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Washington Cos. Geo. .May 24, 1833. To ike Editor of the .Messengers Sir You will oblige an old woman, by in serting < hc follow in” in your paper, I would have published it hero, but I wanted some other per son in your county, to corroborate the far ts that I stale, and I thick, if John B, Earle is alive, he •r an do it. It is for the iutbrmat on efthese that dont know the politics of the family ot Johti Bates, of Hail county, Georgia. I happened to be iu Milledgeville when said Bates amended - the resolution on South Carolina Nullification, by saying we abhor the doctrine as. processed by Carolina. It did not surprise me when 1 knew who he was, for his whole larr.iiy abhorred the doctrine of South Cnrohna in seventvsix. the time that tried men's sc.uls. My family and several others were forced near Paeolet river, with his grandfather and his father, and soul more of his family. His uncle, Bill Bates, went to the Cherokee Nation and piloted in the Indians to the Fort, and it was well known at forwards tb'.it the Bates’ knew that they were coming. There w ere a few that tired on the Indians, but the Bates’ and some others of the tau>:e stamp, opened the gates, and let them in. I can never forget the scene that followed. They killed and scalped John Motley, wife, and several others, and stripped him naked, and two Indians took hold of him, one by each arm, and Bill Bates came past at the moment, and Mot ley begged he would not let the Indians kill him, I as they wero raised together; but Bates said w ith sn oath, it was none of his business, they might kill him if they had a mind, and passed _ on. I shall nevei forget the helhsh laugh that he gave as he turned round, which made Motley turn his head, when behold, an Indian that was behind him made a stroke at his head with a tomahawk, but he pitched forwards, and it stuck in his shoulder. He then broke from the Indi ans, but they fired on him and shot him in the thigh; he then jumpoa up and made his escape in defiance of th Indians. The Indians collected ike plunder, and pris oners, anti start c lor the Cherokee .Nation; there was a company collected, and pursued after the Indians, and came up with them, and recovered every thing, and the prisoners, except . old Mrs. Bates, who could not be found. In j searching about Major Parsons found her under . the bank of a branch hid, to go off to the Nation with ner son Bill.—Parsons said lie had a great mind to kill her, but he didnt like to kill a wo man but would make his horse kill her by break ing tne Dank over her, but he did not. He then ordered the old hag out, and fetched heron with the rest. The Bates’ exulted vhen the fort was taken, telling us the British and In ians tvoul overrun Carolina, and we had better make our peace with them, or we should be like Motley s wife; but we had our turn with them, as we w nt. back after the war was over. Theie was a man came in to trade with the Nation enquiring the wiv to Gen Pickens’ on Seneca river, as he kept a store to traue with the Indians. Tb ■ man that he applied to, began to question him; he did not like his answets, and told him U thought he was a bad man, and made him march b .ore him to Gen. Picktns’ and wanted him to send him to Greenville. Pickens told him, he had nothing against the man, but the other declared that he would take him himself, and actually put him in Greenville jail. Motley heard that Bill Bates was in jail, and he got-two or three others to go with him, and demanded him of the Jailor, but he refused to give him up; he then began to break the door, and the jailor t imed him out, and he shot him through the head in the streets of Greenville—Dont you think the hand of God was in it 1 Now all this “happ'ened in your neighborhood, where you can {mow whether I have stated facts or not. If I have, I hope you wiii u2T® the £ooanes t? i lish it for a poor old woman, who has suffered by them. I would ask you one question; dc you think that the old Tories instilled theirprin ciples into their children as the Whigs did '! Now this same Bates in every instance, I am told, where an Indian was concerned, always took their part against the honour of his State; whether it was from the principles instilled into him, he is the best judge. If it was from hu manity, he ought to have credit for it, and bad as I have a right to hate them, I would not per secute them at this day. May the blessings of an old woman who lovts the State wherein she first drew her breath, attend you. M ARY JOHNSTONE. N. B.