater
than his been done by tire or water. No
country but ours—no city like ours, in any
other ‘aud, could preserve itself amid such
congregating misiortuncs.
INDIANS!
An express has just arrived ( 1 ttesday
morning.) from IOLA, with a letter tro
Mr. J. L. Smallwood, merchant at that
place, staling that on Monday night the
family of Mr. llarlen, about six miles abov '
lola were all murdered and premises bum.,
by a party of Indians, supposed to he about
twenty in number. The citizens off that
neighborhood, were without arms or am
munition and call for asssistance. 1 lie In
dims will either remain in the xppalactiico
la swamps or make for the eastern arm o.
St. Andrews, Bay. A company hence, uu
dertue command of Colonel Fitzpatrick,
has gone in pursuit of them
&t. Joseph Times.
' The Pensylvaiiia Leg! nature, in regard
to the action of which, on the subj -ct oi t ;e
United States Bank, aijd me other Bank
ii that State, some public anxiety hn-. been
in mitested, lias just assembled. Among
Vs first mnvemeiitd of nnp.n l-a uce, are. tirsi
t:te ii cice oi# law for the forfeiture ofthe
«. i.irier ot llie Uiiired S.a'esßauk. This im
tiveisglven iiy a Mr. McKlwee, the same
person, we bell :ve, t.i whom was charged
t r‘ plan far bl .win g up tile R ill road, and
t ie irottps unit who went from Philadelphia,
fi queil the ins’iractinti at the seat of Gov
ernment. Another notice is made by anoth
er gentleman,to compel the B mk s to resume
0 ptcie pay he. t. ; ami a thiid, perhaj’B m. «
important mo -, is made, in lei o.mmm.liug
tn-'isures to revive the Tariff «yst< tn.
Southern Hero'de
. ——— -
A wag of ,h folios by oiitie .'ulti.'ky aeei
dent made a str.il. rent in. ’(is p.ui'aJ.i.eis.
His landlady dis-oveu*.: riTi.l- e . uffmi a
chair under him Hb ’ tt.i:. . .
fide .sore Ito pnil i. 'v -y u.-.u. e.e.i. :I .
teeling jvffnt » as 'U.si the i-.jltir
•f b>s shirt vuh b . rids -.< i o itin.-
gol'y, yoti ji.u —. r iii cj.,.r«u
1-ejSsre yea oC,,*
U. S. C 0 N G R E S S.
REMARKS OF Mr. C<>PER,
OF GEORGIA.
House of Representative*, January 16, IP4O.
Mr. COOPER, of Georgia, rose and
said : 1 voted y eater.!ay on this queslii.n to
sns|»end further debate. The House had
refused the | retains questioi., thereby in
dicated a disposiiitvo to hear. It liowevt r.
ihe 11 use is not dis|rosod to hear discussion,
tam more than content to desist. Ii tins
lie the pleasure of gentlemen, it is now in
tiieir |a>v»er to give that direction. Ii is
only necessary to give the intimation, aml I
win pet tue subject in such a shape ; s to
accomplish their wishes. [Here Mr. <
made a short pause.] \l ithout such a de
sire expressed, it will not be coisidered a
tiespass on the time to proceed with « u.it i
have to say on a subject ot learlui import.
It would be my purpose, touching ibis,
matter, to make no move, to call for no ac
tion, but to sit, with folded arms, resolved to
leave it to tiiose who bring such firebrands
here, to propose such a course as, in their
opinion, tin: House should adopt, it is to
ue regretted t■ ..it my friend from .-south
Carolina (Mr. Thompson) has telt it his
duty to pieseut a proposition. It I could
(latter inyseil that a request of mine could
prevail with ih t gentleman, 1 would ask
him to withdraw his amendment.
[Mr. Thompson, ol South Carolina, nose
mm sold licit, .tuber than have any difficnl
.y with ins friends, he would withdraw Ins
proposition.
Mr. Bald‘e entreated the gentleman
from Sooth Carolina, not to withdraw ins
resolution. He appealed to his geiiernsi.y,
and iinplmed him to allow him an opporiu
m'y ol exp!:.hung Ins views on this .nailer
—all opportunity he pind b-um seeking lot
i:i v.iin lor ihe last two years.
Mr. Black hoped ilie gentleman from
South Carolina would withdraw ins r< solu
tion, unless every gentleman oil the floor
who desired to address the House on iuis
subject should have the same opportunity
of doing so.
Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina.—
Then 1.1“ no. withdraw it.]
Mr. Cooper resumed. I’wo days ago,
Mr. Speaker, when a question ol reception
was propounded on preseniaiion of aboli
tion petitions, a well informed gentleman
staled to us that on a direct vote, less than
one fourth ofthe members would be found
voting to reject them. Jf.it a crisis like the
present such a result could obtain let it be
made known. Upon ibis, as upon all ques
tions. it is the duty of the United States
Congress to act with perfect frankness.—
An open and manly course is dim to its
owu character, and that alone is calculated
to exhibit its true sentiments to the People
we represent. We should in .roll directly
up to the pilin', arid pronounce unequivo
cally what we think is expedient and right
in regard to the reception of these petitions.
Any other policy on this occasion argues
either disrespect for the petitioners, ora
fearfulness ot responsibility unworthy of a
member of Congress. This plain, direct,
anti upright course is demanded by the
wishes ot those who petition, as well as by
tue interests ol those who arc to be aggriev
ed by the petitions.
Sir, tlie welfare of the State of Georgia
requin s that you should pronounce an
opinion rejecting these petitions; or if you
wou.il not reject them, that you should
in t're it known. She has no party interests
to serve by tiiis. These are considerations
100 light, ton trivial, too pitiful, lo enter in
to her estimate ai this time and on this oc
casion. The same influences which bring
these petitious here, and the same arguments
wliicti are invoked in behalf of the petition
ers, have carried and sustained an open at
tack upon her domes ic relations, and upon
the rights of properly held by uer eitiztnis
It is therefore, she claims of you, by the
obligation of duty you owe to her, to reject
this class of petitions, saying to the petition
ers you are endangering the Government,
and destroying the peace anil harmony of
the .States, ifvou will not deal tints candid
ly with them, and are of opinion they otigh-’
to he received, let the South understand
you- The Slate ol'Georgia may tiieai, with
prudence, safety, wisdom aud efficiency,
adopt her own policy in respect to matters
about which she is deeply concerned.
J desire to disembarrass this subject of
the party trammels that have beeu thrown
around it. The ground on which you fight
is sacred—rendered so by the Constitution.
The People, affected by your political ban
dy ism, are, by that instrument, urging on
you the obligations of duty ; are claiming
the repose of peace ami quiet. Tue foot
ball, which is the instrument of your sport
in this game, wounds us of every impulse
you give it. It is a weapon which, placed
in the hands of either, deals death blows to
all around---death to us aud our interests,
or death to your Govmu.nent. Sport on,
therefore, if you must, aud strive which
shall receive mast pleasure, or suffer least
pain; in the win ! up. your pleasure will
turn to pain, ami your joy into sorrow.
The subject before us is the reception or
rejection of abolition j>eti:ions—petitions
praying the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of C Intribin and the Territory of
Flori ‘.a. We complain of tho petitions as
an evil I propose to examiu into :
The nature, source, and extent of this
evil; our duty in regard to it; and the
remedy.
The proposition of my friend from South
Carolioa. now on your table, is not the
proper on*-, being at lies' ambiguous, un
cerium, and indirect. I desire a rejection
of the petitions.
1 proceed, however, to consider the first
point---the nature, source, and extent of
evil in these petitions. Here, sir, lam ad
vise! by some that lite aigument was ex
hausied on some former occasions, before
mother Congress. 1 will, nevertheless, of
fer the re aw us which, as 1 conceive, in
your wis loin should control tltis subjet t.
I desire to do it dispassionately and deliber
ately, that ti»“ truths which I may utter
may not be lost in a tempest, being ascribed
to rage. 1 desire to do it without the aid of
declamation, in its loftiest effort, tlie gravi
ty of tiiose truths would sink them beyond
our view.
What I shall say is intended for this
House, il it please to hear; for those es
pecially who bring and advocate here these
p-ti'i.ms; for them aud their constituents,
not for mine. When I address my consri
to. nts, I prefer to be nearthem, and meet
them lace to lace.
