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eise itself, hor permit the exercise by the com
mon agent, of such powers- -the sovereignty
still retaining the unity and indivisibility which
are ess stial to it. and which are indisti uctible.
The fundamental error has been, to consider
the-United S.ates as self-existent, and indepen
dent, and sovereign, as a party to a compact
between sovereigns, and as capable of impar
ting, as well as receiving sovereign powers under
stipulated engagements : but this error is dissi
pated sirnplv by asking what is the I nited
States ?' Territorially speaking, there is no
e ich separate and identical thing as the United
States United States,” in the Pr- amble to
the Constitution, means the thirteen sovereign
uad in b pendent States, united for certain de
fined a-> I limited purposes therein expressed.
The s ime words were used in the articles of
confederation, one of which asserted expressly
the absolute sovereignty of each State—in this
sense it was universally understood, by the
States immediately after the ratification oi the
Constitution —for when it was attempted to
bring one of these sovereigns before the Courts
of the United States, it was indignantly resent
ed by all ol them ns an insult, and the Constitu
tion was so amended, (and I think by unani
mous consent,) as to prevent the possibility of
its recurrence. “We the people,” mean the
people of the several States, who alone w-re
Competent to ordain and establish Constitutions
of govi’rnment, whether for the management of
so eign or domestic cone rns. If New-ham -
shire and G rgia had not ratified the Constitu
tio i, they might have confederated and adopted
the same Constitution, in precisely the same
vy.>rds—Wethe people of the United States.
What States. What States ? The scv» ral
States of Vew-Hampshire and Georgia, united
for e-- tain defin d purposes, do ordain and es-
Ub isn this Constitution, &c—united, having
referencet* States, and net to the people—and
th words >rdam°d and estaolish. Laving refer
ee to the people, and not totheStates. Nay,
fort mr, Georgia or New-Hampshire might, each
ci t m, hive firmed two governments and two
C institutions, th one for the conduct of its for
eign relations, the other for the conduct of its
d'un«st c, on the same principles, and with the
earn* powers as their present State and Fedei
atyG >ve>n neats ; yet no one would believe, that
in t first case, the people of Georgia and the
peopl • of New Hampshire were one people, or
that in the last, either State had parted with its
sovereignty to one oi both governments ; it
wool I still possess the same right to alter, new
mod lor lestroy both. The nature and extent
of the powers dekgated, could not impair the
sovereignty of the States, if the Convention had
delegated all powers, Executive, Legislative
Judicial, to Gen. Washington and his succes
eors for ever, the sovereignty ofthe States would
have remained entire. When the
ofthe Convention who labored ‘^, e dq-‘ tIUC t lon
of State sovereignty had thrown every thing into
Franklin bad advised the
Corn’ HTt n to go to praying, and the mwimeio
were returning homo in despair of any thing
being a o nplishi d but mis* hies, Gunning Bed
ferd, a noble patriot of the now misrepresented
or apostate State of Delaware, turned the for
tune ofthe day, by warning them, if they dared,
to touch t e sovereignty of his State, that State
would call in the aid of foreign power-* to protect
ber soverei. nty; and so the Constitution passed
expheitlv r* .’ognizing that sovereignty, by the
organization ofthe senate ; and not in the least
t -pah rig it bv the representation of the people
of each state in the House of Rrpresentatives.
