VOL. I.
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ii¥ o. i\ Sii^iW,
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~~PBOSPHOT"jrS
01-’ THE
m .u. s; umber of which is tats day published,
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In entering upon the discharge 01 the important duties
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■withth-j reflection, that his feelings arc well understood
by all those who have gone before him, beating their way
Earougii the labarynths of political life. In the assuinp
ajon ( : f this responsibility, he is conscious ot the diilicultics
fv.kich await him attliethrcshhold of liis career, and the
iiamossihiiity of administering successfully to the various
Iwunts and inclinations of the great mass ot those, who
nay from time to time, look to this Harbinger, tor pleas
ing intelligence of the passing times.
| In liis labours, “ not a particle ot malice shat, infest a
i oo.ma of the course he holds,” and “the truth, file whole
truth, and nothing but the truth,” shall adoiiihiscou.se,
*r:ul light his way through the dismal vale m wmc.i he
a.rav be destined to wander ill his present pursuit. ihe
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it, u? 0 mining oanrations in this, and the surrounding
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lavs as liis time and talent may enable lain to furnish,
f Tho space of the paper set apart for political matters
&ill be devoted to the advancement of the doctrines m-
Bnicatcd in the Jeffersonian school, and cnorisned m
Wcor'dain te2s, hv what was then known here as too
H’ronp early. Locking alone to the object ot tic fonna
llfci ofthe Government, he will not be uiimmutul ofthe
.sYTcis ;o!'it4 constitutional rights; nor can he be Mind
mtho rights ofthe rest) etivo states, those reserven rights
Spun the preservation cf which, the present government
Must be continued and the liberties ol the people so es
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Auraria. April 9. , T t ii e
■ Editors who published the Prospectus of the Herald ot
iho Gold Region, will confer a favor by giving the above
a few insertions.
|sC7*Th following named gentleman ore requested
and authorised to act as our Agents, in their respective
,s3n the county of Baldwin, Thos. F. Grtene, Esq.
MBibb, The lion. C. B. Strong.
J . Wiills, L. A. Erwin, Esq.
Columbia, L. Flemming, Esq.
jd mCratcfvrd, Hiram Warner, Esq.
If MCmecta, James A. Abraham, M
and ’.WCampbcll, Thomas Latham, Esq.
k*MCorroll, Thomas McGuire,and John A. Jones, Esqs.
John Boston, & Cos. V. I I. McAllister, Esq.
:• ‘jjClark, Cos!. Joseph and O. I. Miaw,
is WOass, Thomas V.. Bolton and John Dawson, Esqrs.
3 J* Brooks, Esq.
•a mChcrokee, John P. Brooks. Esq.
)'j.' / im)(Kalb, William Howunl, and Josiah Choice, Esqrs.
h X)ecafur, James Bell, Es;.
® ayehV, N. Blanchard, Esq.
c! * Col. James 0. Terrell.
‘Vfmcad of Coosa, Geo. M. Lavender, Esq.
• Alexander T. Harper,Esq.
jWorq/f/:, Thomas J. Golightly, Esq.
• ynKihntrf Benjamin J Griffith, Esq.
ijip#, C. S. M. Burnett, Esq.
Dr. T. W. Alexander,
i. iffw, Col. Y. P. King, and F. S. Cone, Esq.
! IWiimi, Mnj. T. H. Tripne, jand Col. T. J. Rush.,
’ - Harbon, and J. W , Jones, Esqrs.
William Crayton, Esq.
rftt .Ham's, Gen. Daniel"McDougald.
n*s,i cuck, Col. N. C. Sayie,
‘h’ Col. Win. H. Houghton.
g tW'Dn), W. E. Jones, Esq.
E. Y. Hill,Esq.
-vZamPurtM. Col. Kcllum.
[“KJHiforfo, C. fliuce, Esq.
’ Z.r.% j£ia ; . Thomas.
• Col. I). H. Brail?ford.