—ls you publish it, I wish some of the printers in Georgia would publish it likewise. We understand that Wiley Anderson was bung near Spartenburgh C. H. on Friday last, agreeably to the sentence of the Court. It will bo recollected that this man was convicted of the murder of a citizen ofSpart<uburgh District, who was in company with several gentlemen from Georgia, who were • .delivering t< arrest Anderson for the murder of a man in that state. A vast concourse of spectators assembled to witness the execution. The criminal met his fate with great fitmness, and even assisted to ■adjust the rope. He has left a wife and three nr four children, who are residing in Georgia Greenville Mountaineer. Lord Byron. —lt may not be generally known -that the present Lord Chancellor Brougham, is tile real author of the famous article in the Edin burgh Review, on Byron’s Juvenile production. “ Hours of Idleness,” for which Jeffrey was so severely taken to task in the satire, “ English Bards and Scottish Reviewers.” I\e have this fact from authority on which we can place the utmost reliance Edinbu g Observer. Ececutive jlres. —An elegant hickory box, containing one dozen axes, from the foundery of Alexander Harrison, New-ilaven, was shown to us yesterday. They were made by a dozen different workmen. on the occasion of the Presi dent s recent visit to the Academic groves of that city, and presented to him as specimens of an iron age. We thing tney are samples of excel lent workmanship; and now that the Pro sic ent by virtue of certificate from Doctor Quincy of Harvard, has become one of the Literati, he ” i'l tifobably use them in “chopping logic. A Good One. —“ Mister, (.said a Johnny | Raw thorn fioin New Jersey, who lately visited < the office of the Argus,) dont folks pay i for the paper witboutdunnen 1 I guess if I was printer, I’d tickle ’em with an oat straw ! I’ hy father takes a paper, and I’ve heard him tell mother, he’d just about as lief cheat the Parson os the Printer !” THE WESTERN HERALD. AURARIA, GEORGIA, AUGUST 31, 1333. [tCP We are authorized to anouncc the name ot'Alaj JOEL CRAWFORD, ofHancock county, for Governor at the ensuing Election. —: 2£2!r : On this day,the favorite project of Governor Lumpkin, of excluding from circulation, allßills under the denomination of five Dollars, goes into operation. If after this time either through necessity or otherwise, any one shall pass for any purpose whatsoever, a bill under the denom ination ot five Dollars, he becomes subject by law, to the paymt nt of 100 dollars, and as in- ducement to its rigid enforcement, one half of this sum is given to Informers for prosecuting the suit, and they made competent witnesses to fix the charge upon whomsoever they may think proper to accuse. \\ e have called this the fa vorite project of Governor Lumplrn, because the law was enacted by the last Legislature upon his special recommendation, and surely he will not be held responsible for its consequences. It has been the chief delight of the Governor and his “aids” to electioneer upon the principle, that he was “the poor man’sfriend;” “the plain hon | est farmer;” “the farmers Governor,” and all j such like low slang. The question is now sub- I mitted to those to whom these tales have been told,how this act comports with his professions. Does its operation affect most the rich or the poor? Docs it manifest those fnendlyintentions, that kind protecting care over the interest of “the honest yeomanry” of the country, profes sed by, and for the Governor. These questions need not be answered, for that which is self ev ident needs not the aid of proof. Ifthe affluent, (and here again it is urged as an electioneering hobby’, that much the larger i> rtion of them are against the Governor,) are >v the law denied the privilege of passing small bills, they can offer fives, tens, and hundreds, w hilst generally,the whole monied capital of the poor mem, (whose support is claimed almost ex clusively for the Governor,) consists of some two or three hills, under the denomination offive dollars. * To make ourselves understood by every one on this subject, and to show as we conceive, unanswerably, the effect of this law upon the labouring and poorer class of the community, let us suppose, on this day, that the man of wealth has on hand a number of small bills. He docs not need them for immediate use, and i can yylihout detriment to himself, await a con venient opportunity to send them from whence they issued, and effect an exchange for specie or bills of larger denomination. Not so with him who is differently circumstanced, and whose week’s labour has earned him a thn.