Politics’] speaking, there is no s ich being as
the 1 nit- .1 St ites, distinct from the states, no
kt !i -■Din > unity or people. There is such a
tiling as th ■ government of the United States,
anjxrtit; •'! trature, an incorporeal heredita
ment but a government is not a natron, or a
people, or a community, any more than it is a
eov< i_ri. I’hc Constitution, to be sure,
fcpc il» s ci *v - the people,” but it only means
the people *■! the states who formed that Consti
luti >n, t- 1 *: v io were the only rightful trainers of
f'on •’it'Umn- \s one people or community,
they have n» v?r performed a single act either to
originate the government, to carrv it on, nor
will t >ey, ♦ an they perform any to end it—no
such peopl or community could hve been
formed, but L-- aking up all the communities
called tt-.e states, in consolidating them into
one mass, w : hn- ver could t»e o c but by
force or cons* A’e s; eik ot Boundaries
between the U m t* s and foieign states but
they are onh su- o cause they are the boun
da ■■ s:• two. nth talcs and such foreign pow
ers. T g i iient ot the U. States, if the
b. u anes "•’? ■ theirs could alter them at
pieasur-’, which, it cannot do—it cannot acquire
territ irv wit -m t date tor the erection of need
ful ouildings, wtth''ii: the consent of that state,
uad then may hav • n<> jurisdiction within the
tamo, if withel : i'v that authority. The gov
ern n-nt -- th-- I oit-- 't ies is, in fact, a cor
porate * > I . >vit i .i c >.n n > i seal and cotninon
flag, i - pr-'s n’tn .!'•■»' j •. ordi-ig to a defln
« i ai *! I n-ti > <1 art t, vh - I cannot be violated
bm it tv risk .»?'•■» • ' r . <l which the sover
ci r r iting it mist - i ige. But is it comp*-.
f . : » vti o it- to ;4. d'tue violation of the
cnarter* Y s—but it jnife s for itself alone—
cv ly other stat*, in urta ofthe same sever- ■
eigm vh i'th * t u t. h should it tot
Tn- in.'W i is, it v id » -tun liable to abuse;
t.e Union v. dt b* in co .emit danger ot agi.
♦ttion and di-uuein: ,'r <t* ut by capricious and
irregular ■ i >v- mir-, ■ • th- state. Il- re is 1
unot *'r t ) i.« tie t! < t r—-Instead ot asbn. 1
bi ig ’. u «■;. e, U..1 deration, and discre.
tie *tos •’ . ./■ .it s taken tor granted
tho -o h s’. '' li* . I’rstan.l her true*
luo- *.l; ji'iicu, * ,;f act from the I
*»t>i it i.• th ■ moiuent.
it •> t t e • a . * - ; . on t 1 e con 1
I ' ' h * I.
n‘- i te .t I ■ ' v>st rally !’• vein, q
I ) »*» . 1 . i-. n t n-t it« regard to
i «t v< * tr e • t Fa s. Ne - , what is th
>t -i e t hgim-ut hch md-t :s Union to
e. Id > -st. tv mov* t <s motive
C. •! r-s . » h-.’ii ong v i;’ he I ion last—
j . st -cdl1 1 . ■ s; it- , c«asiu;
to ~ve riterest . it* I ». ••. t ’draw f toln .
it. It is the beauty of the system, while it is
the surest foundation for its perpetuity, that each
state is left to pursue its own interest, in its own
way, only asking the Government of the U.
States which it has itself constituted, to protect
it from Foreign Powers stronger than itseli, and
to let it alone in all matters which it has not
specially confided to its care. How different
is this from the idea of keeping the States to.
gether by force—to keep together by force,
those who were brought together by consent ;
to keep Union by force, to keep amity by force,
to keep brotherly love by force, to keep peace
by force, it is absurd, and fortunately it is as
impossible, as it is absurd. If a single state,
■ standing upon her sovereignty, resists the inva.
sion of her rights, this is not to be ndured be.
cause it endangers the Union—ls some halt
dozen states unite and secede, this, though it
so tar dissolves the Union, must be submitted
to because it cannot be r sisted —so that the
rightfulness of force depends, not on the right,
fulness ofthe enuse, but on the relative strength
and weakness ofthe parties. But let ns see
what is the natu e and extent of the risk, and
danger to the Union, of admitting the right of a ,
state, to repose itself upon its sovereignty, to ,
resist an aggression by the Government of the
United States. The dang* r and risk must be
measured, by the probable frequency of its re.
