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FROM THE WESTERN CAROLINIAN.
S'JVELG IGNIY
Much perptfcxilv and many als theories
spring from the imperfection ni lan nan ,or from
the misapprehension T terms used to c<mv< y
certain ideas. For example, the word “*ovei
. eighty” is understood, by s <tne p ople, to . can,
iiiva i iblv, « i/.’ ailed power, ItV'h, certainly, is
i<s m.smi.ig when taken in its widest sense—but
then ii is properly applicable only to the .luler
ofthu Universe, —HE alone possesses sover
cb'.i, that is to say, stipre eor onlinited power.
VVb a we speak id earthly stiver' >g; ty,wemean
th rijht to do any th: jj; t tut is moi ally ossibl:-,
;:ti I which is not iiieonsist nt '•’> it ; n itural or
teve.ded 1 tw, ■ r nation Ilav, or convention-
in the first s'hsc of the wrA, no person,
St to, er nation, can be sovereign, for the plain
reason th.it his or their power is limited by na
tural laws :-but to arg ic that ao .'late or nation
can bo politically soverei jn unless it can e.ior
t cise without any kind of i sti amt or limitation
whatever, would be ridiculous, ii not absurd.
Were this admitted, t icn it would appear that *
there is not at this time a single sovereignty on
the "lobe. Great Britain is probably the most i
powerful nation on earth -yet there are many |
things which she Las no right to do, because
ihcy’wotrid >e inconsist nt ait a the laws of na
tions, and with "r treaties ot stipulations with
others. The British Parliament is said to he
omnipotent, that is to say, p >ssessed ol u limit
ed p LtHil o>w ■? —y< -th 'f'* are many things
which, if Par lament should atleniut, would pro
fit! ea convulsion and probably a revolution.
Sovereignty, then, political s<-vei. ig ty, in-ans
the liigaest power in a Stat o. nation—a p over
limit'd in its exercise only by tue universal taws
ofnati- ns, or by the sp 'cial assent, compa< t, i
agre m mt, of one nation or Slat with another
or others.
J'his is what we mean by State Sovereignty
We never contended, as s un<‘ eave ign raid.;
supp >sed, and other < have ui.foiiv pieten mu io
believe w Uid, tint one >t ti s ■ •'•tat’S was sov
ereign ab »vc the rest; nut we :.-avr cmii- n ;
and d i insist upon it, t'nt 7 ’ t • bt.iL.s rfr
Sovereign—taut they arc <q -ut 'sovereignties ■
and thaftho General Government is mer.-Mv their
joint agent, appointe- by th ir mu'uat m-ent,
to exercise seine <>t their sovereign rights t .>■
(heir joint and mutual benefit.
Sovereignty itself is indivisible —ii cannot b •
divided into parts -Lut on indivisible Sov r
eign may appoint one, fifty, or a thousand agents,
to do different things; ami two, twenty four, or ->
hundred Sovereigns, may agr» e and appoint me
common agent to <f> certain things for all <d
them. For example : North I arohna is a <>v
©reign—she appoints one set of agents to make
laws....another set, to wit, the Judges, to <x- ,
pound the laws....ami another agent, the Gov- ,
ernor, to see that they are executed. 1 host, i
together, constitute our ‘ t it” G -verninent. lie
might go on and enumerate the treasurer, slier— i
iffs, d rks, justices, &e., allot whmn exercise ,
some sover'ign powers--(lor every power, no ,
matt-r how insignificant, an attiii ute ot sov- ,
creig tv, inasmuch as supreme power compre- (
Lend'«7/miner.) But will any one contend
that either of th< se agents is a Sovereign in the ,
sense applied lo States? 1
Tiie United Stat s are twenty-four Sever- ;
cigns —and as a gir gle State pp inis her parti- ,
cular ag> nts to do acts winch concern her alone, ;
so sh , uth the rest, appoints another set, na ie ,
ly, the President, Congress, and the 'Lipierne ,
Court, to do certain other mts which concern (
the whole tW-nty-four.