\a' b arman, Esq.
wl£ I Mfdiscn, “William Maroney.
p l> Col. A. H. Chappell, &. V* m. L. Famhrough. i
s .*5® Uco " fC W.T. Colquitt. &8. W. Flournoy, Esqrs. i
9 n ’ ton , Hopkins & Sanders, Esqrs.
\ | pe, John Moore,Esq.
Joel Hicks, Esq.
James A. Meniwether, Esq.
1 5r; r ’, Dr - Long,and A. W. rrvorEsn.
Dr. T-libl4rr.
Richmond, Messrs. Randall &. Mason.
Randolph, Gen. 11. Jones.
Striven, Jacob Bryan, Esq.
Twiggs , The Hon. Lott v r arrco.
Talbot, Drs. Phillip’s & Bu?g,
Troup, Col. J.C. Alford.
Taliaferro >, Bradford Thompson Esq. L Col. James,
Upwn, Col. John Thomas, and Thomas 8011, Esq.
Wilkes, Daniel Chandler, Esq.
Warren, Gray A. Chandler, Esq.
Walton, Col. E. G. 8011, and John T. Morrow, Eq.
M'il. WfLPS’S SPEKCBS
(Concluded. /
W e have often been reminded of the power of
the United States. To what purpose ! Is the
mere gift of strength a reason for using it ? Can
it make right, or legalize oppression? “ “Power
without wisdom,” says the Poet, “ is but armed
injustice.” Either he says truly, or we should
apostrophize the sword with Dcvereux.*
“ God, law, and priest, and prophet of the
strong!”
Power enables its possessor to be magnani
mous. The weak can never yield with so
good a grace. Is the best part of the posses
sion, the only one we are never to use?
Besides, is the concession made to South
arolina alone ? Are there not five or six oth
states which have suffered long and who
till entreat without threatening ? Wiiai is flic
I argu nent as to them? We cannot take off your
| burthens until we chastise South Carolina:
Alay they not answer very reasonably, relieve
us first and chastise her aftenvards. But if
you insist on chastising her first, and keeping
on our burthens until it is effected, when are
we to be relieved?—A gentleman of much ex
perience, who thinks South Corolina ought to
be quelled, [Air. Adams] is said to have esti
mated tho cost of the conquest at ten millions,
and the annual loss to the revenue during
the operation, at three. When South Carolina
is chastised, we, who are invited to assist in
correcting her, will find ourselves sharers in her
punishment. Tea and coffee may continue
free but the duties on the protected articles will
increase. Having warred for taxes we shall
pay taxes for the w ar.
But if wc submit to one State, wo must to
another: first one will nullify, and then a sc- |
cond: and if we yield to each of their demands,
what is left of the government will not be worth
having—it will become contemptible from its
weakness. The strength of government is in
the affection of its citizens. Was France ever
stronger than in the days of the republic? Does
history show any example of people rebelling
against a Government which did not oppress
them? Has South Carolina no cause of com
plaint ?—Tho whole South -says she has. Se
ven Slates complain that they are oppressed.
Tho Preside!!* himself, in his message, admits
tho fact. Yet wc must give them not redress,
but chastisement, lest hereafter, other States
should millily without cau3C. A Government,
professing to be founded on reason, desires to
consolidate its empire by steel. It claims to
derive all its just powers from tho consent of
, the governed yet. seeks to eke out its authority,
’ey a little gentle force. Why and whence the
revival of all this clamor for a strong Govern-
I ment ? Is not the Government which lasted
Thomas Jefferson thvough the embargo, and
! James Aladison through the war, strong enough
for any President ? Do we not know tho ori
gin, the progress, and the defeat of that sect in
politics, whose favorite object it was to estab
lish a strong government? That sect the re
publicans of New-York and Pennsylvania re
sisted, and at last overthrew. Are they about
to be converted to the rejected heresy ?—more
federal than federalism?—aye, arch federal?