curmnce ; —how often has it occurred since the
date of the Union, and how oft-n is it likely to
occur ? Surely it is not intended to deny to a
state the right which is given to the worm, the
right to defend itself, and to preserve itself; this
I indeed consists with the denial of all soveieign.
ty, but I trust that in our downwar ' course to
the grave, we have not reached a point so near
its brink. A state has engaged with other
states, that it will do certain things, and omit
certain other things ; and that their common
' agent shall be authorized to do in their name
and in virtue of their authority certain other
things. Here then isa contract involving rights
and obligations on the face of it ; it purports to
be perpetual an irrevocable, but is it so in fact'
Can it be so between i-utependent < ommunities,
who are bound by the laws of God and nature,
to protect and defend themselves ; to t ike care
of their own happiness, and interests, are these
com numtiesto be bound from generation togen
eration -vithoutthe possibility offindingbsolulion.
Is it p'-rmitt -J to'us ofthe present degenerate day,
to disinherit posterity, by sending down to it a
worn debased and a*.railed shilling, which they
cannot refuse, but at the peril of their lives.
No.— Every generation must *ake care ofitself,
and by all the moral, politieial, and physical
force it can ; always bound by the great law of
eternal justice which it is not permitted to indi
viduals orcommunitiesta violate, —but contracts
and engagements can be vinlai— J commu. i
ties unJ ,• the sanction . )t u ia t supreme law.
II 1 : ’> s .'.dippens when the soveregn, judges that
i the safety, happiness and interests ofthe com
• inunity, require such violation. N .thing is or
1 1 can be required of it afterwards, but to repair
h w' uLqvci iiijuijf ui aI iruy Uuve <»<><>• to
; the parties interested, of which, of course they
- are the judges in equal degree, in virtue ol the
1 same equal rights an*i prerogatives. Th*- de-
■ claration by the contract, that the Union shall
, be perpetual, only means that it shall be so
: under the higher and supreme law, which per
l mits the parties to consult their safety, happi-
I ness and interest But with regard to ’the
! rights of the other parties. What can they of
t As sovereigns they can demand satisfaction;
: they can go to war; they can annihilate the par
ty resisting—they may satisfy vengeance, but
i may not compel tnat party to send Senators and
> Representatives to ( augress, or electors of
i President to an Electoral College. If the party
, make all the atonement and reparation in its
■ power, this is all that cun be lawfully demand
i ed—ttml wheio th*- public law is satisfi d, the
i party wronged can make its appeal under t int
> | sau,t; l aw to all the sovereigns of the civibzed
i; world, who would then be the arbiters between
• the paity doing wr-*ng, and the party suffering
l wrong. 1 have said they may go to war, but
certainly not by ;uiv power ofthe ( onstituti n.
i The Constitution authorizes the F- deral i.ov-
• eminent todeclare war—hut not against a State.
> :he artu les ot the conlederatmn expreso! re—
i cognized the absolute sovereignty and ind*-pen
i dence of th*' States, and the Congress like the
> present ( ongress had the power to • - clar «ar.