Before i proceed, sir, it is indispensable
that 1 exact of gentlemen a concession of
one point, without which no argument can
i.e maintained, no truth tested. What is
i* at / It is this: The Constitution, as
adopted aud writieu, shall prove the truth
ol i .r pnsiiion, and form <he sole measure
oftrii ri lu and wrong. Without this we
ar thrown back fin first principles. Each
Suite stands for itsell, and this Government
ssfsso.ved. Toil admit, then, the Consti
tu-n ri is the only rule aud measure of our
obligat,»im and powers. Tat every as
j-emoo of sivery claim of right, or
declaration of duty, is tested by its pro
visions. That uo higher test can be reler
red to, to correct or overrule politically a
decision made by the application ol its
principles.
The gentleman from New York, (Mr.
Granger.) alter expressing his contempt ol
local opinious and sectional interests, has
pointed us to the ‘•corrected opinion oj man
kind, the enlightened philanthropy oj the
aerc,” to put us right on 'luestions here in
volved. Sir, I have elsewhere heard of “ob
ligations paramount'’ to the Constitution by
which to test these political relations. This
erroi is radical, strikes a‘ the foundation of
our Government, and prostrates the whole
fabric. '» he .Siates have created no such
obligations, acknowledge uone such politi
cally, and will have none such forced on
them. .Such opinions are disorganizing
and revolutionary. They give a ..euili blow
I to all constitutional freedom, will establish
the Church, aud make the Pope supreme
on earih.
The Constitution, then, is the true rule
of our political faith, the sole test ofrccti
tuile in practice. It was made by tlie
Slates whose |>eoplc had pre existing politi
cal relations. It was made lor them, ac
cordingly tnth.se established connexions.
By these, the brings forming 'lie subject of
these petitions had no citizenship, but were
as vctilv property as your lands. Is this
denied ? If so, the argument is exhaus.ed,
and the Union dissolved.
This instrument, rendered practical by
agents appointed ior that purpose, in the
Government, and is formed lor the Stales
that made it, and lor the pople ol those
States, who then possessed a political re
lation to each other, and for no pther; aud
for them in no other relation.
The rights and privileges then existing,
not thereby surrendered or (orbidd n, with
those which were by il created, were tiie
objects to be secured to those lor whom
t'v* Government was established. The
riilit of property was one ; yes, the right of
property in slaves. Does any one and uy it
here? 1 pause tor reply. NotOne! (Sir,
it has been denied elsewhere by high au
tiiori'y.) without that, this Union would not
have been formed. Is this denied ? i
pause fur reply. It is admitted.
Among those privileges is the quiet and
powerful enjoyment tins right. Another
is the freed iom of speech, “the treedoin ol
the pass, and I lie right peaceably lo as
semble and to petition the Government for
redrest of grievances.” All ot these, how
ever sacred or inviolate, are in some sense
more or less restricted, limned, and deniable
in ihe exercise—the “right of petition,,
or freedom ol speech not less so than the
light of property. This results from the
fact that, as between the several States, or
citizens of each, the one has rights and
privileges equal with the other; wherefore
the Iv.ivernineut cannot be adininister a d, or
long exist, unless you decline the exercise
of a mere privilege when it destroys a right
of property; the “freedom of speech,” lor
instance, when it would rob me of reputa
tion ; the “freedom ofthe press,” when the
effect is the same, or to destroy the peace
of a whole community.
This is light, too, on the plain principles
of that “natural justice” which is such an
idol in yout worship. To speak, to write,
or petition, in {a matter that does not im
mediately interest you, with which you are
not personally connected, and lies not at
your door, if a privilege at ail, is a mere
naked privilege, the benefits of which result
not to yourself particularly, but to “man
kind at large,” Do you not perceive it/
Is not this going beyond the Constitution ?
And what is this but a second crusade?
Sir, it wants but tlie armor, the military
parade, and the battle array, to make it liter
al.
Let it be remembered that it is the pride
and glory ofthese States to have instituted
(lie novel experiment ol a writ'eii Constitu
tion, without which, aud beyond which, there
is no power and no government; without
that, we have no rule of political action, and
dare not express a political opinion. Th
“ universal opinion of mankind" is not our
rule; half of them have uot seen or heard of
our Constitutio l.
Now, sir, suppose the exercise of this
mere naked privilege, which benefits another,
not y ourself, the loss consequent mu which
exercise falls not on you, but on another,
whose rights you have not only pledged but
swnri' to r. spec and delend. shall tend to
take from me my property in person or
thing ? Have you a right to such exercise ?