-e dollar bill. From this, himself and family must 1 be supported the ensuing week, and yet he can not use it without subjecting him to a suit at the instance of the first enemy he meets, and to the payment of the hundred dollars, a sum sufficient to deprive his wife and children of a bed to lie on or a cow to milk. The same course of rea soning will hold good throughout, and this law no matter how considered, not withstsanding it is the bantling of the poor man’s Governor, nev ertheless will be discovered to operate most op pressively on that class, while it does not at all effect the rich, except in enabling them when so disposed, to take advantage of, and speculate upon the necessities of the former. The people most affected by this measure, w ill look to it, and say whether they will give the;r support to a man who imposes himself up on them under the deceptive character, assumed by Govern.or Lumpkin; at least it is time that the electioneering hobbies heretofore most re lied on in his .support, should be dismounted, for by this act they are “rode down” rort tiie western herald. Covingicn, July 26, 1833. Hoy. John C. Calhoun, Sir >\ ith a high regard for your public ser vices, and a warm and undying attachment to the Jeffersonian principles of ’9B, which have recently bad your fearless and unshrinking ad vocacy, even in these times of peril and politi cal apostasy; permit us, in behalf of the citizens of Newton county, most earnestly and respect— i iully, to request that you will honor us with’ your presence at a Public Dinner, to be furnish ed tor the occasion at a time hereafter to be specified, and which may suit your convenience. VV e beg leave to 3ay, that any time previous to the 12th of September next, would perfectly meet the convenience of our citizens, and inter fere with no public engagements. Should it be in your power to inefct our sm— | cere wishes upon this subject, you will be kind enough to signify to the Committee, as early as practicable, the particular day which you may select for the purpose, that suitable arrange ments may be made. _ 1 In conclusion, honored Sir, suffer us to ten-1 der our most cordial wishes, that the high, fe deral and lutitudinariun doctrines, so boldly pro claimed during the last Congress by the Nor thern champion of consolidation, and which met so timely and triumphant a relutation at your hands, may -non meet their merited fate, and that the pure unsophisticated republicanism of’9B, recently acted out by your native State, and which embraces “ State Rights” and “State Remedies,” both may spread its sanative influ- I ence over this Union, until every State shall learn, that to be free, it must be sovereign. IVith sentiments of high regard, we remain, Hon. Sir, your ob’t. Servt’s. CHARLES KENNON. JACK WILBURN, A. Y. LUCKIE, GEORGE PULLEN, WILLIAM BROWN, JOHN N. WILLIAMSON, GREEN B. TURNER, JOSIAH TERRY, M’CORMK K NEAL, M’ALLEN BAITS, SITU T. STOORS, LAMBETH HOPKINS, CHARLES H. SANDERS, Com. of Arrangements. Lumpkin County, Aug. 10, 1833. Gentlemen,—l have just been honored by your note of the 26th July, inviting me in the name of the citizens of Newton county, to a Public Dinner to be given to me at such lime, as would suit my convenience. If anv circumstance could induce me to de part tront the line of conduct, which, on mature reflection, I prescribed to myself front the be ginning of the present great political struggle, to decline all testimony of approbation of my public conduct, it would be the kind and flatter ing manner in which the Citizens of Newton county, have offered me this mark of their re spect; but 1 trust, they will excuse me for not accepting, when I explain the principle on which I have heretofore declined similar testi mony of respect; and on which, I still feel my self constrained to act. In making the ex planation, you will 1 hope, bear with me, parti cularly in speaking of myself, as it is impossible without so doing, to state the reasons which govern me. Perceiving as I clearly did, several years since, a strong tendency to concentrate a'l pow er in the Federal Government, and to substitute its will as the mere agent of a great dominent, local interest, in the place of the Constitution; . and firmly believing, that faction, anarchy, cor-’ ruption and finally despotism, wouh; be the re sult, if not speedily and effectually arrested. I 1 felt it a sacred, and paramount duty to the coun try to oppose so fatal a tendency, w ith every fa culty, that prudence hud bestowed on me, with out regom to personal consequences. This determination was not taken without full know ledge of the'difficulty and danger to oe encoun tered. I had too mm h knowledge and experi ence in human affairs, not to foresee that it would bring mo in conflict with the mighty in terests, which was perverting the powers ol the governmet, from the object intendeu by the union of these states; the common good of all, to the advancement of its own particular pros perity, regardless of that of others. Nor did I doubt, considering the position I occupied, that v ith the view of weakening me, and through me, the cause, charges the most profligate would be made against me; however pure and disinteres ted might be