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VOL. I. (PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING BY O. P. SHAW, AND Edited by A. G. FAMBROUGH. ■ Terms. —Three dollars per annum, payable within six Knonths after the receipt, of llie first number, or four dol ars if not paid within the year. Subscribers living out of Jie state, will be expected in all cases, to pay in advance. No subscription received for less than one year, unless I the money is paid in advance; ami no paper willbedis- I continued until all arrearages ore paid, cxcept-at the op I lion of the publisher. Persons requesting a discontinu- I unce of their Papers, are requested to bear in mind, a set- I llemcnt of their accounts. Advertisements will be inserted at the usual rates. I |CJ** All Letters to tlic Editor or Proprietor, on mat- I er.’ connected with the establishment, must be post paid In order to secure attention. IQ 25 Notice of the sale of Land and Negroes, by Ad- Hninistrators, Executors, or Guardian*, must be published Kixtv days previous to the day of sale. sale of personal Property, in like manner, must be mblislied forty dais previous to the day of sale. Notiee to debtors and creditors of an estate must be published forty days. Notiee that Application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for Leave to sell Land or Negroes,must be pub jshed FOUR MONTHS. Notice that Application will be made for Letters of Ad- Tiinistralion, must be published thirty days and for Letters of Dismission, six months. ["JtljPilie following named gentleman arc u quested nd authorised to act as our Agents, in their respective otmlics. In the county of Baldwin, Thos. F. Grccnc, Esq. Bibb, The lion. C. B. Strong. Butts, Li. A. Erwin, Esq. ('dumhia, L. Elcmming, Esq. ('raw/nrd, Hiram Warner, Esq. Cou'cta, James A. Abraham, Esq. < ’ ampbtll, Thomas A. Latham, Esq. Farrell, Thomas McGuire,and John A. Jones, Esqs. f hatiiu ei, John Boston, & (’o. M. H. McAllister, Esq. ('layh, Col. Joseph Ligon, and U. P. Shaw, Cass , Thomas ‘V. Bolton and John Dawson, Esqrs. Ccbb, J. R. Brooks, Esq. Cherokee, John P.Brooks, Esq. DcKafb, William T. *loward,and Josiah Choice,Esqrs. Decatur, James Bell, Esq. Fayette, N. Blanchard, Esq. Franklin, Col. James C. Terrell. Head of Coosa, Geo.. Lavender, Esq. Floyd, Alexander T. Harper, Esq. J'orsylh, Thomas J. Golighlly, Esq. CUmer , Benjamin J Gritilth, Esq. Ulynn, Col. S. JM. Burnett, Cwinnett , Dr. T. W. Alexander, Creenc, Col. Y. P. King, and F. S. Cone, Esq. Habersham , Maj. T. H. Trippr, and Col. T. J. Rusk, Hall, W. Harben, and J. \-V, Jones, Lsqrs. Henry , William Crayton, Esq. Harris , Gen. Daniel McDougald. Hancock, Col. N. C. Sayre, • Heard, Col. Win. 11. Houghton. 1 Jackson, W. E. Jones, Esq. .1 upper, E. Y. Hill, Esq. J.aureus, Col. Kclluin. Liberty, C. Ilines, Es<j. J.ec, Maj. Thomas. Mclntosh , CoL D. H. BiuiLsford. Morgan, W. J. Pearman, Esq. Madison, William Marone.y. Monroe, Col. A. 11. Chappell, & Wm. L. Fa mb rough. Muscogee, W.T. Colquitt &S. W. Flournoy, Esqrs. .Veu'ton, Messrs. Hopkins & Sanders, Oglethorpe, John Moore,Esq. Padding, Joel Ilicks, Esq. Putnam, James A. Merriwetl .. rhq. Fikc 9 Dr. J. S.Long, and A. ’•vorjEsn. Bidaski, I)r. Hibbler. Richmond, Messrs. Randall & Mason. Randolph, Gen. H. Jones. Bcriven, .Taco!) Biyan, Esq. Twiggs, The Hon. Lott Warren. Talbot, Drs. Phillip’s Bug", Troup, Col. J. C. Alford. “ Taliaferro, Bradford Thompson Esq. & Col. Janes, [ Thomas, and Thomas Bell, Esq. ndkts, Daniel Chandler, Esq. liyrrc , Gray A. Chandler, Esq. Gallon, Col. E. G. Bell, and John T. Morrow, Eso. Sheriff’’* Sales for -luue in CASS COUNTV. I D i* ! - Sec - , Property of To satisfy. I ! .q* ** Charles Gunn, Alien Courlnev. ■ 17 3 John W. Pat;, Kdwarc! Gariick. 9' l ’’ > J 7 3 Joseph Hoc, T. S. Jlailcy, dec’d. ■ 21, 22 3 Ar. Warren ot. al. P. J. Murray, ■ W/, 21 2 ShacliickDean, P. J. Murray. ■ 2.i.i, 4 3 Caleb Ganison, P. J. M urrav, ■ 273, 4 3 Stephen Gamer, P. J. M urrav. ■ 24a, 5 3 William Jackson, P. J. Murray, ■3 16 3 Christopher Rider, P. J. Murray, I 22 2 ('avid Abbott, P. J. Murray! ■ -12, 16 3 J. Crutchfield, dec. Joseph Eciiols tCcv I CHEROKEE COUNTY. I bo7* ll l PhT rr^ ficott ’ , S‘“ r s<s & Blunt, ■ ■■27 21 o A ll !p rjiumroml, Dennis Mahoney. I 4 ’,; V 2 ‘ t Amos M’Lendon, Tandy D. King, ■23 l l I 0 m 5° se > William Felton, 1 245’ if I /° 1,1 Fr^ r - Polix (4. Bernes, lIN - IffnanusScott, John Bnrk, et. alias. I ij 2 . •’ :!!