By the Constituiiou you must s.-.y no; by
those “eternal principles of right” which
these petitioners worship, f"* which they
run tough shod over the charter of our
liberty, and subvert the Union, you will
answer no.
Suppose again, under such circumstan
ces, you refuse to receve petitions—is that
a denial ofthe “right peaceably to assem
ble and to petition the Government for a
redrf.ssjof grievances ?” Il so, Imw do you
check debate lire ? how does one man rise
and speak whilst all are made to sit ? how
<lo you chain the slanderer’s tongue, lie
the hand of the libeller, or hung a man for
inditing treason?
This privilege, or right of petition, in the
cases before you, is inferior to my right of
property, and the enjoyment thereof, under
the compact. The fatter is greater, tlie
former less, aud must yield. Is this not so ?
Most certainly. If so, then the refusal tn
recieve these petittons, which is made tlie
false pretext for exciting the sy mnathiesand
mil. lining the passions of men, women, and
children, is not only right, but becomes
your duty, under the most solemn of all
obligations. Duty to us requires it, that we
may peaceably enjoy the rights that belongs
to us. Duty to them demands it, that they
may turn their thoughts on themselves, and
perceive their error. And if you owe any
thing to the opinions of mankind, to “jus
tice,” or religion, duty to all requires it, that
men mav not be “inquisitive about other
men’s matters, become railers nor disturbers
of tlie peace;” that you may not doin
justice. without warrant, to let what you
call “ nut ura■ justice' be done;, and that
this “opinion of mankind” may be corrected,
by reference to your rule, of which they
are ignorant.
Under our Government, there are not on
ly mutual rights, but reciprocal duties. —
Vo”r Government is undei the same obli
gations, if not greater, lo respect and main
tain the rights of Georgia, than she is to
obey your lawful enactments. So of these
petitioners, and the people ot Georgia.—-
Having admitted our right of property, it is
your duty not to move by petit ion or other
wise. This is true, whether the effect of
your petitions be to destroy my property
contrary to my will, or to lessen its value by
indirect means beyond my control- If this
be not so, what rigiit have, you to complain
of your neighbor, who puts a torch to his
own dwelling, wbicn, by possibility, may
communicate to yours?
There is one oilier political and histori
cal truth I wish observed; for, in traciugthe
evils that surround us to their source, we
shall illustrate that a failure to uotice tnrsh.is
led most of the abolitionists into daugerous
errors. It is'his: your Government was !
not made lor negroes or slaves. If. in furm
•_ n 8 **» you had atteii)|>ted that, it would have
i filed. Those who come here with pe
titions, cl iiuiingjuifice, need not startle at
this; and il. m your excursions through
Europe, you blush to he lolu of it, hide
your blushes, come home, upset y our Gov
ernment, and lorm anew one. Do not
hold us to the old one, and set up the“o
pinioii ol mankind,” gathered in Europe, as
the rule ol our pohtical action. Our peo
ple are about as ignorant of that role as you
and hall of IJurope are ofthe Constitution
W e seldom go to Europe, because we pay
you to go lor us ; hence, we do not suffer
ihe infliction of that opinion” as you do;
but if that is y our “ grievance you may
stay at home, and let us go.
This Union was formed for the States---
the People ofthe States—that People who
then had their respective Constitutions and
laws establishing their political, civil, and
domestic relations. Negroes had no hand
in it, here or at home, and were not referred
lo when you proposed “to establish justice,”
and “seen *e the blessings of liberty to our
selves and our posterity." Do you think so ?
If so, speak out.
Now, sir, having presented these undeni
able truths, with a view to trace existing
evils to their source, J proceed to inquire
who are they that petition us? Are. hey
the owners ol the property in slaves ? Not
so. Are they citizens of slave holding
communities? Very well. Asa general
iule. ue admit the tight of Massachusett’s
citizens to peiitior.
To whom do they petition ? To Congress;
compos and of members from slaveholding
as well as non-slaveholding Stales. By the
same general rule, it is granted to be the
duty of Congress to receive petitions.
When are these petilio s offered ? T'ue,
it is at the call of Massachusetts, but hap
pens to be very prejudicai to very important
money claims of my constituents, as well as
those of other gentlemen, and possibly to
the prejudice of still larger interests; anil,
therefore, it would have been better to have
kept them back for a few weeks. Still it
was their day, and no objection can rightful
ly- ba urged on that ground.