In the old world, ’ho: e who make and execute
the la s are called the Soven ign-;; and in some
countries the 1 iws are the mere will of a single
man, m absolute ’onarch, a despot. In <an
cotinlrv. "ne par v d I ast, t <• Repubh ns,
bell've that the Government, although it makes .
laws, does so oy virtue only oi' delegated ;i wee:
but then* is another tarty which contends tnat
the Governmeid is the Sovereign, and that those
who created it owe it allegiance !
It is diflicull to conceive a greater political
absurdity. Can that which is created or made.
be sovetcign ? The mere fa< t that it is ; ,
implies that there is a higher power in/ which if
was mad . This power is, as to the thing made,
a Sever ign
The General Government has no natural, n
inherent, pri imive power. Aemd only kim
when it was tn id , but how, a d by w 'al t • w.
It was made subs quent t th t? v Inti iiy
war, !>v the co-operation of Indi pi n lant St t» s.
If this fact can be prove.), tne . oven igiityoft <■
Stat s will he iucontrovei tiblv established. B d
hen*, in order that the \or ■ “Stat- ” ma\ not
lead to more mtsapprehensi >n and error, we will
explain what we think : • its I ne inea.ui:_
In file cclebr ited Report of the Virginia Le
gislature of 1799, m defence ft ie far-famed
resolutions passed I'm- ye n- before, wt- tin : tl.e
foll > tig !■ ti'iiti ns .th • word “St.u s -som
times means the separate s ctions of territory :
oc< tipied by th ■ p tliti d societies withia < ach ;
sometimes the particular (L>v< i mm nt> establish
ed v i rise soi l ties ; » n times t i >se socie
ties is mg inize I mt > those parti ttiar G »vc;n
rmmt ; and, Lis !y, it m ms Lie People co ipos- .
4.ig th sc p ‘liihal .s •■ i th* ,
j-.r.r.i ix capacity.'’ i< e lot is the sense in
wim Ii we use it w'.mn speaking ot State S ver
t 'g' tv. ‘ln this sens. , s irs d e Report above
alia ; to, “ the Uonstmitii n was snbmiltod to
the‘Slate?;, in this s use the* .dal, s’ ritifud
it; nd, in this sens, of the term 1 Stat, s,’
they are consequently parties to the compact
from which the o.iccrs of Lie I ederal Gorcr/i
--.neni res dl.''
Vi e Ii ive thus erd nvoreJ. to explain the
meaning of the wor's “Sovereignty anil
“States.’’ If our deiimtions be c>ii' c, then it
folio.vs, < lear'v, tat there a-e i i North \meiiea
‘went.-f nr llepu’di-nu 5 rti-fig 1 States.
Those uho denv i’c',’a/st prove tiiat then* is
but ou! State : tor l<d if be <>orne in mind that
the very definition of State’’ implies Siv r
eigotv—that is io s 'v, power limit 'd only by the
laws of nature, bv the laws of and by
convention il 'g e ■ <:< !.! .etweeq .qu I rties.
T.ip en aiies of S vereignty ate, then,
efi’iced ty the of proving thnt the ,
General Government possesses all these aitn
■utes of Sovereignty. But they ; :ust not stop
here ; they must further prove that the General
Government did not derive from any other
source the rights it has, but that these rights are
punitive ami inherent.
\Ve know the grounds on which the Sove
reignty of ih ; Stat s is denied, ami the suprem
acy of tne Federal Government asserted. That
whin is ost relied on, is. that the States
cannot declare war, make ireati's, coin money,
or do some other things which Sovereigns may
do. We admit ail this; but we deny that it mil
itates against State Sove:eighty. Why cmnot
tne tat s do these things?—Simply because
they agreed, when they adopted the Constitution,
to .t their comm > i agent, the Gen r;d Govern
m nt, sooul 1 ex. rcisc tnese Sovereign rights for
: the common benefit of all.