’. It was not believed to be a power to c re
[ war against a State. The confederat n nas
uissolvd to make way for the n w- gov* rnrn* nt,
not that the new Government should haie the
power to coerce a State, but because us no
Government could possess that power, it should
possess the power which the confederation had
n >t to co- rec i.udividuals. This power it am
ph possesses, for all authorized purposes, and
more than this it cannot * 1 um. I (1 the exercise
ol this > wer it can proceed to any extremity
"hi* n the Constitution authorizes—But if in
proceeding to that extremity it en >unt rs the
I sovereign power of a State] it must stop, bt--
cause it is a mere governm nt without -ov r
eignty act ng against a sovereign power. It is
true, that it th*'acti n. an I counter : turn pro
cee . from t c two governments merely, and
not from the sovereign power, the Federal Gov
, ernm* nt has the advantage, r< suiting tr- in the ‘
• stipulations of the compact, which its own courts
in all cases merely judiu. J In;i y enfor*- ; but if
t*c .Mate acting by co vention of the w ole
I people, shall throw itself upon it” sovereigntv,
the other party may n .>t proceed without an u*’ t
of war. It is not admitted that the Congress *
has pow er to declare war against a State. • Mh* r
States may combine t> declare it, but they do
so as sown igns, to et force simulations of t ie
> contract H they ( lease, < r fbr any other pornos- i
Ics they please, ifthev declare war and sub
jugate a State, th y mav divide it and mak it
parts of two adjacent <!ate- with the consent of <
these res, but are the rightsof war and *
of conquest. They have no right t-< deal with i I
inHviduals captured or vanquished, oth* rwise I
than s prisoners ot war. But it is said that I
the powers conferred by th*- Constitution shall ’
be t. e supreme law, Kn v thujg m the laws or v
< .Mist.tmmn ot a Sla.e to the contratv notwith 1
smndmg-thus making the authority ofthe Con- 1
.mutton of the United States suoenor to that oHj
the States—and this ,is all true, but who or
dained hat superiority? VVhy the sove
reign which ordained both Constitutions. -
Might not the same sovereign have given
that superiority to the State, over the United
states Constitution? Certainly. they are
both alike the creature of t. at sovereign, who
could mould and fashion ihe.3 at its w,ll, with
out limitation or restraint, other than by the
laws of God and nature. The Government of
•he United States passes a law, it is in confer
mity with the Constitution, it is arrested in its
execution by the sovereign power-.f a State,
which decides that the law is inconsistent with
its safety —has a State the right to take care of
itself? It decides i law to be null and void, j
Ma? not the power, of which the Constitution (
is but in emanative so decide it ? Mhy not as ■
rigntfully as the Supreme Court, which is but
the creature of a creature, and which stands in j
relation to the sovereign, but as a servant or *
ag* nt. Here then is an exercise of sovereign
power, in a ease where the legislation <-f the j
United States Government is admitted to be
constitutional. If f- r its safety or preservation
the sovereign can so act insu h a case afortiori,
■ it can so act when the law is in fa- t unconsti- I
tutional, or of doubtful constitutionality. You
would cheerfully trust the decision to the Su
preme Court, the members ot which are ap
pointed by the ag nt, created by the instrument
which instrument is itself ordained by this so
vereign power, and you would not trust it to
the same sovereign power. After all it is seen
that every thing turns on the existence of the
sovereignty and independence of the States.
If they are not sovereign and independent where
is sovereigrty to be found ? In the United
States Government? That doctrine has long
since been exploded. Sovereignty was claim
ed for the governments of Europe, founded on
fraud and usurpation or conquest, but our modern
doctrine recognizes no sovereignty but the sove.
reignty ofthe people: even the modern public law
regards the people,or community, or State,as the
onlys ivereign. Sovereignty cannot be parcelled
out and divided among different communities
any more than that primary and paramount al
iegian* e which is due to it. The sovereign
pres* ribes obedience, decrees t«> whom it shall
be owing, and measures the extent of it in the
Constitution. The power to punish treason is
given to the government of the United States,
and treason is defined to be “the levying of war
against the United" States, or adhering to their*
| enemies”- not the levying of war against the
Government, but against the U. S. the States of
the Union, not against the government of the
' states, but against the people of the states ;
in short against the sovereign. Let it be re
membered that the articles of confederation cx-
i iressly declared that “ each state retained its
sovereigntv and independence” without any
qualification, and vet almost all the powers
now granted, were then granted, and many of
them in th very same terms ; the words Uni
ted States being used in both instruments in the
sam j manner and conveying the same meaning.