-• am Jackson, Ex. of Rob’t. Wayne. FORK ,'TII COUNTY. I *l9, 2 1 Isaiah Whitloca, Cary W. Jackson, ■ 171, 2 1 \Vm. IVestbrook, It. L- Cato, f™o2, 14 1 Lewis Smith, Lawlion, & Venable, 2 ', 14 1 Rowland Bearden, John M. Miller. KS, 14 1 P. Powel, Anthonv Steel, ■>2o. 3 1 Abralmm Leathers,C.Ficldi,iij,R.Brown, ■ 150, 14 1 Anderson Baker, Samuel ivi’Junkin, ■ 131, 2 1 Win. VVilkerscn, Samuel M’Junkin, ■ ,80, 3 1 Joshua Holder, 11. F. Porter, ■ !I6 > 14 1 William Davis, H. Terrell, R. Butler, FLOYD COUNTY. H 54, 22 3 Pryor Chrittcndon, James Long, ■ SO, 11 4 Seth Ormes, Turhune &. Cone. MURRAY COUNTY. ™ 46, 25 3 John N. Kyle, P. .T. Murray !jl 00, 25 4 John Harris, P. J. Murray, M 22, 17 3 Kamuel Paxton, P. J. Murray! ■ 23, 26 3 BurreJ Thompson, P. J. Murrav, ■ 30, 9 4 William Davis, P. J. Murray, If * 3 Henry Huff, I‘. J. Murray, ■ 20, 26 3 John R. Cane, P. J. Murray, ■ i5, 13 3 James Higgins, P. J. Murray. ■ The above is a full synopsis of all the Sheriff’s Sales in H : Cherokee Circuit, for June next, except in Lumpkin, I ‘ illGr Paulding counties, which may be seen in this W per, by reference to the Sheriff’s advertisements. NOTICE^ AT X persons are hereby notified, that. I have the rrui table title to the undivided half of lot of land iber 77, in the third District, and first section, drawn n Amos Elian!, and have now a suit pending in Vorsyrii c unty, where the land lies, to; the s unc. KLLUID3E O. IJAP.RIS. B Anraria May 7.—5-ts AURAIiIA, LUMPKIN COUNTY, GEORGIA MAY *B, 1833. From the Charleston Mercury. Interesting Letter. (on the president’s proclamation.) We have been politely furnished with the following copy of a letter, from a gentleman in the Western part of New-York,to his correspon dent in that State. It will richly repay an atten tive perusal• , December 24, 1532. I I consider the proclamation as advocating an unlimited government, restrained in no respect except by the will of the majority in Congress; and that when a law is passed through the form ol legislation, it is supreme and absolute, no ! matter how grossly, palpably, and dangerous ly it violates the Constitution ; and can in no way be questioned but by rebellion, and then j under the penalties of treason. Under this des potic interpretation of our system,the Sovereign ty °f the Stales, their reserved rights and char acters as parties to the constitutional compact, are totally swept away; and the exercise of pow ers by this consolidated government, not dele gated to it by the grants of power enumerated in the Constitution, would not be unconstitu tional if the States are not parties to the consti tutional compact. If die people of the 24 States formed the Constitution in their aggregate ca pacity, any exercise of nndelegated powers, in respect to taxation is clearly not unconstitution al, but can be,at most only nnjtisl or oppressive, and this is the basis or the whole theory and scope of the Proclamation; [ will illustrate. The Constitution diiects that “direct taxes shall lie (ipp ndioned among the several Slates according to their respective numbers ;” and that “all du ties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform thorugiiout the U. S.” The clear and unques tioned object of these provisions, was to de- j lend each member of this confederacy,the States, j against the imposition of unequal burdens,either j m llip form of direct or indirect taxation. Yet! it the States ue admitted to be annihilated,as not : being members of the confederacy, or parties to the Constitution, all limitations of power, foun ded on Iho idea of their existence as members of the confederacy and parties to the compact, are also annihilated; and laws imposing burdens, no matter how unequal in their operations, no mailer if all the “pecuniary hardens of govern ment” are thrown on the people of one section of the Union, and other secti jns entirely “exon erated fronfa 11 share in them,“so fnai one should he tributary to the other, would be only unjust I and oppressive, as