Let me avail myself of the authority of the great
apostle of republicanism—ho who w'rote the po-
litical gospel of American independence. “A :
Government held together by the bands ofrea- i
son only, requires much compromise of opin- ]
ion : that things even salutary, should not be i
crammed down the throats of dissenting breth- j
cren, especially when they may be put into a
form to be swallowed; and that a groat deal of
indulgence is necessary to strengthen habits of
harmony and fraternity.” Sir, he was right,
[said Mr. \V.] Government, to use a compari
son which would come home to the business
of some of his Pennsylvania friends—Govern
ment is like tron toughest when softest. If you har
den it to make it strong, it becomes brittle.
Even arbitrary monarchs find their best support
in the affections of their subjects. There is but
one way to make “taxation no tyranny.” It is
that recommend by old Burleigh to Elizabeth—
“win men’- hearts, and you have their hands
and their puises.”
The violence and precipitation of South Car
olina have been objected to. If she is wrong
in her resistance to the tariff*, however moderate
j she might be, she would be wrong still. If she
i be right, she will not cease to ho right on ac
! count of her violence. One of the strongest
I political discourses he ever heard was delivered
jon that floor by an honorable gentleman from
| Virginia, [Mr. Randolph,] from the text, “the
| kingdom of heaven sufleroth violence, and the
j violent take it by force.” That speech had
| more effect than any one circumstance, except
i the battle of New Orleans, in making Andrew
j Jackson President of the United States.
I Much has been said in the course of this dc
i hate about nullification. On that doctrine he
! had once expressed an opinion, of which he
j had nothing to retract, nothing to explain. Nul
j iification could do li'tle harm hut for the help of
the tariff. It reminded him of a saying, which
| he would quote for the gentlemen from Conncc
i ticut, [Messrs. Ellswobth and Hunting
i roxf u;*o had quoted him; “the devil would
It comes, tli c Herald ofa Golden wo r Id.
AURARIA, LI MPKBX COUNTY, APMBL U , 1833.
not do so much mischief, if it were not for the
witches.”! The gentlemen had been pleased
to extract from a certain letter of his, such parts
as they thought made in favor of theirnrgument;
and they rr fforred to them with much praise,
and some triumph. One advantage that letter
at least procured him—some slight credit for
j candor and fair-dealing, and a reputation for
courage enough to tell the truth. But if he was
a good witness for the East, he was for the South
also. His testimony, if it was worth any tiling,
i must be taken altogether. If it would be good
to show the origin of the restrictive system, it
would be good to prove the deeply seated, all
! pervading discontent of the southern States.
It would avail as testimony that Union and the
present protective duties are incompatible. We
must choose between them.
The gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs.
Huntington and Ellsworth] had recom
mended to his attention parts of his own letter.
There were other parts which he would recom
mend to theirs. If his memory served him, he
had there said, too many would be found in ev
ery country to flatter and inflame the inclinations
oi whom or whatsoever may be sovereign;
comparatively few to argue with the masters of
votes or legions. For the reason, then, that if
he wto the representative of a manufacturing I
district, addressing at thai 0.1®*?; implicit believ-1
ers in the beneficient magic of the lestrietive
policy, lie should attempt to mitigate their zeal
and confidence ; for the samo reason, appealin';
to those who were convinced ofits malignant in
fluence, it was his duty to soothe, if possible,
theirjust indignation. Unless this course of
conduct was pursued by all who aspired to be
thought honest and dispassionate, must not
alienation spread and become incurable? Do
not the gentlemen from Connecticut, continued
Mr. W-, aspire to bo thought honest and dis
passionate? If they da, let them answer me
this question. The gentlemen have praised —
have they imitated me ’
” ith respect to the character of the right to
eccde, ami the circumstances and limitations
smler which it could be exercised, this was not
he time to discuss them. He would say but a
| word. Unless there were instances in which a
State could say to her associates. “JVo in
liatr fttdcra venimus,” disguise it as we will, this
is a great Consolidated Government; and if for
maintaining her construction of the compact
through her courts and juries, she is to be sa
bred and bayonetted, it is a despotism.
Last session wewere told, “IfCarolina will go
let her go!” We were told “we could not drive
her out of the Union.” Now we must cut
the throats of her citizens if she will not r< -
main!
