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reedings, and if from that record it shall appear
that such was the fact, we shall have advanced
anoth r step towards establishing the position,
that the government of the United States, was
established by the States, and not by the people
ns an aggregate mass.
In the first place, then, we learn from a pe
rusal ofthe credentials of the delegates, that they
were all chosen by their respective State
Legislatures, as representatives of their res •
pective States, and of those States alone, and:
in the sccon ! place, that they were appointed
{or the purpose of revising the existing articles
of confederation.
The sccon I Moirday of May, 1787, was the
day fix'd np >;; for the meeting ofthe conven
tion at Philadelphia. The Journal informs us,
that on that day, which was the 14th of the
TD-mth, “sundry Deputies to the Federal Con
vention appeared, but a majority of the States
not being represented, the members present
a Ijourned from day to day, until Friday the
25th of the said month” when the convention
Commenced its labors, after electing George
Washington its president. The question then
presented itself, did they act as the Representa
tives of sovereign, tree, and independent States,
or as the representatives of the People, as an
aggregate m iss? This question is answered
by every vote upon which the yeas and nays
were recorded. The votes were given by
States, and not upon the principle of proportion
ate ropres' ntafiun. Each State, whether small
or large, had one vote. The weight of Dela
ware with her sixty thousa id population, was a
gre it as th i* of V irginia, with her eight hundred
an 1 fifty thousand, and so entire a disregar
was and to proportionate representation, an
essential element in a constitution framed by an
aggregate people, that some oi the small States
had more deputies Uan some of the large on s.
If any doubt could < xist on this point it
would be dissipated by this simple stateim ni
The p pul ition of the five larg< st states, rep
resented in the Convention was 2,501,649
whilst th .t ot the six smallest states, was but,
1,123,528. Now by the trims upon which the
constitution was formed, each state having one
vote, it may well have happened, that some of
its most important features were adopted by the
votesofa majority of the states, containing
less thin one-third of the whole population,
which wcul I never h :ve been acceeded to, by a
majority ofthe people, had the government been
understood to havt been formed upon the prin
ciplcs of one aggregate mass. In this statement
we have taken only eleven states as represen
ted in the convention, that being the greatest l
number at any ti no present. Rhode Island
never appeared at all, whilst New Hampshire |
did not lake her seat until the 23d of July,
subs quent to the withdrawing of New York,
which took place on the 11th of that month.
Nor does this evidence terminate here. The
constitution carries on its face a declaration
that it was formed by the States, and not by
the whole people as one cnsolidut :d mass.
The very title ofthe government, given in t at
instrument, “The United States,” implies moi
viduahty in tiie States, and simply means tiie
States at that time United. The Ursa Ide
too, which declares that the object ol the con
stitution is amongst other things to form “a
more perfect union” can only have reference to
the union then suiisi-ting, which we have shown
to be a union between Sovereign, tree, and in
dependent -tab’s, and it explicitly asserts, that
the Constitution is ordained and esta'dishe i for
“the United States of America,” and not for
the pci'plc. And here we must pass oter
without nonce, the iiupoitant and * (inclusive
fact, tint in the article <t the con titutian which
designates the agency by which the States are
to enact laws, for the government of the * ,on
federacy. the term “< 'engross, ’ and not lai
bainent or assembly is used. Ihe term
“t ongress,” is one specifically applied t > an
assemblage of nations, in the persons oi their
SOVCrotgti-, ,»« tln-tt ,c|H. <M-ntnhrc', nnl hence
the legislative proceedings ot th federal
Government, were always styled th ■ proceed
ings of “The United Status mCon-rress assem
bled,” and not the proceedings ot the people.