History, both ancient and modern, abounds
with examples <-i independent Stales entering
into voluntar agreement to refrain from the
exercise ot certain lights individually. Os this
description ar all alliances in which the allies
stipulate and agre that one shall not make a
' tr< atv, aL n v. ith a common enemy. Now,
every alliance is to some extent an union: it ay
ibe more or less intimate, according to the will
lof the parties. Ve admit the union of these
States t<» be closer than any that history records
bi tw- ; n independent States; but, until the
advocates f consolidation show that the St ites
derived t ii powers from the General Governs
tnent, and not the I dler from the former, we
Soldi a- v r admit th.it t icre is .;o in re than o.:e
. sovereign—an<: we shall never admit tiiat the
Gener«l Gov nmr-ni is Sovereign, or that
the States owe to it an> allegiance whatever,
it t eargum -it be go d that the dates individs
ually ar not Sovereign, b. ausethi re are some
ailnbutes ofs<-Vi reigntv that ihe • annot
vidiially x r< ise, it is > qinlly good to prove
tat the Unit'd Stat, s togeth-r arc not sovc
i i u: f>, i are no othe: high attributes that
they cannot ..> jointly exercise Ihiottgh the.
Ge t'i al Govet inert. And the result of the
a: •: oui i then si o -’that Sov. reigntv is
i xtnv 1 n (hi min 1
iii it ue pretended that me United . ' .t s'
! Government can abolish State boundaiies, and
c< nsobd.it ail mt < one? The en- mses ot
State Sovereignty have not yet ad the hardi
hood t'» assert such a doctrme, although their
theory would justify it : for many <>f them con
tent! t.mt til--St .tes stand m the same relation
to ihc Unit d, thatthet ounties do o the States
. Now, the State of Mirth’• ar.’hnacan at any
rim do away ill Counfv i.istmctioris, and con
soli ate the whole into on . She may also
■V pnve her i wn . Bor >uglis,and< orporations.
of the right to lay taxes ; t.icse are attributes of
Sov reigntv whic she alone las the right to
ex reise or autlioriz oth rs to i-xercise. Why
can the State do this ' Because she granted i
tie right, and l’-r good cause can take it away. :
Can th General Levi r.mient do the same ? I
(. an it restrain tat:- from t ixmg its citizens— I
or, wi at is a still more s le n right of S. ver
eigmy the taking away tb<- life of any of her
citizens -( an th- G neral Government deprive
a St .te of this ri lit
B .t we will forbear at this time. Vie address
our remarks to plain honest people ; we resort
to no metaphysical subtleti s, but rely upon
simple cot>.n:<>n scuse rea oiling. In addition
to tins, we shall here d’ter give histori. d tacts,
mid the arguini nts arm opinions of many dis
tinguished men, which, together, we think will
constitute an impregnable defence of the doc
trin of State Sovereignty, and consequently of
State Rights a;id State Remedies.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
We stat 'd, the other day, that it was under
stood that the I’residi nt ot the United Stat, s
Ji.:<l i e-.iomoiated todnv S. nate the old Goveru
.ii< ut Hire, tois ot the Bank of the United
States, whose nomination, had been once re
ret 'll by the Senate. [We said, by inadver
tent error, the three dilectors: there were fhnr
ofth m: it is n t ne< c.;sary i < re to repi at their
n unes, which are already sufficii ntly known to
fame.] We now Lain, from publi'. atmns in
lb' journals of Richmond and N< w Yolk, that
th. Message of the President, cimv. yi g f
-c< <>nd noimn iti ’ii of th same persons, was .4
i strong, an >< > s <v ' n sai< ’’ acrimonious < h r
i! ter, distinctly intimating, that if tin sc nomin
ations bi not confirmed, the Prest ent will not
make an other tor the same trusts, am’ that he
will in that cas ■ tak" an appeal fom the » nate
to the people. \s tar as we aie infer : <•<) (lie
IMcssagi* has not yet been a-toil upon l-y the
Senate.