On his head, he could not avoid citing an apt
passage from the declaration and protest drawn
up by Mr. Jefferson, with the intention of being
submitted to the Legislature of Virginia.f
“ Whilst the General Assembly thus declares
the rights retained by the States, rights which
they have never yielded, and which this State
will never yield, they do not mean to raise the
banner of disaffection or of seperation from their
sister States, co-parties with themselves to this
compact. They know and value too highly the
blessings of their Union, as to foreign nations
and questions arising among themselves, to
consider every infraction as to be met by actual
resistance. They respect too affectionately
the opinions of those possessing the same rights
under the same instrument, to make every dif
ference of construction a ground of immediate
rupture. They would indeed consider such arup
tureas among the'greatestcalamities which cou!d
befal them; but not the greater. There is
• yet one greater—submission to a Government
iof unltmitcd powers. It is orsy when the hope
■ of avoiding this shall become absolutely desper
j ate, that further forbearance could not be in
j dulgcd. Should a majority of the co-par-
i ties, therefore, contrary to the expectation
j and hope of this assembly, prefer, at this time,
acquiescence in these assumptions of power
by the federal member of the Government, wc j
will bo patient, and suffer much under the con- \
fidence that time, ere it b too late, will • prove
to them also the bitter consequences in which!
that usurpation will involve us all. In the mean ;
while, we will breast with them rather than sep
arate from them, every misfortune,save that on
ly of living under a Government of unlimited
powers.”
A quarter of a century before, the patriarch
had held similar, language: “I thought some
thing essentially necessary to be said in order
to avoid the inference of acquiescence; that a
resolution or declarations should be passed, 1.
answering the reasoning of such of the States as
have ventured into the field of reason, and that
of the committee of Congress, taking some no
tice too of those States who have either not an
sweiedat all, or answered without reasoning, 2.
making firm protestation against the precedent
and principle, and, reserving the right
to make this palpable violation of the fed
eral compact, the ground of doing in future
whatever we might now rightfully do, should
repetitions of these and other violations of the
compact render it expedient; 3. expressing, in
affectionate and conciliatory language, our
warm attachment to union with our sister States,
and to the instrument and principles by which
we are united; that we are willing to sacrifice to
this every thing but the rights of selt-govern
+ Malta mats none agia sot (imno.a nisi provocatus sa
gis. _
Memoir and Correspondence ofThomas Jefferson, vol.
4, page 417.
Jlbidvol.4, ppge 4! 7. Lotto to ./tars -*•/*';:!, I>-
ceraVrn.
ment in those important points which we have
never yielded, and in which alone we see libertv,
safety, and happiness; that not at all disposed
I make every measure of error or of wrong a
I cause of scission, we are willing to
’ w *th indulgence, and to wait with patience till
those passions and delusions shall have passed
over, which the Federal Government have art
fully excited to cover its own abuses conceal
its designs, fully confident that th” good sense
of the American people, and their lU’ e hment to
those very rights which we arc nor- idkating,
will, before it shail be too late, r •• with us
round the true principles of our feu. compact,
i This was only meant to give a gen-, id idea of
j the complexion and topics of such nn instru
ment. 3lr. AI. who came, as ha ; !:■ en pro
posed, does not concur in the resereation pro
posed alone: and from this I recede :cndily, net
only in deterrence to his judgement, but !>ecau;,e
as we should never think of seperc.iinn, but for
repeated and enormous violations, so these,
when they occur will be cause enough of them
selves.”*
A further development of these ideas was to he
found in his letter to Air. Giles, from w hich Air.