For whom do they petition? For them
selves ? No. For Europe, or Asia, or Afri
ca, or the citizens of either ? It is not so
represented; aud, if it were, it must be ad
mitted that they, as individuals could not
petition you. For whom then? It need
not be disguised; these petitions are for
and on behalf ofthe negroes or slaves of
this District and the several States. Yes,
these petitioners have placed themseves by
ihe side of the slave.-. o( the South, inciting
them to rebellion; aiding them to wage
war with their masters; presenting pett
lions lor hose tfchn have no tight to ask any
thing of you; joining an issue with their
masters, which, to make or join at home,
and under the laws governing master and
slave, isdeath ; doing and saying that which
being done aud said within the jurisdiction
of a state here represented is incendiary,
insurrectionary,and felonious. All litis i.-
dime and said here to those who are depute I
specially to represent the great interests ol
tire South. And we, it is contended, are
boun I to receive all this, or bear it and sub
mit. Il this be true, .lien do your worst;
and you can only take one step further
under the banner of a “ ‘sacred right of
petition,” that will be to look a little closer
into our domestic circle, and petition that
our children quit their parents, and oui
wives have pet mission to leave their hus
bauds. Where is tlie philosopliist who can
insist on the reception of such papers; or
where the Christian, with all the light bp
fore him, who can prav for such results ?
What true republican can support sucii
startlinir doctrines ?
But for what do they pray? “ Forthe
ambition of slavery and the .-lave trade in
this District and the Territories.” Tins
you have ino (lower by the Constitution or
laws to do. Why? The reasons are at
hand.
Grant, argument sake, that your Govern
ment has all the po ver in this District and
the Territories wide . the States have in
their limns; you still have no power to do
it, since it would deprive individuals of
their property without their consent.
Government is made to protect an.! de
fend the rights of property, not to subvert
them. There would be wauling even (he
pretext that ti e property was for public use.
By numbers and tlie aid of the stvord, you
might effect your object; but the hisiory
of the last twenty years lias proved that
freemen will figiit for much less cause.
Is it pretended that this Government has
a “public use” for this property ? Quite
the reverse. What, then, do you do with
that clause afyour Constitution which says:
“ Nor snail private property be taken lor
public use without just compensation?”
And let it be remembered, this taking “for
public use” is an exception to the broad
provisions that it shall not be taken at all.
And what shall we do with our oaths to
support such items ?
But it is denied that Congress lias the same
powers here and in the Territories which
the States have in their respective limits.
Why ? Because its powers are defiued and
limited, boih as to the objects and purposes
lor which and on which it may act. The
•‘exclusive power to legislate in all cases
whatsoever" in this District is subject to
corresponding limitations and restricti ms
laid on its powers in other respects, aud
must be consonant thereto, otherwise this
giant of “exclusive power” would ope
rate to subvert every right of the citizens
here. Not only so, Coegress is under obli
gations to Virgina and Maryiasnd as well as
to all the slaveholding States, not to abolislt
slavery here or in ttie Territories. The ex
istence Oi such obligations is neither more
nor less than, In older words, to assert a
want of power to do what it is obliged not
to do.
Consider these petitions in reference to
their practical effect, and what is it but to
as! you to rob us by lortn of law, to sub
vert our institutions, burn our dwellings,
siir up civil war. and commit murdet and
rapine? Sir, we ask not your protection at
home, we do not need it. If we need it, it
is against your ignorauee of our rights, or
your willful disregard to them, and to your
solemn obligations of duty.
It follows, then, that there is no power to
grant such petitious ; that, if there was, it
would be manifestly unjust, as much so as
to receive a petition from me to burn the
dwelling of the geutleinau from New York.
(Mr, Granger.) Wherefore, then, the ob
ligation to receive? In truth, is there not a
positive duty to r jeet *hem ?
The abolitionists are not that worthless,
disreputable, and unimportant class of peo
ple they are sometimes represented to be.
And here I beg to correct the honorable
gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr.