The modo too, provided for amending t c
constitute n, is also ♦ xphcit on this subject.—
Alterations must be ratified by "the I .egislatures
pf threc-lourths of the several States, or by
conventions in three fourths thereof,” so, tnat
were it now desirable for seventeen ot the lar
gest States to obtain an altciation ofthe c insti
tution, to authorize acts which are n t n w
authorized, it would be in the power oi ftv s< ven
smallest States,containing less than oin’twltfii
part ofthe p puiatmn ot the whole country to
prevent it. H ith t is fact staring us in the
sic, will anv one pretend to say, that th” gov
ernnu nt was formed by the p npL» as in nggn*-
gate mass? It s>, he must consider the pc pie
of 1757, as w iollv ignorant of then rig its, <>i ’
a.v destitute of wisdom, in sanctioning a- ’t< m
the practical effect of which at this day, is to
enable a traction of a little more than one mill
lion 0i people, ta defect the wishes cf near
twelve ndlhons.
But this is not all. Tita seventh and last
article ofthe constitution declares, that
“The ratiti afion t'l uno States shad be
sufficient”—(Jo; what ' —*‘!or th” cst d lishincnt
of this constitut on etween the Statasso ratify
ing the same.”
In this aitide we have the fol’.nvnsg indis
putable iidmissi ns
Fns?. Chat th” S at- stormed th' constitu
tion, tor it was oifv I" - ih-ir ratification that it
v es made to exi-t.
S eo idi't. That it >v is only to be binding up
on the States tint -I* Iso ratify it, I- aving
those who should refuse to do so, in the full
enjoyment of th* ir s 'vereig'.ty, freedom and
independence, toremttn as separate nab ms. Os
to unite under sea; ' t ; ew instrument ot federa
tion.
And as if no d>»ubt shcu'.u be left upon the
minds ot the people, as Io the federatee char
acter of the govern ent. th very attestation to
the instrument of the members t the conven
tion, declares that it was “Done in Conven
tion, by the una:*r >' « r * -r:! th-' States
Let us now follow up our history, and see
what was the form of the ratification. The
convention adjourned to the 17th of September
1787, and transmitted to the Cong; ess still ac
ting under the articles of confederation, a report
of its proceedings. That body, on the 28th
ofthe same month, adopted the following reso
lution:
“Resource? unanimously. Thet the said re
port, with the resolutions and letter accompa
nying the same, be transmitted to the several
Legislatures, in order to be submitted to a
convention of delegate’s chos< n in each State
by the people thereof, in conformity to the i c
solves of th-; c invention, made and provided in
that case.”
In conformity with this resolve, the Legisla
ture of each State enact*! a la*, calling a
convention of the people thereof, in their sepa
rate capacity of members of a sovereign, free,
and independent state; & t > these conventions
were submitted the constitution for ratification.
By these conventions it was ratified, and so
clearly were those ratifications the acts of the
States, and -iot of the people as an aggreg sty
mass, that it w isin the power of the five small
est States, containing a,population of only
622,030 person-, by withholding teeir assent,
to defeat the adoptton of tiie constitution,
against the wishes of the other 8 States, con
taining a population ofupwards ol three millions.
Had the constitu ion been intended for a new
Government,proposedto t bef rmed bythe people
of the w,ole Unite I States, as an aggregate
mass, very different would have been the form
ofthe ratification. Nothing less than a majori
ty of the whole people would have be-n requi
red to defeat n, and instead of Delaware being
allowed as much weight in determining the
question as Virginia, she would have been
allowed only the proportion of influence which
60,00 peopk bear to 850,000, that is tne pro
portion of 1 to 14.
That these ratifications, although executed
by t/ie/>eop/e of each State, in their separate
and sovereign apacities, and not by the State
Legislatures, were in the farm and mode pre
scribed by t e 7th article of the constitution,
that is, that they were ratifications of the
States, is apparent from the following proceeds
ings extracted from the Journal of the old
Congress.