1.: sp. n.king of this re-nomination, th" Ne
York Journal ofCommtrec, we obs. rvo, con
■ i h rs tiie power of the ‘'h-na’c ov i nominations
to >ln. "as corresponding with the Negative j
tn Pr sideut <>v« r Legislative acts o’
>i... of (‘ongress: and, upon this view
ter savs; “ V President who exerci
“s. 1 ■ tn Veto now r so freely as General
“J \< ks in has one, should not be disobliged
“if other branches ot the G -n'n nt ex reise
•‘the same pow< r when the cmi-uiution conli rs
•it on the .t.” \ umm nt’s ccnsideiation w uld
shew that the c .mparig. n b tw co tm w i ca
ses will not hold. rim pow r of the -enate
i c. nciirrent with that of tne Piesident.
Th. “ave e and consent” of ti" Sen ate ar a
part of the sum ti n without wlm Ii an appoint
ment car.nnt be in ide, legaiir, unless >vh< n the
Senate is not in session. I ):■ >enatc is as
much a part oi the appointing power as the
President. In the early action of the Govern
ment, in Iced, tiie President actm-lly sat in
conn ilv.it the Senat: upon nominations: and.
though the inc.>nven ence of th t practice eati
-< dit to be disused by Gen. W ashington, the
Senate is stiil 1 e Council of the President in
all natters of Appointment ind of Negotiation
wil’i eign Powers; the C oun- il without
whose assent his power i*> the premises is nu
gitoiv. Wh-rn the President cont mns or
\-. t .’s t .<• authority of th-• Senat in this par
ticular. ii< violates the spirit 4 tne Constitution
ewn if he keep within t e left, r of it.
The veto pow-.r <4 the President, on the
, other hand, is not an ordinary but an extraor-
| dinary power, and it is not to be exercised upon
i tiie mere will and pleasure of the President,
! but noon suffi lent reasons, which the Presdei t
is bound toassign to Congress for every such
act, and which it is in the power of Congress,
if so minded, to over rule. The President is
answerable, therefore, to Congress, for the Veto
when he applies it The Senate is notin any
nninner a iswera’ le 4o him, but entirely inde
! pendent of him, in regard to their share of the
' power oi appointment to o ihce.
I We take pleasure in laying before the pub
lic the following h ttei: and can vouch for the
. high confidence which may be placed in its
statements. ihe meeting of which it speaks,
had been got up with much preparation.
Columbia Telescope.
Union C. H. J\larch4, 1834.
“ Dear Sir—l know that you take a great in
terest in all the movements ofour Union friends;
and therefore hasten to inform you, that their
partv, in this district, have just had a meeting,
attaehoiise of a certain J. J. Foster, about
twelve miles from this village. Col. Thomas
Williams, of York District, was present, and
made a speech, calling on the party in strong
terms, to reisist the late Alilitary Act, at all
hazards. They are gr owing, vou -see, excee
dingly brave, now that all -hance of a fight has
passed a ay
I learn that € 01. Thomas Dawkins, of this
district, (hitherto ofth. ir party) answered the
York champion; assenting, in tolo, from his
views; ami advising an entirely different course.
He i aaid t<> have done hi self great credit, oy
his good sense and mo .eration.
I am told, by persons who were preseat in then
ranks, tiYAI tiiore -a as a complete split among
them. The whole affair is regarded as an en
tile failure. 1 hen i about resistance, is
ali»mere farce —mehiug out an electioneering
[trick. They will, < <v ~ probably attempt
io make some show a .om th‘o atlair, in their
n Asp’ipc’s. Plea- 7 '‘4l them, when they de,
that this u to.• Jii ; g J’” 4’their party.
Yorn s, &c.”
In . .ntoi:;. •..?■, w are able, fr m
i an official source, tostate, that ti,. Comoiissior: ■
era fe Spartanburg district— persons expressly
p:ict.::d upon, b the spirited officer of that ! . ig
ad , because they, wei e the ringleaders of the
distil ba ces there— have quietly submitted to
the duty exa led oj them, assisted in carrying
the Alditary Lc.w into effect, and made their
report: and ail is going unwell
We take this id ito !) ■ decisive; or, at least
worth all the Union threats that have ever yet
been paraded.
ROM ANCE IN REAL LIFE.