the law opeiates on individu als, or classes, in the collective capacity, and not on the people of distinct, independent and sovereign communities, as the Constitution was formerly supposed to establish. To my view if this interpretation of the Constitution be redu ced to practice, we shall c.joi / the despotism of j consolidation in every, and the worst, degree, ap- j prehendedfromthe character and tendency of the I measures 0f1798. Ourroscue is in the appii- dion instantly,of the conservative principle ofslnic in terposition,as inculcated by the X irginia and Ken- j lucky resolutions. I hold those Resolutions to be my horn-book as to the nature and character of ( our confederacy ; and rather than abandon these sound principles of constitutional liberty, 1 will take the field against any and every tyrant who j may attempt to consolidate the Stater, and war lo the total extermination of the Mooncrats or the Republicans. After this declaration of my! purpose, 1 ow r e it to myself and • > children to [ state the principles for which I risk life. They ‘are these; I will “maintain and defend the Coo ! stitntion of the United States and of this State, ! against every aggression either foreign or do ! mestic, and I will support the government ofthe U. States, in all measures warranted by the for mer”—l feel a warm attachment to the Union of the Slales, to maintain which, each State should, in times of danger, pledge all its powers; and for this end it is their duty to wafeh over and oppose every infraction of those principles which constitute the only base of that Union, be cause a faithful observance of them can alone secure its existence and the public happiness,” —I believe “the po"/ors oi tlic federal govern ment, as resulting from the compact [of c u.'° n l to which these States are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention ofthe instrument constituting that compact, as no further valid than they are authorised by the grants enumera ted in the compact; and in care of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of powers, [such as the Tariff of protection,&c.] not gran led by the said compact, the States who are par ties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil,and for maintaining ‘.vilhm theirrespective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties apper taining to them. That the Constitution being formed by the States in their Sovereign capaci ty; it adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of th Constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and si id fm; •InHon.” 7'h- States, then being parties to the constituted: ai compact, and in their sovereign rapacity, it. fol lows of necessity, that there can be no tribunal above their authority, to decide in the last re sort, whether the compact made by them be vio lated :” and as “the government created by this comoael was not made the exclusive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion and no the Constitution, the measure of its powers : but ♦hat as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge,each party hast an eoual right to judge for itself, as well as of infractions as of the mode and measure of re ,lress” that “Nullification by the States in tin ir sovereign capacity, of all unconstitutional acts done under color ofthe Constitution, is the 1 1 eoin es, tk e si eral 1 of a Gul! e n Wr Id. rightful lemedy, and is consonant with the Con stitution and conducive to its preservation,” and after this a call of the convention of all the States to settle the diffkuliy. This is my creed, | and wnich 1 will live and die by, if the President | attempts, by a hired soldiery, to force his monar j ehical principles into operation in their stead. I hold the Proclamation from the paragraph j beginning with the words “this right to secede,” ! and ending “ must oppose it at all hazards,” to be opposed in spirit and principle to the “ le gitimate and sacred foundation of the constitu tion. In a word, General Jackson’s views of the nature and character of our confederated government arc the same as were advanced and maintained by the federal party in 1798, in op : position to tho Virginia resolutions. The peo ! pie Ihcn