my motives and conduct. Though I had long since learned to hold in contempt i guc |' i -Wutaeles. when in the discharge of what I believed to be my duty, as tar as 1 myself personally, yet believing, that the least suspicion, that I was actuated by personal, or ambitious motives, would have an injurious ef i feet on the great and sacred cause in which I ‘ was an humble labourer, and which I placed j above all earthly considerations, I determined j that no act ot mine should afford the least color | to sueh"an accusation. With this view, and in > order to demonstrate, as far as acts could, that I sought no lead, nor any personal advantage whatever, 1 determined throughout the struggle to avoid all occasions, calculated to give me pre-eminence, excepting uch as might require a performance of some duty. The execution of this resolution has cost me no effort, as all of my desires were concentrated in the success of the cause. Should that succeed—should our constitution and liberty be restored, I ask no more. I shall be satisfied, be my fate person ally what it may; but till they are restored, I hold myself bound to act on the principle, which has heretofore guided me—to hold myself as nothing,and the cause in which weare interested, every thing. I not only thus far, but I wish to avoid all suspicions, however untounded, to the contrary. I say till restored, not without due and deli— -1 berate consideration of the full import of the ■ term. I utter it under a painful, but a solemn • conviction of its truth, that we are no longer a free people—a people living under a Constitu tion, as. the guardian of their rights; hut under the absolute will of an unchecked majority, which has usurped the power to do as it pleases, and to enforce its pleasure at the point of the bayonet—a power, according to my conception, constituting the very essence of despotism, be the form of government what it may; that of| one, the few, or the many # This condition, we hod been long approaching; and to it we are now absolutely reduced by the Proclamation and Force Act. Let no one deceive himself into the belief, that these tyranical and lawless meusures do not subvert the constitution and destroy liberty, because they have not yet been can ied out into j their cruel and bloody consequences. It be- ! longs to slaves and not freemen, to measure their servitude by the tyranny actually felt, and riot by the violation of great and fundamental principles. I The Government bus assumed despotic pow er, and lei us not forget, what experience teach es, that when such assumption is not promptly met and put down, such power in the hand ot I government never lies dormant. Its progress [will soon be traced in blood, fflpi thus freely denouncing these odious and ■Constitutional acts, my object is admonition and not excitement; to rouse to a speedy rescue of liberty nnd the constitution; and not to weak en our attachment to the union, or our admira ble political institutions. It is, in fact, the strong attachment that l feel for the Union, and the profound admiration for our iusi itutions,_ which have excited the deep indignation I feel against the measures, by which they have been over thrown; and which threaten to erect on the ru ins, the most corrupt and oppressive system of despotism upon earth. It rests with us of the South to say, whether such shall be the end ot our politic al experiment, which once afforded, and, l trust, will again, such high hopes to the | friends of liberty over the world. The pres-| sure of despotic power will first fall on us; and 1 if we do not meet it, with the lofty and deter mined spirit of freemen, ready to sacrifice all rather than surrender our liberty, our doom, and ! that ol your institutions, will be fixed forever. Th.; consolidating all power in the government, 1 will terminate the experiment; and consolida- j tion and liberty are from their nature forever disjoined Under no circumstance can they ! co-exist. So long then, as the act of blood stains our statute book, and the sovereignty of the states is practically denied by the govern ment, so long will be the duration of our politi cal bondage. Permit me in conclusion to remark, if I, in conjunction with the able and patriotic associ ates, with whom I acted during the last trying Session of Congress, successfully maintained in debate, the rights and sovereignty of the States, as you are pleased to stile, it must be attributed to the cause, and not the advocate. There were arranged on the side of consolidation, men of powerful talents, capable of doing ample jus tice to the side they advocated; and it is cer tainly no slight evidence of the truth of our cause, that such men were compelled, in de fence of their doctrines, to deny a fact so clear, and so universally admitted till then, and that