“United States in Congress assembled, |
Wednesday, July 2, 1788. j
“The Slate of New Hampshire having ratified
the constitution transmitted to th»*rn by the act
of the 2Sth of September last, mid transmitte .
t» Congress their ratification, and the same
being read, the President reminded t ongress
that this was the 9to ratification, transmitted
and laid before them; who eupon it was
“Ordered, That tin-ratifications 4'tlie con>
stitution ol the Unite States, transmitted to
Congress, 4>e r ferrod t > a committee, to ex
amine the same, and report an act ot Congres
for putting the sai ; constitution into operation,
in pursuance ofthe resolutions ol the late Fed
eral Convention ”
And here it m y not be amiss to remark, that
the term “Fed' ral,” here applied by Congress
t" tin convention, be ng terived from the Latin
word foedtis, a league, a stipulation betwean two
or more, is an additional confirmation ot the
confederated character ofthe Governm nt, m
contrast with consolidation, and so universal
was the a kiiowledg'-ment of thispohtical truth,
that even longsulisequ nt to th removal of ttie
government to ’A ashmgton, that city was called
“the federal city,” an i which of you tn re pres*
ent, ever heard th.it tht great Fcrfera/procession
of’B9 in this city, was to commemmate the
cstabhsment ot s consolidated government
Ata sa sequent day. viz: on the 13th of
September, 1788, the ( ongress passed a itso*
lution in the following words:
“/icso/rr.l, I'h I) the first A ednesda. in
January ii xt, be the nay tor appointing dec
tors tn the several which, bifore tne
aaid day shall have ratifi d the said con titution;
that the first tYediesday in bebrttar n xt, lie
the da. for the electors to ass inble m faeir
respective States, and v< tr for a President, anti
that the first Wednesday in March next, i the
time, and th pcs nt >• at ot Congress the
place for commem ing proceedings under the
said constitution.”
In conformity with this resolution, the elcc*
(ions were held. On the 4th ot March, 1 789,
the first Congress unfit r tiie new constitution,
assembled at New \ uk, and commenced its
duties, and on the 3oth ot April, George
W ashmgton, who had been unammously electe i
President ofthe United States, was conducted
into ofli e. Amendments to the constitution
w« re suns qm nflv made,in til • form prescii > d
t>v that instrument, an I illustrating i.i practice
the manifest truth, that the Stales wa re the cicx
ators ofthe (iovt rnment. By one ot those
am ndment-, it as nphatieally declared that
“tiie powers not d»-b gated to the i mted Mates
bv the constitution, n< r prohibit, d by it to the
States, are n sen td to tue States respi ctively,
or to the People.” Now a- the rcscrraliiai
of rights implies of nec< ssity the pre-exist' nee
of those rights an as it is very clear, that no
rights wer” conferee I upon the States, by the
Federal Government, whose « reature it was, it
follows tnatthose rights thus reserved to the
States must have been rights inherent in the
Sovereignty ofthe States.
Thus have 1 given an account < f the origin
and chara ter <»f the Constitut on, as brief as
was consistent w ith tiie object m view, whuh
was that of proving from documentary evidence
the rii’Kii taut fact, t at the governrm tit tirni-i
which we live, is still a confederation of sovc
r- ijn, tree and independent States, and not ••
consolidated empire'. It I have don? this (■
voc.r satisfacti.m, it isonly because the evideuc
within re ich has been so abundant, and because
tt has been recorded in so plain and intelligibb
a nature, that the most imlvttared rrmid ca<
' compreh nd it. Indeed it is ditn nit to ima
”ine with such a bodv of harmonious testimony
j before him, how any unprejudiced man cat
I advance the position, that the government o
the United States wa- form I by the wnoh
• ’ n<'ople as < m aggregate mass. It is true tha
w’.:' r• ur.ta.n fid-? roly net
a | much upon historical evidence, as upon verbal
e criticisms, as if great questions of liberty were
r 'to be determined by criticisms so close as that
- whichjcould split a hair,
t “’tixt west and south west side.”
I? The use ofthe term “national” occasionally
- employed in reference to the federal govern
ment, has been seized upon, as of consolidating
- import, and yet, under the old confederation,
- the debt of the government, was at that time
1 spoken of in the public documents, as the “n«.
a tinned debt ” The term “constitution” has also
e been urged as proof ofthe es'ablishment of the
government by the people as an aggregate mass,
i upon the ground that “constitution” is an ex.
pression which is not applicable to a compact
xisting between ludep- ndant States, and yet
i I have adduced in this ad iress, sev ral cases
- wherein the term “constitution” was applied,
. befnn the formation of the present instrument,
to the very articles of confederation.
. The main reliance of the advocates of con.