IV. begged leave to read a couple of passages.
“I see as you do, and with the deepest afflic
tion, the rapid strides with which the federal
branch of our Government is advancing towards
the u.surpatioii’of all the rights reserved to the
States, and the consolidation in itself of all
powers, foreign and domestic ; and that too by
constructions which, if legitimate, leave no
limits to their power. Take together the decis
ions of the Federal Court, the doctrines of the
President, and the misconstructions of the con
stitutional compact, acted on by the federal
branch, and it is hut too evident that the three
ruling branches of thai department are in com
bination to strip their colleagues, the States au
thority of the powers reserved by them, and to
exersise themselves, all functions, foreign and
domestic. Under the dower to regulate coin,
merce, they assume indefinitely that also over
aggriculturc and manufactures, and call it reg
ulation, to take the earnings of one of these
branches of industry , and that too, the most de
pressed, and put them into the pockets of the
other, the most flourishing of all. * *
And what is our resource for the preservation
of the Constitution? Reason and argument!—
You might ns well reason and argue with the
marble columns encircling them. The repre
sentatives chosen by ourselves! They are join
ed in the combination, some from incorrect
views of the government, some from corrupt
ones, sufficient voting together to outnumber
j the sound parts, and with majorities of one, two
j or three, bold enough to go forward in their de
! fence. Are we, then, to stand to our arms?—
No ! that must be the last resource, not to be
thought of until larger and greater sufferings. If
every infraction of a compact of so many parties
is to bo resisted at once as a dis solution of it,
none can ever be formed which would last one
year. We must have patience and longer en
durance, then, with our brethren while under
delusions ; give them time for reflection and
experience of consequences ; keep ourselves in
a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents;
and separate from our companions only,when the
sole alternatives left are dissolution of our union
with them, or submission to a government with
out limitation of power’s. §
If this bill fails, said Air. W., I entreat our
friends to consider what is the next step. If
you will not alter, you must be called on to en
force. The choice is between this bill anil an
other measure which must be nameless —not
for want of words to characterize it as it deser
ved, but because they could not be used with
out a breach of order. He could not say what
was doing in the other end of the capital—but
this he would say—he was present the other
day at the consultation of a body of learned phy
sicians. The case was one of delirium and tlebil
iiy, brought on by ill treatment and the remedy
proposed was the lancet ! and blue pills. This
i is the prescription of our political empirics.—
! The cry is, Bleed the Republic? Let me tell
! them, Sir, “ plus a medico qrnrn a morbo per
j icu/i.” }
It no longer admits of a dnubt; the choice of
our friends must be made between coercion and
conciliation. The first will soon identity Ca
rolina with the whole South ; the second will
unite the South against Carolina. Coercion is
not wise or prudent; nor always fortunate, even |
when the disparity of strength is greatest? Aus- j
tria attempted to coerce the Swiss; Spain to co
erce the Netherlands; England to coerce her j
North American colonies ; and in our days,:
Turkey to coerce Greece. What was the late
of coercion? Thero has been one successful
effort. Russia has coerced Poland! Is she
proposed to us as an example?
In the struggle between the U. States and a
State, to keep peace ri et armis, by blowing up
all malcontents, what is the alternative ? 1 f the
State conquers,she is out of the Inion of course.
If you conquer, is she not out equally?
i may roduco her to the condition of a subject pro
! vincc—you may reward with her plunder some
pro-consular Governor, for ruling her with the
despotism of a master and the wastefulness oi
an agent, leaving behind you in her bosom- —
“ hniivartale oeliun, et s.mabile vttlnm.”
! Bui she is a State no longer! lou may grasp
! a Barren sceptre, and waive it over a
territory—but, till you exterminate the sons ol
Carolina, your dominion over lit “ soil extends
*M rmoir ami correspondence nf ‘1 iiomcs .Tcfierson, j
vol. 3, pages 425, 429. Letter to YV. C. JecUolas, bop- j
tomber 5, 1799.
I Ibid. 177 V o\ 4,^*4?:.
not beyond the points of your bayonets. And
what will you have done ? Extinguished one
sister of the constellation, and made South Car
olina
“Like the lost Pleiad seen no :..oie be!ow.”
Before gentlemen decide against conciliation!
and in favor of civil war, will they review the his
tory of our struggle with the mother country ?
If they will, and are not struck and warned by
the coincidences, they arc beyond the power of
hellebore. Let me turn their attention to the
page before me. It contains Jlis JWajesty'smost
praciovs speech to both hauscsof Parliament,on
Wednesday, Nov. ”0, 1774.