even by those, who were then forced to deny it, that the federal constitution is a compact — a fact as certain, as the existence of the instrument itself; and yet, such was the force of truth, that the leading advocates ot consolidation were compelled to admit, that, if a fact so unquestion able be granted, all the rights we claimed for the ; states; sovereignty, nullification and all necessa | rily followed. On such solid grounds, da our i great and glorious cause stand. Resting on such stable foundation, let us support and de ! fend it with the legitimate waepons of truth, ! candour, disinterestedness, and energy, and its I triumph will be certain. With sincere regard I am, &c. &c. JOHN C. CALHOUN. Charles Kenon, Jack Wilbijrn, A. F. Luckie. George Pullen, William Brown, J. W. Williamson, 1 Green B. Turner, | Josiaii Perry, M’Cormick Neal, M’Ali.f.n B tts, Seth P. Storrs, Lambeth Hopkins, and C. H. Sanders, Esqrs. FROM THE WASHINGTON NEWS. TO THE FREEMEN OF Butts, Carroll, Campbell, Gwinnett, Habersham, Hall, Monroe .Muscogee, Newton, Pulaski, Rabun, Richmond, Taliaferro and Warren counties. I ask you to look at the following table, and 1 =ee how greativ vou are injiirS'! degraded by the proposed plan of the late CC2’ er)t ' on ' l Butts county has 3,367 free m whito inhabitants and is now entitled to two representatives. The ‘ new plan will give her only one representative, | and leave 1215 of her free while population un j represented; whilst Glynn county with 622 free I white inhabitants (only half of what Butts is to lose) now has one—and is under the new plan is to have one representative, equal to Butts. This is proclaimed to the people, as an apportion ment of representation, under a free white basis only, and many honest republican Citizens, have taken up with the plan, because it “ sounds repub lican.” But let my well meaning fellow-citi zens look at this plan closely- If .it be based on free white population only, and the county of Glynn with 622 white persons is to have one representative, how many ought Butts to have with her 3,367 white population ? Answer— more ’than five !Is it honest now to say that the apportionment of representation is made on free while population alone ? It is not right, and the people ought to be uudecoived. 2. Again, Campbell county has a free white population of 3,398, and has now two members, and is to have but one, leaving 1247 of her free white population unrepresented, whilst Wayne, with a free white population of 667, now has one, and is to have the same number under the new plan. By an equal ratio Campbell ought to have Jive representatives. 3. Carroll has a free white population of 3967, now has two representatives, but under the new plan is to have but one, leaving 896 of her free white population unrepresented; whilst Randolph, with a free white population of 691, now has one, and is to keep one representative. By the same ratio, Carroll ought to have nearly Jive. 1 4. Pulaski county has a free white population ot 2996, and now has two representatives, and is to have hut one, leaving 845 of her free white population unrepresented—whilst Bryan, with 724 free whites, (less than Pulaski loses) now has one and is to retain one representative. By this ratio, Pulaski ought to have Jour. 6. Rabun has afrte white population 0f2982, and now has two reprenentatives, but is to lose one ot these by the new plttn, and also have 831 of herfree whites unrepresented. Mont gomery, with 949 free whites, now has one ro presentative, and is to be allowed one still. $y this ratio Rabun ought to have between three eni Jour representatives. 6. Taliaferro has 3105 free whites and now has two, but is to be cut down to one represen. tative, which leaves 954 of her free whitca tinre. presented. Baker, with 977 free whites (about the number Taliaferro loses) now has one, ami is privileged to hold on to one representative. But by this ralio, Taliaferro ought to have mom than three. 7. Muscogee has 3106 free whites; and now has two representatives, but she is to lose one of these, and the representation of 955 of h er free whites. Ware has 1063 free whites, and now has, and is still to have one representative, By an equal ratio of representation with Ware, Muscogee ought to have three representatives. But Ware seems to be entitled to a represents, five for what Muscogee loses ! 8. Warren with 5043 free whites, now has I three representatives, and is to have but two; j leaving 740 of her free whites unrepresented! i Mclntosh, with 1076 free whites, now has two and is to have one representative. But it the new plan was in truth based upon fiee white ! population alone, and made equal, Warren would be entitled to near five representatives. ! 