> s didation, for the support t>f their theory, is
upon the phrase, “Me the People ot the U.
Stales,” where it occurs in the preamble to the
■ Constitution. As this is a point which is fro.
queutly urged in discussions on the Constitu.
, tion, I will encroach a little longer on your
, time, whilst I give a detailed a count of the
• origin of that phrase.
By referring to the Journal of the conventi- n,
■ it will be found, that on the 6th of August, tiie
; first craft of a Constitution was reported by a
i committee appointed for the purpose. The
i preamble to that draft, commenced as follows:
“We, the people ofthe States of N. Hamp,
shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Prov.
; idence Plantations, Connecticut, Nev. York,
i New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary
i lanu,’Virginia, North Carolina, South Cai. li.
i na and Georgia, do ordain, declare and estab.
• lish the fallowing Constitution, for the govern.
meat of ourselves and our posterity.”
i In this phraseology, it is manifested, that
; '‘We, the People,” were the people of the sev.
; eral States enumerated, and no inference <an
■ be dr<*wn trom it, favorable to the doctrine ol
, an aggregate mass. Li this form, the pream
ble was adopted unanimously by the Convention
on the 7th of August, the day after it was re
ported by the committee.
After a discussion on the provisions of the
draft, until the 7th of September, during which
time it does not appear that the preamble was
ever again brought into view, a committee of
five was appointed “to revise the style of and
arrange the articles agreed to by the House.’'
On the 12th of September, the committee of
revision reported the Constitution as revised in
style and arranged by them, in which th'- pre
amble read as follows: —
“We the people ofthe United States, in order
to form a more perfect union, establish justice,
e isure domestic tranquillity, provide for the
common defence, promote the g; m ral welfare,
and secure the blessings of liberty ft> ourselves,
and our p« steritv, do ordain ami establish this
Constitution for the United States of America.”
The reason for the change by the committee
in the phraseology of the preamble, by the in
sertion of the words “United States,” inst» nd
of recapitulating the nanus of the several States,
is apparen* enough, if we admit the absen. e of
( all design on the pait of the committee to be
1 guilty ol a wilful fraud, as we must do, when we
consider their high character, and when we see
that they weakened the str ngth of the original
language, by declaring that the Constitution was
I ordained for the United States and net simply
i for “ourselves and our posterity.” It was not
1 at that time known, whether all the States, then
' united tinder the existing articles of confedera
tion, would continue in the union. Rhode
! Island, as has been seen, did not even, send
‘ delegates to the Convention, and conseqilentiy,
the insertion of their names, should any of them
refuse, w mid liav< rendered m cessa y an alter
' ation ofthe t onstitution; and besides tins, as
5 the phrase “United States,” had reference to
! the Slates railed, a that time under the con-1
“ federation, each one of which, it that moment
was in full possession of its “Sover< ignty, frec
! dom ami imlep. nfience,” and as it was intended
‘ I tnat th,- people of each State, as a distinct and
! ■ separate community, should ratify the ('onstitu
tion, no me..,her oi the committee could have
I anticipated, that the day would arrive,’when the ,
term, “we th'* people,” would be construed to
1 ; mean the p -cpL- ol States, whic.i had not retain
>l edth'-ir sovereignty, freedom and independence.
Accordingly, we find, that <m the 13th of Sep- .
tomb' r, the day following t,i<- repoitot the re
vised raft, the Convention proceeded “to the
' <’omp».ri>ig of the report from tne committc of
1 revision, with the articles which were agreed
1 to by the House, and to tin m r. brr- d fbi ar
‘ rangemvnt,” and the same was read by para
‘ graphs, compared, an : i some places, corrcc—
‘ ted and mi vn led.” It does nut appear that
anv proposition for restoring the original rea
’ ding ofthe preamble, was made, ?n the con
‘ clu.-ion is self evid* nt, that the Convention did
’ net disceft? in the change of phraseology, any
1 change m the character of the parties to the
: Constitution, and accordingly, “ A’e the People .
’ ofthe the United States,” was left as the lan - ;
‘ linage of that instrument in the engrossed copy ;
1 that was signed, anil which this day exists.