Now it is evident fl at it the states were so
vereign and it dependent then, they must be so
now, unless an express and formal surrender by
tne sovereign powet be shown, it being univer
sally conceded that sovereignty cannot be lost
by implication or construction—it is equally ev
ident that if any of the sovereign states had fail
ed tn become oarties to the present constitution
such states might have remained io this day, as
sovereign and independent as any states or po
tentates of th world. On these prineipl* s. and
with these limitations, the government of the
United States, is still the strongest in the world
for all t .*■ objects ofthe Constitution—certainly
for ext rnal r lations it is one, and it is so be
caus - it is sustain d by the sovereimty of the
states. 1( onl becomes weak and some times
degraded and contf-inptiule, when forgetting its
obliuations a* a servant, it usurps the preroga
tive ot t e master, and plays the tyrant, without
i anv pretensions to th* authority or dignity of thi
'• aovereign. If allegiance had been due to the
1 mt ! Mates in virtue of its sovereignty, there
would l; iv - been n-i necessity for defining trea
son igainst the United K tat*-s. Perhaps the
apprehension was entertain* d that as no allegi.
nnce w t s du •to th*- Umt-.’d des, incon-istent
with that whi h is due !■• the states, the United
'states, t.’ovoriinient would not have had author
ily to p . -is: treason, unless the power was ex.
pn-slv giv n ; and that if the government as.
su *-d it with »ut definition, it would be exer.
! cised as arbitrarily and capriciously as by the
l governments ot Europe. It allegiance is due
to the sovereign, and not to the government,
h w can the citizens obey ih-- government and
disobey the sov* reign If it be due t the
<?ov tntnenf, and no’ t-> the sovereign, the p o.
pie of ad t-ie stat* s, know- no other allegiance
t‘iau thi’ v.i.t* h is due to g*»v* rnment of t' e U.
Stales; am! ot < ours*' th t government is a
consolid ited one, base i on t e existence ot one
people r *-o iinrin t , ami not *>n t «* exist nci
ot ?*> many • >ver« ign and in e. n*teni Mat* s.
I h*- <»!>ed en* e owing t<» the ov* .nmem ofthe
I mt* i States by citiz* ns ol th*- states, is tii.»t 1
. which is req iir. d by tn* a- t ofthe s«.v* teign in
th*- ( nstitution of he Unit d Stat*-s, of course
i cam.oi be in. nt wit t that whi-h is du
to th*' stat s. Oth* rwiM it w*-ui.l be a G*»v.
enim. nt of th? most odious < hnr u tt r, i y which
a < *»rru; t, vicious, interested -- ajont’.. might
dispose -I th -lives, hberti-S ml fortun eof
tin* >n:all< r num: er without < h< < k <»r central
thun which it is ifupij&Hblt- to con ive n tv ran.
ny more hat* hi , or a lespoti.srn more absolute,
rhe act u I state of things poves it. Foryesrs
many ct the states ol this I riion h vc been
most earn stly remoic-tr iting, ain't certain
proceedings,:?' ongr«s>. <vow>n at the same
time their tin dt rahle resolution not to submit
’ ’ tb-m, r gardiess of consequences, this Gov.
eminent has move >n with a fixedness of pur.
po*e. whi< h almost extinguished all hope of
reform or amelioration, unit one of the corn.
, * X is :nor*Mnk>ng.\ >lh>«tralive than the us- pf
" or ’ l which camoi be relative to a singular
:> but must relanv, t > the w<> d •Stotra," a <,a lnirt
"ii s 1 treason coni b*- committed, it
r, 1 not be o.ghsh to iraym 'he'on’tifitio: of Franc#-.
>'o > ' co,-., tin I. vy.n<_'Wd agar st Fiance, an i
e word , ! s ° wouidi
-arc CE.;. ? d as rc.aUre to a syjgk* nation. I
plaining states has resolved to submit no lon.
ger In this extremity we find ourselves, and
instead of camly and deliberately reviewing the
whole ground, for the purpose of deciding
whether we are in all things on the side ot right,
justice & the Constitution ,before the sword is
drawn we begin by denying to that state, and of
course to a'i other states, any rights whatsoever
that are in their estimate, of the least value; and
above all, their right of sovereignty, without
which thev consider themselves, as all the
world must consider them, nothing more than
petty corporations ; the members of which are
bound to the Government of the United States
by a paramount, indissoluble allegiance, in vir.