Aly Lords and Gentlemen. It gives me much
concern that I am obliged, at the opening of
this Parliament, to inform you that a most da
ring spirit of resistance and disobedience to the
law still unhappily prevails in the province of
Massachusetts Bay, and has, in divers parts of
it broke forth in fresh violences of a very criminal
nature. These proceedings have been counte
nanced and encouraged in other of my colonies,
and unwarrantable attempts have been made to
obstruct the commerce of this kingdom by un
lawful combinations. I have taken such mea
sures, and given such orders, as 1 judged most
proper and effectual for carrying into execution
the laws which were passed in the last session of
the late parliament, for the protection and secu
rity of my subjects,and for the restoring and pre
serving peace, order, and good government in
the province of Alassachusettsßay; and you may
depend upon my firm and steadfast resolution
to withsand every attempt to weaken or impair
the supreme authority of this Legislature over
all the dominions of my Crown; the mainten
ance of which, I consider as essential to the dig
nity, the safety, and the welfare ot the British
empire; assuring myself that while I act upon
these principles I shall never fail to receive your
assistance and support. ** *•<*
“My Lords and gentleman. Let me partie*
ularly recommend to you, at this time, to pro
ceed with temper in your deliberations, and with
unanimity in your resolutions. Let my peo
ple in every part of ray dominions, be taught, by
your example, to have a due reverence for tho
laws, and a just sense of the blessings of our ex
cellent Constitution. They may be assured that
on my pait, I have nothing so much at heart, <ra
the real prosperity and lasting happiness of all my
subject.”
Sir, said Air. IV., I intend to excite no addi
tional odium against the memory of George 111.
In our declaration ofindependence, he was in
deed described as “ a Prince, whose character
was marked by every act which can define a ty
rant.” But he has gone to his account. His
latter years, it has pleased Providence, to visit
with the heaviest calamities that can befal a hu
man being. With his shade, therefore he war
red not. There was probably some office form
—a standard original—upon w hich all such in
struments were made.
There was another curious coincidence which
might become more or less perfect, according
to the exterior which was given to a contempla
ted call for certain papers. An odd incident
happened, which served to revive, with double
force, all the ill temper and animosity that had
long subsisted between the Executive part of
the Government and the people in the province
of Alassachusetts Bay. This was the acciden
tal discovery and publication of a number of
confidential letters, which had been written dur
ing the course of the unhappy disputes with the
mother country’, by the then Governor and de
puty Governor of that colony, to persons in
power and office in England. The letters con
tained a very unfavorable representation of the
state of affairs, the temper and disposition of the
people, and the views of the people, ami tended
to show not only the necessity of the most co
ercive measures but that even a very considera
ble change of the Constitution, and system ot
government, was necessary to secure the obe*
dienoe of the colony.
These letters, indeed,werein part confidential
and private ; but the people of the colony insis
ted that they were evidently intended <o influ
ence the conduct of Government and must
therefore be shown to such persons as had ar ,
interest in preserving their privileges. Up
on the death of a gentlemen, in whose posses
scssion these letters then happened to be,
they, by some means, which arc. not known,
fell into the hands of the agent for the co
lony of Massachusetts Bay, who immediately
transmitted them to the Assembly of that pro
vince, which was then sitting at Boston. Tho
indignation and animosity which these letters
excited on the one side, and the confusion on
the other, neither need nor admit of descrip-
How exact a compnmon-piccc would appear
for this picture, if (which God forbid!) the cor
respondence of the Government with certain
individuals in Pouth Carolina should be publish
ed. He hoped it never would be. lie depre
cated that publication as fraught with infinite
; mischief. Other singular points of resem
blance were to be found in she history of those
times.
“ The Minister, after having moved that the
King’s message of the 7th March, should be
rend,opened his plan fbrthc restoration of peace
order, justice, and commerce in tho Massachu
setts Bay. * * * *
After stating his opinions, and arguing their
correctness, the Minister proceeded : “It would
, be proper, therefore, to take mvay from Boston
j the privilege of a poit, until his Majesty should
|be satisfied in these particulars,and publicly dr.
* \n*i**?l j 7f*?. j~i z 1 ’ 64.
No. 2.