- But, let me ask, fellow citizens, whether the
- phrase, “Ac the People ot the United States,
was not the one best adapted to express who
a were th** real tramersof the federal government,
s It is verv certain tnat it was not formed by the
h State Governments, but by “ the people” o‘ the
c several Stat* s, m their sovereign i ipacity, and
r t<> infer from the very fact of an exercise of that
- sovereignty, that the States were no longer sov.
a ereign, is one ofthe most extraordinary deduc.
a tions that can be imagined. As well might it
e be said, that the term “th good people ot these
e colonies.” employed m tne Declaration ot inde.
r ! pendence,amounted to proof, in spite of all the
n testimont furnished to the contrary, that the
i- people ofthe colonies were one eonscJidated
v mass, oefore they were separated from Great
n Btnain.
>fi Having thus, I trust, conclusively established
e the fact, that the constitution was formed by
at thirteen Soven ign states, and not by the people
: ot t'..e th’rtc *.! States as an aggregate ma a <, the
question may be asked, what great principle
connected with the liberty of the people, or the
Union, of the States, is involved in the contro
versy ? Os what consequence is it to us and
to our posterity, whether the one or the other
theory of government be the truo one? ' 1 ime
will riot permit me to leply to these questions,
but I cannot close without remarking, that upon
the Sovereignty of the States, depend State i
Rights, and the momentous issue, whether the I
federal government is a government ol limited
powers, or a despotism—whether we are frees
men or slaves. This could be made to appear,!
but as I have already .occupied too much of your
time, I must refer you to the Kentucky & Virginia .
Resolutions of’9B and ’99 : to Mr. Madison’s i
•’eport in favour of the latter; to the procee
dings ofyour own Legislature, wuen d moera
cy was something more than a name, and to
the, opinions pronounced by Uhiet Justices
M’Kean and Tilghman, in the Supreme Court
of this State, in the cases of Cobbett and Gid
eon Olmstead.
, APPENDIX.
The following is the order in which the thir
teen States ratified the Federal Constitution ;
1 Delaware,' Decembsr 7, 1787
2 Pennsylvania, “ 12, “
3 New Jersey, “ 18, “
4 Georgia, January 2, 1788
5 Connecticut, “ 9, “
6 Massacnusetts, February 6, “
7 Maryland, April 28, “
8 South Carolina, May 23,
9 New Hampshire, June 21,
10 Virginia, “ 26,
11 New York, July 26,
12 North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1759
13 Rhode Island. May 29, 1790
North Carolina existed as a separate
State or nation, sot upwards of eight mouths
after the Federal Government com cnced its
operations under the present constitution, and
Rhode Island, for near fourteen months, and
both, bad they seen fit, might have continued to
do so up to the present day.
FROM TIIE AMERICAN TURF REGISTER AND SPORTING
MAGAZINE. x
.2 couple of Jcux D’Eisp. it, from the Correspon
dence of the late Hon. John
Randolph of Roanoke.
“On Dr. IL delivering a very fl w ry Ora
tion, with a roll of barley sugar brandished in
his right hand.
“ .Vith a razor keen
As e’er was seen,
A Barber they call Phill,
In Congress rose,
And by the nose
Took i.ir. Hemphill’s bill:
In huge affright,
At such a sight,
I saw a Jersey dandy
Attempt to stay
That razor’s way
. - With a stick of sugar candy.”
“ Wynn, the Virginia racer, sold Dr. Thorn
ton (ot great notoriety on tiie tuif, as well as lot
s ienc*, wit and philanthrophy) a racelioise
named Ratler, and was obliged to brmg suit for
payment. Thornton pleaded that Ratler was
good for nothing, (as a racenorse,) ami Vvyim
proved that lie ha been brought to teat condi
tion by starvation :
“Wynn vs. Thornton.
“ How can he hope to win, wiiat v .’is speed,
ith his iiorse unfed and his c u se! unsee-d?
His horses unfed will loose lam races
His lawyers unfeed wdl loos, him Ins cases.”