I tue of which, they are (members, c fffeers and
• all) amenable to it, on charges of high treason,
' and punishable accordingly. I think according
to the doctrines of the day the most important
right conceded to them is the right to petition
and remonstrate. Having thus degraced the
states, they resolve to draw the sword : for one
i I cannot go with them. I cannot go with them,
until 1 satisfy myself, that in all things they are
strictly right; as long as there is a shadow or
suspicion of wrong, I will not go with them to
! shed blood. If they were right beyond doubt,
I would defer it to the last moment, and then
I would execute the laws, only against those j
who unlawfully resist them; against those who !
resist by commission and authority from a state
I would not. You shed blood w ithout execu.
ting the laws, because you force the State out
of the Union, and place her out of the reach
of the laws. Let those who please to indulge
in the reverie, of keeping this union by force
go on in their mad career. Deity can do any
thing. It can arrest the motion of the planets
and turn the Sun into blood ; it can extinguish
the fixed stars, and make darkness cover the
i face ofthe Heavens,but it is infinitely more ea
i sy for Deity to accomplish this, than for the
government of the United States to keep in its
orbit, against its will, one of the States of this
Union. Let the State therefore, be never so
I vicious or wicked in its designs, I woul I forbear
i the resort to bloody measures, leaving her pea
. ceably to depait the Union, as a nuisance to be
i gotten rid of, or as a prodigal, the repentant re-
I turn of which to the fold, mightone day be hoped
• for. But how different is the actual state of
j' filings? Four mill'ons of people, complain of
, the injustice and unconstitutionally of the laws,
• and we are ready to shed blood in their defence,
f These laws are founded on asserted power to
i regulate the industry ofthe country. Now if
f such a power is sustained for the General Go
i vernment, nothing can render that government
; more worthless and insupportable in the contem
. plation of ail the American people, opposed to
. restraints, monopolies, and privileges, and it
s ma” eXnecf ofcourse, pOi 'ion of them
r to be embodied against it. They wouiu Spon
i think of making a Turkish Bashaw the llegu—
f iator of their industry, as the Congress of the
United States; and for the simple reason that,
. lor flagrant abuses, one could i;e made respon
sible; whereas, the Congress by its multitude is
. as irresponsible us the most multi.udinous as-
> sernbly, where the innocent cannot be separated
from the guilty, and the public vengeance, if it
.; fall at all, must fall alike upon the just and t.;c
[ I unjust. Why is it, therefore,that on a disputed
question of doubtful right, or justice, or consti
. tutionalit), Congress will run the hazard of a
j civil war, when by an easy operation not costing
them four days, they can adjust tne controversy.
. The Union is to be lost by a squeamishdc'icacy,
j or a reckb ss obstinacy. Ihe Lilliputian will
» notyi 1 t >the Brobuinag and the Brobdinag
| will not make a concession of justice to the Lil
r liputian. The twenty-three btates say to the
. twenty fourth, if we do not tak* your blood as
> an atonement and propitiation for the rashness
; and intemperance of your conduct, we will be
5 set down in history as cowards. Shame!
. Shame ! ! Is it not enough for the stability of the
t Um -n. that the laws will iu ordinary eases be
peacefully executed by the courts ofjustice, and
- that in extraordinary cases, they wdl be enforced,
by all means against unlaw tul obstructions, and
. assemblages. To attempt their execution, by
• military power, against a State, is almost the
only mode by which a State can be driven from
the Union. A single State wdl not withdraw
until rend* red desperate by the madness oi ty
ranny ofthe Gem ral Government. A single
>t..te cannot inamta-n bei independence, and
then fore could not hope long to maintain her
liberty. Her rights and obligations as an iso
lated soveieign, would devolve on ht r very great
expense, and expose her to difficulties, and
troubles from w hich the greatest wisdom could
not exempt her. The Union is much more ex
p sod to danger, by a combination of States; who
< uulu maintain irdep* nd nee and liberty, at a
cheaper rate, and with better secun y ugai; st
vexatious and humiliating- annoyant *s, i oin
iibroa ,and when such happen,
what will their denvl ol t e right to sei ede avail.