Thompson.) . In the large commercial ci
ties, comparatively few respectable and in
telligent citizens are found to be abolition
ists. ’j’fycre is an interest felt in those com
mercial communities which bears down
this spirit of fanaticism. But go iuto the
country, the ulterior villages and towns;
there you will find th • soul and spirit of
that body called abolitionists; aud they a.e
far from being low, mean, or couteinplnde ;
they are sober, industrious, religious, and
intelligent, on all matters pertaining to
tiieir own interest—most ignorant of our
Constitution and law.*, and our rights un
der them. Unort ii irately, by education and
habit, they are confiding, and readily yield
to the lead of those whose interest it is to
have them follow. They have a fanatical
zeal for this abolitionism, and nothing cau
ses them to pause but a conviction that tlie
Government will be dissolved if they perse
vere. Knowing tins, their leaders persuade
them there is no danger. You have only
to satisfy them that disunion results from
abolition, and they give it up. Am I
rigiit, or am 1 wrong? Two summers,
spent north of this, have taught me that.
1 have it not from po iticians, but Irom the
unsophisticated farmer, having conversed
with hiin in his fields. You therefore,
who represent this body of men, will al
low us, through you , to address a word to
your constituents Do now what you have
failed to do heretofore. Examines sldelly
your rule of political truth. Bead oui
Constitution and the history of its forma
tion. Call on your editors, lecturers, and
agents, to disseminate, utter, and publish
tracts on those subjects without comment;
ponder well your duties and obligations mi
uer them—the respeelyou owe to our rglns;
compare the lorct ofthese with your sei.se
ol duty, merely to petition for abolition.
Have you oiade no pledges to us in thn*
instrument by which we united as Slates/
As Christians, can you lie insensible to the
obligations of your promises? Alter you
shall have answered these questions, and
made ihe examinations demanded of you,
tlieu remember that among other grievan
ces enumerated by the colonies during the
Revolution, and published in your Declar
tion of Independence, inciting your slaves
to insurrection was one. How you expect
us to cease to burn with indignation, whilst
you, under pietence of * a sacred right of
petition," pray upon us the ver y grievance
youi fathers fought lo revenge ? You are
inveigling aud enticing our slaves, seducing
theiirfroiu the path of obedience, and incit -
ing them to insurrection.
Sir, I call on the gentlemen from New
York, from Maine, and from Massaciiti
seils, wiien they go home, so give their citi
zens light on these points. Ask the Cov
er. Oi ol New York what are his opinions?
Are you prepared, with him, to deny this
right of property ? If so, let us all know it
Will you joiu issue with him—then publish
his error to tlie four winds. Is not all per
sonal proper y a subject of theft aud larce
uj ? But I lurbear. One item of recent
history strikes me here ; it is this. “Lar
ceny ot a slave is uo crime in the Empire
State”—the obligations of youi Constitu
tion notwithstanding—since the Governor
ot that Stale
(The Speaker here interrupted Mr. C.
and informed him that ii was not in order to
ail ole to tin- Governors ofthe Stales.
Mr. Baroarii begged that the gentleman
might proceed.]
Mr. Cooper continued- Mr. Speaker,
it appeals to me that a very large arid ic
spectalne portion oi this Union overtook,
disregard, am! habitually disparage the
rights and iti.eresls of another portion. J
refer to the North and South So habitu
al is the disregard ofthe funner lor the lat
ter. that they induce us to believe tuey con
sider ibis Government as existing almost
exclusively for themselves. One would
suppose that, to be tributary to their rail
roads, canals and turnpikes, their fortifica
tions a.d light houses, ilietr foreign and
domestic commerce, their manufacture:
and hanks, and. thereby, to their splendid
cities, their farms and country seats, would
suffice, aud we might be permitted peacea
bly to use md enjoy a portion ol the me ns
(hat enable us to make contribution. B u t
not so. So they petition, loud, numerous,
and strong, that we be compelled to give
up that also ; and if we deny their rigiit so
u petition, tiiis denial of an undue exercise
of a l ight of petition is the foundation ot
clamorous appeals to the •• law of nature,’
“eternal justice,” aud the “opinion of
mankind,” which are claimed to be tit
higher obligations than the Constitution
itself.
Idleness and fanatical zeal for na'ural
liberty, regardless of law, form tlie soutce of
all the mischief those people are working
it rough the country. Your abolitionists
have a “ zeal without knowledge,” which
being wrought upon byeditoas, lured lectu
r rs and agents, ends in wickedness. These
being otherwise out of employment, fan the
flame whereby numbers are adtled and con
tributions increased. Abolition excitement,
therefore is made the nucleus of a party that
sives employment to (lie otherwise unem
ployed, clothes Ihe naked, and feeds the
hungry. Politicians watch the movement,
and, by leaning to them, or openly advoca
ting them ride into power. A few men of
wealth, influence, talents, and education,
filled with the vanity of future fame, have
thrown themselves iu the attitude of leaders.