9. Richmond, w ith 5,558 free whites, now j has three, but is to have only two representatives under the new plan, leaving 1256 of her fiee ! whites unrepresented. Irwin with 1066 fiee whites, 200 less than Richmond loses, now has one, and will still be allowed one representative. By an equal ratio, Richmond should have more than fiv’ ! 10. Newton has 8,101 free w hites and now has, and will be yet allowed three representa tives, though she loses, upon an equal rati®, (of 2151 free whites to a representative,) the repre sentation of 1667 of her free whites. ButAp pling with 1227 free whites less than is thrown off in Newton, now has and w.ll continue to have one representative. An eqnal ratio would give to Newton more than double her number of representatives. 11. Monroe has 9,723 free whites, and now sends four, but will only send three represents* lives under the new plan, and will leave 3,276 of her free whites unrepresented ! Camden has 1441 free whites, not half the number castaway in Monrce, and now sends two, but is to have but one representative. An equal ratio would give Monroe nearly seven repicsentatives! 12. Habersham has 10,262 free whites, and now has, and is proposed to have three repre sentatives, leaving 3,807 of her free whites un represented. Stewart has 1371 free whiter, little more than one third of what Habersham loses, and now has, and will continue to have one representative. By an equal ratio, Haber* sham would have near eight representatives. 13. Gwinnett has 10,721 free whites, and now has four but is proposed to have but three representatives, by which 4,266 of her tree whites will go unrepresented. Early has 1466 free whites, about Nine third of what is lost to Gwinnett, and now has and is yet to have one representative. Ifthe same latio was allowed to Gwinnett, she would have between seven and eight representatives. 14. Hall has 11,177 free whites, and now has four; but is to have hut three representative", under the new plan, by which 4,722 of her free whites will go umepresented, upon an equal ra tio with all the state. Telfair has 1487 free whites, little more than one fourth of what is cast off'from Hall, and now has, and will yet have one representative. If Hall should send representatives under the same ratio, she would be entitled to nearly eight. But for the sakeol seeing how great the disparity in apportionment really is, I will state an extreme case.—Hall ha.-, 11,177 free whiles and three representatives, losing a representation for 4722 ot’ her freo whites. Glynn has 622 free whites, little more than one eighth of what Hall loses, and now sends, and is to be favored still with one repre sentative. If Hall were to send representatives upon a like ratio with Glynn, she would he en tiiieu ,ri representatives in tho L YerymanV-indeed, aitfost all of the middle and upper counties lose greatly’ of tnoir w tio of representation, which is approp'S'f” make up the deficiency of population in the I6K* counties, generally. So that every evidence* that would be required to hang a mnn, or sen tence him to the penitentiary, is afforded to prove that the great amendment of the Conven tion is not based upon free white popular alone, and that representation might with 59 much propriety be allowed to slave property, as pine barren property. The comfort or honor cf the matter is, that besides relinquishing a heavy portion of repre sentation, as well as representative population, these counties, and others who are in like con dition, (for I have not named halfof them.) ha' e to pay in taxes an amount equal to the per diem allowance of these representatives of barton territory. You have enough just now fellow citizens to reflect upon; there are many mom very stubborn facts, yet to be disclosed, to the discredit of the partizan convention. A CORN-PLANTER* Mr. Calhoun. —“ The seven principles” in dignant at the respect manifested towards slr< Calhoun, at the late celebration in Virginia, ‘ 3 venting his spleen on the great Southerner in the true rattlesnake spirit. Alas, how fallen is this Editcir! Puffed up with a vain conceit o! his influence over the People of Virginia heso® finds himself the object of merited derision-- stripped of his supposed power-*—mortified in bis pride—baflled in his purposes-—the dupe of P own artifice—the victim of his own passions - ” the jest of his own friends—the scorn of his D ’ einies—and the laughing-stock of all. ”j 10 would not spare him a few bitter curses on Calhoun ? The temper he displays towards tb l3 distinguished statesman, at once exhibits 1110 convulsed agotly of his own mortified feeling'’ and the reckless malignity of his private ha*®’ What are the pretexts upon which he assai' 1 Mr, Calhoun? Is the editor a friend of State Rights? Then should he extol Mr. CalhoM for surely no men has periled more in their d®’ fence than Mr. Calhoun. Is ho a frfeflf c