arrested the progress of consolidation | and misrule, and would do so now if they had [ the true object of the contest before them. Rut j artful appeals are no marie to their known at tachment to the Union,to alarm them for its ex istence, and by thus changing the issue and the principles ofthe controversy, and adding Jack- j sonisnt to the Juggernaut of consolidation, in suitable terms, monarchy, we are in real dan ger of having our free institutions offered up as victims, together with the morality and repub licanism oi’ the people. Were it not “carrying ‘ coals to New C’astle” I would, by a fuller re- j view of this Proclamation, show you its danger ous hostility to the true principles of our Union, and the total destruction which it wages against republican docirircs and enlightened freedom. In a word, I consider our liberties laid low by it. The pain ol this reflection is overwhelm- 1 ing. I will .turn from this painful contemplation of the proclamation and its destroying tendency, 1 t) its effects at the South- I have seen only ! Ritchie’s first eulogy, on this paternal docu ment. He hesitates at the close of his com— mcndation,by a slight difference from it in a few minor points ol doctrine, such as the nature and character of the government; and faintly utters his dissent much in the tone and meaning in which he said he would never support Van Buren lor Vice President, and specifics the pari to which this slight difference applies to be that relating to secession. I’lic minor points of doctrine to which Ritchie alludes, embraces the w hole scope of the federal doctrines opposed to the Virginia Resolutions of 1793 and in 1828. In the latter it is de -tinctly asserted that the Con stitution ofthe United States being a federative compact between sovereign States, in constru ing which, no common arbiter is known, each State- has the right to construe the compact for itseil, that the Tariff laws passed Jen- the protec tion oj manufactures, i arc unauthorized by the plain construction, true intent and meaning oj the Constitution, “ and that Virginia would be guided in her resistance by a determined pur pose to preserve the purity of our republican in stitutions.” We shall now’ see the strength of this determined purpose to defend the purity and integrity of republican institutions as defined by Virginia * eisolf. The proclamation tells this proud author of our soundest principle sos liber ty, that there is no such anomaly in our system as “free, independent and sovereign States,” as parties, in their State capacity, to the Con stitutional compact —that there is no compact itself; nor sovereignty except that pertaining to one great consolidated nation—that the States! are not members of a confederacy, but only parts of one great single nation; and, as parts, j have no sovereignty, so they have no rights as! respects their relations to tliis great nation, save their natural right to fight and be destroyed by a standing army, when the oppression of this single nation becomes unbearable. In a word, to fix tile seal ofconsolidation upon us, the pro clamation avows that (he Constitution was crea ted by all the people of this great nation collec tively. Virginia will manfully spurn this Fed eral doctrine, leading directly to the abiding ob ject of that party, tbo establishment of monar chy on the ruins of a confederacy of sovereign States. Can there be any two things more an tagonist than the doctrines of this Proclamation so lauded by Ricthic, and the Virginia rcsolu ffeas? Yei wc shall see that miserable tory siav-C of power, and his selfish followers, sliriiny into the support of the former, while he dare not openly denounce mO latter. The latter unques tionably contain the true character of our sys tem of government, and apart from their analo gy to tho nature of liberty, I am confirmed in this opinion by contemporaneous history. In Mr. Jefferson’s works there is a letter front him to Mr. Madison, dated in 1799, in which a most anxious desire is expressed that the latter would publish his debates of tho Convention which lormcd the Constitution. In reference to the unconstitutional measure oi the then admin istration, he says, “ could the debates be rea