So controlling have they already become
in New ,ork and Maine, that it has become
a matter of interest and rivalsbip with the
local parties to address themselves more and
more near to their views. It is not to be
disguised that the two great parties in this
House consider this subject more w.ith ref
erence to party effect than the principles
of your Constitution. One party, as a whole,
is by profession and practice somewhat
more friendly to our interest, on this ques
tion, than the other, resulting m-'inly freni
their respective positions; but either seem
hitherto to have fixed limits short of what
our rights and the Constitution authorize
them to go.
How, then, are we to stay an evil that is
sweeping the North, springing from the
wains and necessities of men, being identi
fied with tlie labor of the country, and fed
by religions fanaticism ; which is the theme
of poetry ami romance; the subject of lec
tures, sennons, and prayer meefings; which
is cradled wit h infancy ; instilled i>y educa
tion ; caricatured in pri.it shops ; direettd
and lauded by an unrestrained press; which
is addressed to and received by the beggar
and the lordling; the male and the female,
in city, town, and country ; which is advoca
ted by lawyers, and doctors, judges and ju
rors, priests and laymeu ; is admitted to
control politicians, Governors, and State
Legislatures; affects the Presidential con
troversy ; influences this House; divides
North iind South; unites with Church and
State; and now shakes the Union ? Hotv
shall we arrest it ? Ours i an awful respon
sibility. But the country requires us to take
il; posterity will hold us accountable.
Y’ou have the remedy inyonrswn hands,
if you choose to apply it Tell these pe
titioners this is a subject they ought not,
cannot petition for. And when you return,
meet them at their firesides, and in their
fields ; plant y ourselves on the charter „f
our freedom ; summon fact and reason ; | *
not to tell them they are injuring their neigii
bots, and dissolving the Government *
, * ; V ,in a *° apply this remedy here sir
the Smuth most take the alternative ; liel.i
her rights, permitting you to «, e ,i,e (j u
eminent .or your own benefit, and abuse it
tor our injury or dissolve. Failing lo
your duty here, Georgia, one of y„ur com
federates, willing to hear advice, but
tied to act for herself, must do what her
interest aud happiness require. 1„ } lL , r
trover-ies connected with il, e subject «h"
cannot admit your power to decide for \ , T
—she cannot ask it—Maine could not sub
nut to it—if she does l,b '
(The Speaker here interrupted Mr (J \
Mr Cooper continued. I „ a8 going m
that, tithe power was claimed here ,m A,
serted, and your judges, marshals, posse'
or army were ordered out to force Maine—
(The Speaker, again iuterr pted.
Mi. Evans and Mr. Smith, of Maine hn
"Ton 1 ) BemlCU,au would Le permitted to
Mr. Cooper said it was not his intention
hen or ever, to violate order; he thanked
the Speaker lor Ins kindness in enforcing
order, and the House I’m its courtesy if,
wtsning him to go on. The reference to
Maine and to Now Y ork w,,s mad.: with the
sole view ol illus: rating the propriety of m
plying rule here, calling for a non-recep
tion ot these petitions, which might avert
a m »re disagreeable alternative. °
Gentlemen have said this is the way to
multiply abolitionists, and the gentleman
t.-mn I eonessee [M r. Gentiv] says, receive
rtler. and leport on them, an i the abolition
ists will lie satisfied.
Sir, this subject was urged by petitions as
early as 1 790, by a most worthy and intel
ligent community ofpm.pl,,, , t ie Quakers.
Georgia had her Baldwin and Jacks.m then
to oppose them ; a reference ami report
were made. Such, with little variance, con
tinued to be she coutse, till the object of
the abolitionists changed, and the honorable
geutleni in Horn New Turk [Air. Granger]
wiff permit me to correct him. In lsd-i,
and 1836, the excitement began to mu
high. Respectful treatme- t, reception,
and reports, only strengthened them, un-’
ill, on tiiis floor, honorable gentlemen as
serted a power in Congress to abolish slave
ry m the States, aid declared that slaves
had a right to memorialize this body.—
Have gentlemen forgotten the course ot Mr.