'Anuld tn. y take side with thirtc-i n weak States
agains' eleven strong ones, ana make war to
pr< ”< rv. the I mon finis would indeed pre-I
; sent our puisant Government in a light of no J
enviable majesty and supren.acy, and is only an
i.i.-ta >< * aiming very many of analogous charac- ,
t* r, t > Sir how much this i ni* -n must oepend •
for is itirafion up n mod*-ration and mutual |
< n < ssiou. lh<-power s *ss* red to protect!
Ind - Slates officers mall eases which may, 1
arise under the laws ot the Lmted States, by
asserting forth United Stat-s < ourts exclusive
< nminal jui isdiction, even wnerc the parties are
< itizcns of the same State— ow no such power
can be given in criminal - ase but by construe
bon, a .. thus it is in a crisis like the present,
the criminal jurisdiction of a State, always con
templated as a paramount interest, is attempted
to lew-rested from it, and transferred to the
party whose long and continued infractions of,
the ( onstitution m other respects, hav. pro
duced this crisis—so that by construing the
words “all r ases m law and equity” to mean
criminal as well as civil cases, the power may
be claimed to authorize the commission by the
< uizen m a State o f an act, of treason against
-'tate, an u who would be sure to find his
justihcati , n and acquittal before the tribunals of
the Lotted States, because he had acted in ob ■
ciencc to a law which, they were bound to ad-
judge to be the supreme law, Etc. &c. &c.
Your affectionate friend,
G. M. TROUP.
“jjYour hand annoys me exceedingly,” said
the Prince of La Roch-suyron, to a talkativo
person who was sitting near him at dinner, and
who was constantly suiting the action to the
word. “ Indeed, my lord,” said the gabbler
“we are so crowded at table, that I do uot
know where to put my hand.” “Put it on your
mouth,” said the prince.
I ' 1 I
Til WESTERN HERALD.
Aia Vat A, GEORGIA, FEBRUARY 7, 1834.
At a meeting of the State Rights Asscciation of this
County, on the Ist inst. it was Resolved, that the next
1 monthly meeting be held at Dahlolmega, on the 22d inst
It was also resolved, that an Address be delivered at that
time, and that J. J. Hutchinson, Esq. be requested to
deliver it; to which Mr. H. assented.
There is now going on a contest not dissimilar in its
nature, and in the consequences w hich may flow from its
ultimate determination, to the contest waged during the
administration of the elder Adams. We find that those
who were the very pillars of Federalism then, are now
under new names, the staunchest advocates of unlimited
power, in the General Government The propagators
of the Alien and Sedition laws; the ruling spirits of “ the
reign of terror,” were the first to hail the Proclamation, as
the resurrection of their long exploded doctrines, and to
, joy in the passage ofthe Force Bill, as the restoration of
. their long-lost power. In that dark and gloomy period,
, the States were denied the attributes of sovereignty ;
; stripped of every check that impeded the concentration
. of alt power in the Federal government; their citizens rc
] strained in the liberty of speech and free discussion, and
f left with only the boasted rights of the present day; the.