dy to appear critically, their effect would be de cisive to bring about a revolution of public sen timent:” and confirm to the nation and world that the doctrines ol the then pending resolu tion* of Virginia, were the true emanation anti; spirit of constitutional liberty, in which the con stitution was formed. In the same correspon dence with Mr. Madison and others, Mr. Jes-; forson constantly alludes to the principles of the party as the oniy sound republican principles, and for that reason as constantly and bitter ly assailed by the monoerats. With suchcorrob- ; orations, can I hesitate to which interpretation of our system to give my faith and support. Again, many States besides Virginia, Ken tucky, or South Carolina, or Georgia, have avowed adhesion to the conservative principle; of State interposition,—Witness Pennsylvania in the case of Ohnstend, and that of tho I nitod ! States Bank in 1811. In this last case, her Legislature avowed her principle of interposi tion to be the same as that of Virginia in 1799, and expressly stated “ that to the compact, cre ated lor special purposes, each acceded in her character as a State, and is a party—the United States forming, as to it the other party. The act of the Union thus entered into, being to all intents and purposes, a treaty betweeen Sover eign States, The General Government by this treaty was not constituted the exclusive or final judge ofthe powers it was to exercise—for if it were so to judge, then “its judgement and not the constitution would be the measure of its au thority.” Then follows Ohio in 1820, against the bank of the U. States, affirming the same positions as those assumed by Virginia and Kentucky in 1793. In 1827, South Car olina affirmed the same doctrine against a Tariff’ of protection. In 1828 Virginia and Georgia reiterated the doctrine of Nullifi cation. Alabama, North Carolina and Mis sissippi,folio wed in expression ofthe same prin ciples. Then came Massachusetts in 1830, declaring the late treaty with Great Britain, re- I Jive to the north eastern boundary, null and raid] Maine did the same. Then,though nei ther last nor least; the empire State, New York, in 1824 determined, in relation to the and mand of tonnage duties and entrance fees from canal boats, “ lo resist the Federal Government at eve ry extremity .” Had we then any Presidential Proclamations, alarming the people for the late ofthe. Union, and aiming through the known at tachment ol the people in the other States to that union, lo create a civil war in order to pm down the Radicals with the bayonet of the stand ing Army? Was there any eagerness then to take advantage ofthe confusion of such excite ment and bloodshed, to establish doctrines of government that must instantly “ transfotm the republican system of the U. S., into an ab solute, or at bes 4 a mixed monarchy?” No— the man then at the head of the administration,re ; cognized the sound principles of confederacy on which our union is founded, as declared in the Virginia resolutions, and leaving to the State as a party to the compact, to decide for herself whether the compact had been pursued or violated by the requisition ol'tonnage duties, lie deemed it prudent “to keep aloof from the questionable ground.” But if the difficulty could have neither been avoided or compromised, a Convention of all the States would have been j recommended, to ascribe the doubtful power as j they should think best—instead of sending forth a proclamation breathing the horrors of civil I war with all the violence of personal hatred, and no more devoted desire of patriotism than that of appointing his successor. The settled de sign of subverting the liberties of the country, ought not perhaps, to be imputed to the Presi dent in this attempt to array freemen against j freemen in battle strife; yet, such will, inevita bly,he thercsultofthisnmlignproc.lamation. For the present, I trill quit the proclamation against whose despotic spirit 1 find myself running at j every turn. Reverting to the proceedings of the meeting ; which lias been held in obedience to the orders j of tho Globe, I see that some of the speakers j arc under the delusion, that if the northern peo- j pie hold out prompt encouragement of assistance j to the Union party of your State, they alone will ; !