A wiki voting fellow married a lovely girl, and
having bee ; long addicted to habits of dissipa
tion, even the sincere attachment which he
entertained towards his wife could entirely dis
entangle him from his snare. His occasional
irregtila. l our woult have given any but one of
so pure an 1 sweet a disposition, every reason to
suspect that sh-did n 4 hold that plan in his
affections winch was her rig ht? but this reflet tion
scarcely < ver ntruded upon her spirits. The
Imsband was far from b< in-r cruel, aid really
loved cer, i.ut his disposition was weak, and his
companions eloquent, and he seemed to grow
woise rath r (han i>< Her in his habits. It hap
pened once that he was call <1 7 ut of town, and
in his hast left b hind him a letter, in whit hto
please an u..principled friend he had spt ken of
ins w it' in terms of carelessness, if not derision,
and dilated freely upon :us general course of
life. Imagine tin anxiety and suspense m the
startled profligate when he found himself borne
by a rapid steamboat upon a journey which must
m cessatilv be <4 several days duration, vet re
menib ring distim tlv t at ’he fatal leth r was
left .xp se and uns- aled up n his wife’s table.
He re< ollected too, with a pang, that he had
wonteuly, in an mswer o her inquiries, boast* d
that it contained a profound secret whi> L :■
would n«t have revealed tor the world. He
paced the deck in an agony of disappointment
i.mi sii..u>". Ho pictured her op< ning the letter,
ami turi.ing pale with horror and indignation;
p< hap- aintingwith anguish; alarming the ser
vant-; flymg to her father—renouncing him for
< ver. As soon as possible he r turn 'd, but with
asinkitig heart to ins • welling,biacinghimsclfup
t mt et ihe fury of an enraged and wretchi d
woman. He opened the d< or softly. She was
b. mung over her tabic busily writing. A placid
smile sealed ter mourn with a perfect beauty,
ami spread over lit r glowing features tee mild
expression of peat ami joy; and even as she
w rote, the, fragment of a sweet ballad fell from
ht r lips in a low music, that flo .s fr<>m a lieart
entirelv aS rM. ih< busbam stek nmsk ssly
around, and read, us her pen traced her gentle
thoughts:
“Your I tter is lyin_. by me. The very very
letter, contai ing lb q. . f >und secret.’ Now
could I punish you tor your care! ssness; but,
mv deal ( hark s, li/w could I 1 »k you in the
la e on your return, after . aving basely violated
vour tru't in my < . egriiyt d meanly sought to
ra'ifi a .'iliv tin s.i al tiie xpense ol hones
tv, . ina< \, an . < Hi >ne •. No, 1 tie letter
is unop"iie<l, and ie.-t you should feel uneasy, I
enclose it to you, with the sincere love of your
affectionate wdi, .”
“VVbat an ang» I'.” uttered the conscience
stri< ken husband.
She started up with a cry of pleasure—and
as Clwles met the light of her clear and un
shrinking eyes, he was humbled that he should
have suspee ten hei, and <iruck with repentance
at ins own conduct, lie thenceforth seven d
all ties that drew him abro id; and if the pun
ami hippv b.'ing whose influence had thus alien
• d him to the path ot right, had pursu u all hi
subsequent letters she w mld have nothing < on
cerning iierself save bursts ofth. sincerest ad
miration and the worm* st love.
A Quaker once heating a person tell how
much he jdt for another who was suffering, a
needed his assistance, drily bscrved to
“Friend, hastthou Pit in thy pocket for him?’’
T E WESTERN
DAHL’ >HNEGA, GEORGIA, APRIL 4, 1834.
OVEHEIGNTY. President Jackson, in his celeb.ated
Proclamation against South Carolina, maintained the
doctrine that the States composing the Union were never
severally and separately sovereign and independent.