The latter impromptu came from the pen of
my esteemed frien 1, the late Benj Lincoln
i.ear, Esq. of Washington city, dm mg the trial,
at which your correspondent was present. Dr.
Thornton was cast. I •
Fra a k lins 51) r a Is.
Franklin, the American pkilospher and states
man; drew up the following list of moral virtues,
to which he is said to have paid constant and
earnest attention.
Temperance — Eat not to fulness: drink not
to elevation. |
Silence— Speak not but what may benefit i
others or yourself; avoid trifling *'onv< is ifion. j
Order—Let all your things have their places;
let * ach part of business have its tunc.
Rcsohdion—Revive to perform what you.
ouglr ; perform without fail what you n solve.
Frugali/(/—Make no expanses, but do good (
to others or yourself, that is, nothing
Industry— Lose no time: be always t mploy-,
cd in something useful; cut oil all unnecessary j
actions.
Sincerity— Use no harmless deceit; think
innocently and justly ; and it you sp- a;-., sp< ak
accordingly.
Justice—Wrong none by doing injuries, or
omitting the benefits that are your duly.
»Vodera/toi»—Avoid extremes; forbear re
senting injuri* s.
Cleanliness—Suffer no unclcanlincss in body,
clothes, or happiness.
Tra.iyuilily—Be not disturbed about trifles,
or accidents comm< n or unavoidable.
Something .yiyste'ious. — I he body of a man i
was discovered floating in the river about a
mile below this place, Dy some negroes fishing ;
on Sunday last. The body was brought to land >
—a jurv of inquest h* 11 over it, and consigned
t<> its mother earth. From the appearance of
the corpse, the individual must have been some
tune drowned. No marks of violence being
discovered, the jury of riqmst concluded that
the man came to his end either by voluntary
or accidental drowning. It is supposed that
his name was Boswell II Bell, as one < r two
open letters were found on the body addressed
to that r.atne, at Poulain’s Bridge, Greene
County, Geo. A small sum of money in silver,
was found with the papers. — Southern Banner.
“Halloo, Snooks—what’s the matter with
you to day ?
“ Iv’e got the deposile fever”
“V\ hat’s that?” ,
“Why, one empty pocket and nothir g in the
. other.”
THE WEST' RV HERALD.
DAHLOHNEGA, GEORGIA, APRIL 18, 1834.
ih pres-nf numb* r concludes the first volume of the
Western Herald. (-ur Editorial career has been too brief
to authorize the appearance before its patrons in an anni
versary address. Under its first fearless and vigilant
editor, wc.knowthat it was notan inefficient instrument
in the gr< at cause which it professed to support. It has
been and wiH be our pu posoto make it still an accepta
ble ally in that cause. We have embarked in its conduct,
with little that, was selfish or exclusive to gratify—little
to hope of pecuniary advantage—nothing for individual
aggrandizem nt. If we shall succeed in any degree, in
constituting it the successful channel through which will
pass to the people of “western Georgia,” such political
doctrines as upon the prevalence of which, we sincerely
believe, depend the future prosperity and glory of our
country ; our reward will be ample, our aim will have
been accomplished. We bring to this undeitaking
honesty of purpose and a zeal we trust not altogether
without know!'dge.
>'e would remind such of our subscribers as have not
paid their subscription for the past yr ar, that it is princi
pally due to the former proprietors of the Herald, and
that it is to be collected through the present. This ar
rangement was made for their convenience in its pay
ment and we hope that they will find it convenient to
transmitto us the sums severally duo. The growing im
portance ofthe estern section of Georgia, its increas
ing weight in the politico! scale, and the Herald stand
ing alone in the support and maintaincncc of their doc
t'ines, authorizes 1 ha* we should ask and expect for it
the support of the State Rights pa ty. The meagre ac
count ul official advertising in our columns evidences the
official majority largely against, us, and that for its ex
istence without pecuniary loss to its proprietors, the Her
ald is mainly dependent, upon their subscription patron
age. If this is extended to it, we will be enabled to
battle on in the cause, looking confidently forwar 1 to a
day not far distant, when its principles shall triumph, and
when curs shall be the preyud r flection of having con
tributed something to this result.