>c able to grapple with and defeat the nullifiers. i This is also the vilful error of the President. All these leaders seem not to know that the j Union party agree with the nullifiers, nut only i as to the unconstitutionally ofthe tariff, its in- i justice and oppression, but also in the principle, j that the constitution is a compact between free,! independent “and sovereign States, formed as I Slates, and not by the people of the 24 States j in thcr aggregate capaei y ; and that Ilia govern- J meat so formed is a government of limited pow- : era; that by this constitution, no common tribu nal has been established to determine cases of j disputed powers between the States and Gene ral Government, and that the General Govern ment is not the final interpreter of its own pow ers—that no State is bound to submit to an un constitutional law, and therefore lias the right and is in duty bound to protect her citizens! against any such For confirmation see Mr. j Chevcs’ “Occasional Reviews.” “Wc admit,” says Mr. Chevcs,“the authority of all sovereign j States lo judge, in all cases in which they arc j parties, for themselves, anil to restrain, within j their >. wn limits l , all external authority. We as- ; sort that the Stales ol the Unfen arc sovereign, and, therefore, have a right to nullity the laws of Congress within their own limits ; but we oe ny tbatthey can do this constitutionally. I here is a sovereign interposition, which was the pro position of Virginia in 1798, and which we think we have proved to be the only sure and expe dient control of sovereign power. The true and only question, then, in the Southern States, is between this interposition and constitutional nullification. There is no Southern part winch does not admit the sovereign power ol interpo sition.” All Southern writers are cither for Nul lification oi this sovereign interposition, which Col. Drayton and Mr. Ritchie denominate Se cession. Why do the Union party prefer Seces sion to Nullification? Because they consider Nullification too feeble and inefficient, and would fail of obtaining for the Southern States a full redress of their grievances, under the un constitutional laws of the Federal Government. And yet we have good and intelligent citizens, raising a hue and cry against Nullification ns treason and disunion, when his friends are ae- , notinced for proposing it as a peaceful measure ; to the Union pat to, who advocate Secessi oi or; i Disunion openly, as the only certain measure of • ! freeing themselves from lire oppression and usur pations of the General Government. W by, too are we so zealously engaged at the North in ap plauding the Union party who advocate .Seces sion, or separation of all the Southern States:, to any ther measure of redress, and asking that party to put down the JS ullifiers in the pursuit of the peaceful remedy by the bayonet f Is it Lc | cause Gen. .Jackson hates her Calhoun, the i -of Nullification, and to las hate is added the opposition of the Unionists, or, to name them by their principles, the disunionists. Does he. love the disiinionisls because the}’ hate Mr. Cal houn, and because he may turn that hate of Mr. Calhoun into love for Mr. Van Borer, whom the President intends, by the patronage lie wield.--, to appoint his successor V. by, too, is it that the Jackson party in this State, applauded the principles of Mr. liayne’s speech on Foot’s re solutions us the true principles ol'ibe i . publican party, drawn direct from the Jeffersonian school, and are note found scrambling, with tiie then advocates of Mr. M ebster’s duly federal speech drawn from the consolidation oi 1833, to be foremost in putting forth the federal doctrine s ol that speech a.- the go::nine principles of our Government ? Is it because Gen. Jackson’s endorsement of that ultra federal speech, con demned by his pariy in li2o, as monarchical in its tendency, makes it republican in principle in 1832 ‘ Common sense and common honesty indignantly answer, n>! V. by then this cordial embrace between the old and steadfast federal ists, and Gen. Jackson and Ins followers? The principles of the Proclamation answer. It is equally plain why this eagerness of the Jackson party to encourage the Union party of the South, the only Southern party which proposes separa tion. The Union party are the friends of Gen. Jackson, and will aid him to appoint Mr. A . 