The first Congress under the new constitution commen
ced its session, on the 4th March 1789, and the first Pres
ident, Gen. Washington, entered upon the duties of his
office On the 30th April of that year. By the following ;
table, shewing the dates at wnich the different States |
ratified the Federal Constitution, and entered into the
Union, it appears that the General Government had been
in operation eight months under that Constitution, before
North Carolina consentci to become a member of the
Union; and Rhode Island was even behind North Caro
lina in her act of ratification. -ill some of tiie advo
cates of the Croclamation.be so kind as to inform us what
was the conditic nor situation of those two State s, after
tiie H'w constitution had gone into effect, and b'fore
th. ir ratification of it? Were they sovereign and indc
penden or not? If no!, on whom were they dep ndant,
and to whom did their citizens owe obedience? Not to
the old confederation, for that became defunct upon the
a ification of the new Constitution by nine Stales; and
• <■ tainlv nolto the new G vernment, for they had not |
en signifi i tiieii acceptance of it. and they were not
considered bound by it, by the Btaicswhich had ratified.
T’ie c nc' ision from this hist*< i> al la ct is irr: sistible that
the States composing this Union were “free, sovereign
and independent,” severally and separately.
Hut ifthere could be any doubt left as to the primitive
sovereignty and separate independence of the Hates,
that doubt is effectually removed by the seventh article of
the Constitution of the L nited Mates, which is in these
' W 'rds: ‘ i'he ratification of tiie onventions of nin<
, . J,. 1 t>.. sufficient for the establishment of this
1 Uc sti’uiion between hie - lies so ratifying the seine”
Now, here is a distinct and plain annunciation by the
convention which formed the Constitution, incorporat 'd
into the Constitut on itself, that it was not binding on any
of tiie States xcepl such as chose to ratify it; and this
. to our minds, is tantamount to an acknowledgement
among the States theinsolv: s, of separate sovereignly
and i d pendence, in < achof them; and the conduct of
North a oh.ia and i’hod Island upon this understa
ing of the matter, is proof conclusive. These facts estab
i lish very clearly, the Federative character of our govern
ment, and places the doctrine of State Sovereignty, as
' maintained !>y t!>e Hate Rights party, upon th most
clear and intelligible ground. any of our more saga
cious opponents seeing tiiat tins doctrine, advanced in the
Proclamation, was unfounded in reason, and unsupport
ed by history, have given it the “go by," and now main
tain the doctrine tiiat tiie Stat s parted will) a portion of •
their sovereignty, by their ratificationofth Federal Con
stitution. and that tie portion so parted with is vested in
the General government. The entire Soverei nty of.
the S tates is wh> i constitutes the Federative character
ofoui* Government, and tne destruction of this Sovereign
ly would eonstit ite a consolidation. To co istilut a
‘ nion of states, nis necessary that th integral elements
should possess the attributes of States, the first and grea
test ot vs hicii is sov. reignty—Without which a territn:a!|
! division oi community of pi opl' do not constitute a state.
I I he idea that the States stand in the same relation tothe ,
Geneia) Government tiiat the counties do to the State, !
is founded on a woful ignorance of our history and
the so mution of our government. Laying aside the fact
that t i ates formed the General Government instead i
of the General Government’s forming tlr States, no man
ev r speaks of the counties in a Statecomposing a union;
i and yet the very persons who entertain tiie ridiculous
idea above, are so fond ot the word “Union,” when ap
plied to the States, that they wish to christen the party
to which they belong b; that title. And hence there
ar< thousands who shudder at the idea of being called
consolidaVonists, who maintain the very doctrines that
if carried into permanent and practical effect, would cre
ate ours a consolidated government.
Since writing the above remarks, we have met with
an able and sensible article in the . estem Carolinian,
on the subject of Sovereignty, which, with great, pleas
uf . we publish in to-days paper and recommend it to.th
careful and attentive perusal of our readers. It takes,
in our opinion, the correct view of the question, and is
couched in plain and intelligible language.