f rights of petition and remonstrance; and even in the cxer
-5 cise of these, the terrors of the sedition law were suspen
. ded over them, ready to fall with all its tortures upon
> them, ifin the humility oftheir remonstrances, they should
f presume to utter a word disrespectful to the persons cf
. those in authority. Now again, the States arc denied
t ever to have been sovereign—they are divested of every
■ ! light, the exercise of which, contravenes the will of the
> “ powers that be”—upon the slightest evidence of a dis-
I . positicn on their part, *o contend for the sanctity of their
i reserved rights, and maintain the supremacy of tlic'r m
! tcrnal constitutional laws, they arc pointed to the glittering
■ bayonetsofthe Republic,aheadyontheirborders,and their
> citizens threatened in pioclamations and“cflicial Ga
i zettes,” with the penalties enacted against treason for ohe-
• dicncc to tinir authority and laws; and to complete the
I picture of p.esent abuses, the sword and the purse of tho
Government, are committed to the hands of the President
1 to be used at his pleasure and discretion, and if any
should dare to doubt the propriety of these proceedings,
• or the soundness ofthe pnn iples upon which they are
predicated, they are met at. once with denunciations and
curses, as foes to the “ Union,” imbued with tne spirit of
1 disorganization, and upon the very verge of treason. In
5 . the “reign of Terror,” the person of the President was
• rcndercdsacrcd by the laws, he is rendered so now, by
, ' the blind adoration of multitudes, who it is feared are ac
-1 tuated more by a disposition to do personal homage, than
>’ from a sensibility to correc t principles. The revolution
-of 1801. exploded the sedgion law, and with it the sanc
t : tity of personages in power; God grant tl at another blood
i I kss revolution may wipe away the stain ofman-worshiji,
’ j from t)ia character of our country, and dissipate the tnon-
- j arc.lieu! maxim, that the “ King can do no wrong.” and
j bring back the people to a proper sense of self-respect,
and a proper feeling of self-dignity. We say that the
two eras are similar—the two contests are alike in their
natures, and in tlie objects sought to be accomplished—
that in truth and in fact, the Federalism q/’9B was com
posed of the same materials, and predicated upon the same
principles that are to be found in the President’s Preda
tion, and in the pretended Union, Democratic, Republi
canism of the present day. Those principles were then
brought mto active operation, against the liberties of tho
people, in the shape of the Alien and Sedition Laws—
they now exhibit themselves in all their ancient deformity
m the enactments ofthe Force Bill, and are ready now
to accomplish what they failed to do then, the de.nolition
of state sovereignty, and the concentration of ail powers
in the t cderal Government.
A regularly organized revolution is in progress in th-
General Post Office Department. The pro'criZ p ol y
.3 br „„ Kl „ llt „
«.... ever, q.ftanl f or a „ . ■
h^ d ar r » n cr in dccd - to r w * th thc “po*’
ers that be. \\ c !carn that thcge
• o-.sy m and Gainesville, have severally fallen a sacrifice
o tins pohey and have been discharged, not for any neg.
o ct of official d u ty_ not for incompetency in this, hut t
■ pohtws. C lean, too, that a certain jinico? gentleman
' ZdTZ I”’ GC ° reia ’ batcrkuo "-n«3“JimCrow,”
a)dcd b, the higher powers at home, has been very active
m producmg these changes, and in having imposed upon
he people, l ost Masters, who are not, nor would be of
Getrownsdecbon.andwhoarenot chosen because o f
the.rqualifications and fitness for thestation, but fortheir
attachment to that party, to which he has recently /riven
. his adhesion Little minds require lMe
, work shop,” do small jobs. W c shall have a
word to say hereafter upon the subject of our own Post
Office ar.angements.
It will be s. er. by reference to the Act published in this
lx hdd aP ‘\ fc ?‘ PeriOrC ’ t ' Urtcf ‘ h “ countv >
lx- held on the 3d and 4th Monday’s in this fast. *
s he delightful change in the weather, has produced a.
Ar rilr ‘ g aSPeCtU, ’ Onthc mining
Region. After a winter altogether unfavorable to the
pursuit cf mining operauons, February has set in with
such a change, as will enable those engaged in the bu
smess, to make what they eall « wages,” meaning tberc
y, a neat profit of a dollar or two to the hand per day.
Persons at a distance who have hands not profitably em
ployed, would do well to bring them to the Gold Region,
where as heretofore, the most liberal prices for hire, either
by the month or by the year, can be obtained