15. his successor. This is the gift ol the plot which is now being executed before the American people. Volunins would be necessary to devcl ope this nefarious plot; for which it would re quire that the history of the intrigues and of the course of governmental patronage for the last three years, be faithfully written in order to give our citizens a full insight into that part which Gen. Jackson ht>s been made to play in this plot. Nullification, including General Jack son’s different parts in relation to it, as practis ed by Georgia and when recommended, by S. Carolina, is one chapter. Can proof be strong er that General Jackson and his advisers, act on a system of sell interest to which the affairs of State must be sacrificed. In conclusion, 1 regret to sec so many good | citizens hurried away by excessive zeal for the Union, who, like Caleb Quotum,arc scrambling to find a place at the review,on the shoulders if their fellow freemen; but who, in less than a year, will look back with horror and dismay at the sanction they are now giving, to doctrines which cannot fail of destroying our system of confederated Republics. They will then im pute, and justly, all the evils, the blood and slavery,to which we are doomed through a civil war, to this ill timed, vindictive, and torij Proc lamation, Whilst the doctrines it maintains were advanced by V\ ebstor, their true character wis seen, rightly estimated and promptly resist ed, by a vast majority of the people,—but now they arc supported by the whole government, they arc no longei -federal or dangerous, as hat ’- utg to consolidation, lor who will stand up .North of the Potomac, even for the liberties of the country, against “power, its patronage and smiles ? Witness the humiliating desertion, by- Penn* svlvania, of ;he principles she has repeatedly proclaimed through her Legi.-.lature and i ourts against the exercise of undclegaled powers by the federal agent. Each other Middle and Northern State,will follow in the formal surren der of their State freedom and sovereignty to this Proclamation. P. S.—l have just read the proceedings of the Boston Meeting, and recognize as well the federal actors of 1738, as the principles ot gov ernment attempted to be established by the some party at that day, viz: to give the govern ment, from the inomen 1 it went into operation, such a ion as would impart uncontrollable strength • ■ its permanent branches, and cr.'end lhatper . ‘‘nancy, so as to paraiize the popular branch. These principles were founded in an at tachment to a strong and splendid government, and wer’ ■: ddly conducting us to consolidation, and wen’ . 1 have ended in it, but for the great civil revolution achieved by the republican par te of 18 >, on the basis ofthc Yirginiaand Ken turkey ■:>. solutions. Time anil measures which have combined the avarice and ambition of the coantrv. have now drawn in till branches of (lie Government to support these consolidating prin ciples; and their old advocates joyfully come tor .’, ird, pledging life and fortune to give thorn periTinn- : >t footing. It is a propitious moment for their final eff rt. Finding their principles the rev of republican, again recognized by the federal administration, with a majority of Congress ready to asseit ihe supremacy of theiracts, no mati rhow grossly and danger ously such acts violate the .Constitution, they could not fail to cheer and assist the President to coerce, !>'•• hired soldiers, a Sovereign State, for resistance under her reserved rights, to un constitutional laws. To give a colour of justifi cation for this outrage on constitutional liberty, the federalists now, as in 1795, set up the cry that the Union is in danger, from resistance by u State to unconstitutional laws; denominating such resistance, treason and disunion ; and then urging the President to enforce usurpation by ! unconstitutional means. 1 iiey declare, “ now ! is the time to lix on a sedtd foundation our do. - SO. 8.