Th. following is the or. er in which the ihirteen States
atifi. 4 du- Federal < onstitution: —
1 Delaware, - - December 7, 1737
2 Pennsylvania, - - “ 12, “
3 New Jersey, - - “ 18, “
4 Georgia, - - January 2, 1788
5 Connecticut, - - “9, “
6 assuchusetts, - - February 6, “
7 .miry'and, - - Apiil 28, “
8 South Carolina, - - May, 23. “
9 New Hampshire, - June, 21, “
'lO X'irgima, - - “ 26, ••
11 New ‘I ork, - - July. 26, “
12 North Carolina, - - Nov. 21, 1789
13 Rhode Island, - - May 29.1790
Coxgressional. —Mr. • ebster has introduced the
Bill ofwi. ci h" give notice so m tim» since, tore-charter
tiie United States Bank for six ya s. ’A r humbly trust ’
that it will not pass. If we could be assured beyond the
possibility of a doubt that at tie end of the sis years, the
cona rns of the Bank would r ally b" brought to a close,
die objection to it- in< xpedi ■ cy, would, in a great meas
ure beobviat- d;but tl i- i- only a manoeuvre on the part of]
ihe friend' ofth- Bink, to g< tit rc-chaitered long enough
to get its hold firmly fixed on tiie people, and it w ill then
be made perpetual. And besides this, a Bunk fir six
years is as unomsiituno.na! as one for twenty or fifty,
a ,d on that groun ‘ would be with us equally objeutiona
able.
1 he House of Repr. sentat ves is occupied m the dis- ’
cussion of a resolution introduced by Air. ap.dis, w f
Alabama, to inquire i .to th •« xpediency of depositing t ' . c
public monies in the State Banks. A e think t’;, a t a ve
ry bad practice has crept into the Droceed.ngs of Con
gr ss, of discussing the conten'sof eve.y memorial intro
du7’- don th su’.j ct of the deposit' e. The member who
introduce s the meni.criii, pre faces it w ish a long speech,
\ ich he amplifies upon the reasoning of the memorial
xpati’itcs upon the respectability of the signers. I
ihi? dr^ M .’3 a reniv from the opposite party, and then I
ensues a. debate of probably some days length, to the
great waste of the public money.
In the days of Washington, Congress was a business
body, and had, in a high degree, the confidence of the
people. But the scene has changed. Individual interest
and the promotion of favorites to office now engross a
portion of the time of that body. Every important
now brought before it for consideration, is either
brought forward with a view to affect some particular
interest in the Presidential election, or is used by its op
ponents as a lever to turn the scale the other way. The
business of President making is likely to swallow up
every thing else; and the only remedy we can see is to
take away the patronage from the office, and bestow it
elsewhere. The offices, “the spoils oi victory,” arc the
chief incentives to the mass of politicians who make the
most noise, to push forward the claims of their favorite
to that important office.—
The citizens of several of the large Cities, opposed
without distinction of party, to the act of the President in
i removing the public deposites from the United States
{ Bank, appo nted committees of the most respectable and
intelligent of their number, to go personally to Wash
ton, to wait on the President and endeavor to impress
; upon him the real situation of the country, and tho de
rangement of the currency. Some of these committees
have reported at large, the manner in which they were
received and treated by Gen. Jackson, and the tenor of
his conveisafion upon the subject of their application.
If these reports be true, and they are vouched by too
many men of high respectability and intelligence to doubt
them, they exhibit the President in the most unenviable
colours. Every impartial and unprejudiced man in our
wide and extended country, must feel himself mortified at
the recital of his disgusting.conduct’. His manner and
tone on these occasions, are more like those of an inflated
] Potentate, than the President, (ah! than the People's
President,) of a republican country He speaks of him
self as “Andrew Jackson” —and that “Andrew Jackson
will never consent to the restoration of the deposites,”—
that “Andrew Jackson will crush the monster”—and
that they (the committee) ought to have had better sense
than to have undertaken to change Andrew Jackson’s
will”—ail the while he works himself up into the most
unnecessary aud unaccountable passion, denounces every
body opposed to him, and virtually tells the co mmittee
that they have no sense, and tiiat “ Andrew Jackson has
better information on the subject of the currency and the
<’istr ss of the country, than any body else.”—What
shall we expect next? Will the Kitchen Cabinet, like
the courtiers of Canute persuade this self important
“ Andrew Jackson,” that he can stay the tempest, and
roll hack the waves of the Ocean at his command ?