Pinckney the same now urged by the gen
tleman trom Tennessee. [Air. Gentry!]
He had a reference and a report. Did that
satisfy or check abolitionism? No, the
cause have continued to operate, and the el
tccts to increase. Wherefore, then, uu
Southern men wish a reference again ?
I have trespassed on your patience longer
titan I intended. The importance of (he
subject and the interest of my constituents
is the apology. Sir, I leave tins unpleas
ant subject with you ; unpleasant it is, in
the extreme. Here, at home, throughout
this Union, look at it in all its aspects, it is
learlui to the North aud the South. The
issue is at hand, and you are bound lo speak
the language ol truth and sincerity to the
North and the South, to cease on tins ques
tion youi party-movements, and reli us what
you think. Reject these petitions, through
regard to the constitutional ijgips ot the
States. Quiet the south, and let iheNoah
understand Mini the Government is totter
ing. Do this, and you effect much to avert
the storm an.j silence tlie commotion of
the elements. But let die influences that
drive these documents here move on, yield
yoursHi to them, and, we say, talk not to
Georgia ol her obligations to a
trampled by others uuder foot. She is an
I tttnble, submissive instrument at the foot
stool of power, or she will rise and de!y
(hose who would “incite her slaves te in
surrection.”
F om the Neio York 'limns.
SUB-TKKASURY BILL.
Our readers are alrertly award I hat the “bill
of abominations.” tbe sub-treasury bill, has
passed the Senate of the United butts—
or, in other words, the bill received a ma
jority ut the voids of .Senators present at its
final passage.
When this measure was first biongi.t
toward by Gen. Gorden ol Virginia, we wire
opposed to it. Gen. Gordon introduced his
sub-treasury hill into the IJotise of Repre
sentatives in ld£t. It then met the decided
opposition ol tlie entire democratic party.
Gen. Jackson denounced it as "disagraniaed
and revolutionary,” putting the people’s
money in a position to he “plundered by a
hands where one could not now
reacli it”—and as greatly “enlarging execu
tive power and patronage.” These truly
republican sentimetns were echoed flirungit
tbe land, and produced an almost im. t diaio
abandonment of tlie project, llcrc we sup
posed the scheme was at an cud. At least
we neverthaught it would oe revived by a
party failing its II Jcmo'rntic ; and our read
ers well know our supr sc ond astonishment
when Air, \ ait Bunn announced the bid as
the leading measure of Ins administration.
Had t fis scheme, the experimenters and
spoils men, been left to it- own merits, it
would long since h ve been defeated, and its
projectors consigned to oblivion. This Mr.
\ an Burin ami iiis abettors knew, aud refustd
when solicitied. to biing it forward in ary
ottier way than as a pa, ly measure. < u par
ty grounds alone, then, has this great ‘Rev
olutionary" measure been carried through the
Senate ; and on party grounds, alone, will it
pass the House of reprseutatives, if it passes
at all.
We do not call the attention of our read
ers o this subject, at this time, on any new
points ; lint mearly to show that some of the
results of the system predicted by us, arc
fully admitted by its friends ill the United
States Senate, and not now denied bv any of
the Vitn Buren organs. Mr. Buchannan of
Petisylvania and Mr. Walkefr ol Mississi|i.
both admitted that the first operation of the
sc erne would be to reduce the price of labor,
and justified the measure on that ground .
The also admitted thet all kind of property
am 1 business would be depressed in a ratio
with labor. Well did Gen. Jackson ex
claim that the msasure was '■'revolutionary.''
This is a part of the operation of the project
of which wc have foreworned the people time
and again. Our labors are to feel the first
effects of Mr. Van Buren’s democratic (•)
sub-Treasury instrument ;then in successiuu
our mechanics and farmers, and all, “who
trade on borrowed capital” are to fall be
neath its influence, Creddit is to be anni
hilated ; and none are to be benefited but
the capitalist and the office-ho'dcr. The
former, with his “specie claws,” may grasp
the last morsel from the starving poor. The
latter, as one of the “privileged order” can
lord it over the “common head.
Do the advocates of this scheme, we
mean such portions of the people as have been
cajoled into the belief that it will be a ben
eficial measure, suppose that rheie will be
an immedate decline in house rent, the price
of marking, fuel in short, of all the nerses
saries of life. If they do they will be misia*