’ “ ——
The Mails.—A mail route has been established di
rectly from A m aria to Ellejay, in Gilmer county. The
mail leaves Auraria every .Monday morning. There are
Ro two villages in the State of Georgia, between which
there is more communication than there is between this
andClar svillc in Habersham county, and no route of
the same extent that would more certainly <1 fray its
own expenses a profit to tin Department. Such
a route would form an immediate connexion with the mail
to Union county, to the principal post offices in Haber
sham, and with the adjoining districts in South (’arolina.
> e solicit its cstablishm mt on the part of ourselves and
the people of all parties.
By a new arrangement, the Mail Stage runs to and
from Auraria, tri-weekly. Leaves Auraria, Sunday,
Tuesday and Thursday mornings—ar ives at. Athens
same day.—Leaves /Athens, Vtonday, V. vdn sday and
F iday mornings—arrives at Auraria same evenings.
Our day of publication will in consequence of this ar
rangement, in future b • Saturday instead cf Friday,
Tiie’ .ditor of th “Standard of Union,” since he has
got ‘ long side of the Government,” seems to have be
come quite s lf-nnpo:t;;nt, to rank himself among the
“'•ig fish,” and to suppose that he is not tp be “nibbled
at by minners.” It. wont do, “.Mr. Standard” —you arc
too well known indeed you arc. All the importance
which your Executive support and patronage,— added to
that brought into the apcount by your being made the
keep rof Mie p iblie purs —and all the swelling strut
ting and puffing which you may do for yourself, will
tn v r attach to you that dignity and importance wiiic h
you would fam assume. Wc rcmerab' r once before you
became a changeful weathercock for office sak<, to have
hoard you n late an anecdote, in sub.-tance—that it was
the custom ofa certain people, in ancient days, when any
of th' ii friends b' came distinguished, or to use your own
language "‘di I any tiling v rv smart,” to take 'hern out
and hang tie. m—l st by some subsequent ar t they might
tarnish the reputation which they ball thus acquired.
»• appr* Ir ii I that if your friends had have pursued this
policy with yours< If, b. fore the reign of Union i'emc
eratic Republicanism, you would have carried with ye t
mon importan o an.l more reputation, at least for polit
ical consist'ncy, to the gallows than you will ever ac
quire in the service of your new associates. hour un
authorized interference, though with Executive sanction,
in tie J udicial p oseedings of the Clierok c Circuit —
your attempts to forestall public opinion in cases 'which
we e p n-ling and u idecid'd -io enlist party cxcitcnicyf.
and to txcite resistance to the decisions ofthe Court, if
they sh,,ul 1 b<ma le not io accordance with your own,
and bis Excellency’s sago opinions—richly • merited, and
webeli've have received, the reprobation of all honor
able and just mon, even in th' ranks of your own party.
We wouid fain hope that ere this, you had scon the er
ror of your own iaientions, and had repented of the
means which you had taken to carry them into cflect.
i We have only to inform you in conclusion, that whenev
r rcircumManccs shall require if, we shall uvad ourselves
i for the “present,” and for the future, of the kind indul-
I grnct L’ivcn cf [ laying around “your hook,” For, wliat
'<v r may b-our private opinions of your greatnejr, the
| L'gislaturc has attached to you sufficient importance,
Ibv making you Treasurer--and the Governor, sufficient •
to yourieipenaf “.Standard ” by making it the oracle, of
i .x' cutive opinions, to entitle both you and it to the notice
ofa': th “HttL ’as well as the “big fish,”
We publish the following correction of an error into
which we liad inadvertantly fallen, with regard to the
! ditmialuliip of the Washington News. We thank the
Editor for the kind manner in which he has correct*.d cur
I error, in decking the brow of another with the laurels
which he hid won.
Wc thank the Editors of the Western Herald,
for their flattering notice of us—but will take
thr* opportunity to correct an error into which
’ they, with’others, have been led. They speak
of the “ venerable Editoi of the News,” mean
ing, as we suppose, the Rev. Jesse Mercer,
who, by the way, has no connexion whatever
in the nublicatioD of our naner.