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•ur Village. —Few Villages in the interior, and so
remo'e from the great market places of the State, have
ever promis. i more at the age of eight months than
Dahlohnega. Situated in ah gh and delightful country,
in the very midst of the Gold mines, having the treasures
of Cane creek, the Pigeon Roost, and other streams on
its south w st, the exhaustless veins of 1052 and 1031,
and the eoholoonits north cast, and the unmeasured
riches of ih Cliestatee on its south, not forgetting tho
recen! discoveries in its immediate suburbs, Dahlohnega
off .s itse fto the citizens of the south as a delightful
summer retreat, and a pleasant home. Five years ago,
if any pu son shoul i have predicted tiiat the spring oi
1834 would find a beautiful village reared among those
hills, which were ihe retreat of the savage and his boon
companions of the wild forest, the prediction would have
passed unh eded except for its novelty, and, like the
prophecies of •’Jassandra, unnoticed except to be derided.
Whoev r should have ventured the assertion in days
past, even within tiie memory of childhood, that these
apparently unfruitful and unpromising hills, should at
this day te in with multitudes of industrious and enter
prising citizens, that the wealth of tho Carolinas and
Tennessee and southern Georgia, should concentrate
among the highlands of the Hightower and Chestatee,
and that the OpliiEof the old world and the Peru of tho
new, should find their rivals among the children of the
Blue Ridge, would have been laugh'd at as a moon
struck maniac, and the brand of false prophecy would
have een maiked upon his forthead. How short-sigh
ted then is man; how ignorant of the future! We have
now within the limits ol oui county two growing and
thriving towns—not rivals, but mutual supports, mutual
aids in their march to prosperity. Os Auraiia, we will
say nothing —our neighbor of the Recorder and Spy can,
and no don! ' will render to it its appropriate measure of
recommends! . . but of Dahlohnega, we will say, that
in its rapid growth, and in its increase of population both
as to respectability and numbers, it certainly has no su
perior in the interior of Georgia. The site on which it
is placed, is as handsome as the naturo of the country
would permit; the houses are putting up with great re
gnlai il v and order, and considerable taste as to struc
ture, the public square is now m arly full, and we suppose
the population must amount to at least four or five bun
dr <l. . e have several highly respectable mercantile
i siablishini nts and public hotels that would not dishonor
any village in the State. Ihe Blue Ridge with its thou
sands of peak'", full in our view, begirting the horizon
from no: tli-east to south-west, and presenting, from Hie
adjacent eminences, a thrilling and delightful spectacle
to the lovers of the sublime and beautiful. Taking into
consideration the excellence of the water, the purity and
elasticity of the atmosphere, the romantic aspect of the
country, together with the internal advantages possessed
bv Dahlohnega, and its immediate vicinity to the Gold
mines, we should say that it presents itself io ourfriendts
of the Southern country as a delightful an 7 ’ ple-sant re
treat lor summer.
Goon. A correspondent of the Columbia. 8, C. Tel-
escope writes that some of the nng-leaders, of disc
tuibanccs in Spartanburg district, on the sublet of the
.biliary Bill, liavc been appointed by th-/ officer of that
brigade, commissioners to carry into '..fleet the provisions
of that act and that they perfjfmed the dutu.t required
of them. f
Be ejaerthe passage of the Military Bill /
and “test justice of the peace, who was also a
captan; of the volunteer companies in one of the Dis
tricts in South Carolina, was called upon to marry a
' cc jpl.-, who, both bride and groom, were staunch Union
“inrn;” after they w, re drawn out upon the floor, he very
de.iberatcly administered to them both, the oath of alle
giance tothe State, b< fore he proceeded to the perform
ance of the marriage ceremony. The parties took it
with so .e reluctance, but as the magistrate was bent on
making good citizens as well as good husbands and
wives,°thev made a virtue of necessity and submitted to
the exaction of the double obligation. If this magistrate
should ever passthrough the gold region, we should
I glad to nay our respects to him ever a glass of