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About The Dawson journal. (Dawson, Ga.) 1866-1868 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 16, 1868)
Daiusoii QJKwklg lourual, Published Every Thursday Bf PERRYMAN k MERIWETHER, TEEMS—Strictly in Advance. Three aoDthe.y 2? 1 ® Six months ' ”f l One year M 00 Hates of •Advertising : One dollar per square of ten lines for the first Insertion, and Beventy-fiva Cents per square for each subsequent insertion, not ex ceeding three. One *quare three months ? 8 00 one square six months 12 00 One square one year . 20 00 Two squares three months 12 00 Two squares six months 18 00 Two squares one year 80 00 fourth of a column three moths 80 00 Fourth of a column six months SO 00 Half column three moths 46 00 Half column six months TO 00 One column three months. •••••••• • TO 00 One column six months.., ,100 00 Liberal Reductions Made on Contract •Advertisements. " " Legal Advertising. Sheriff’s Sales, per lery, |2 50 Mortgage Fi Fa Sales per square 6 00 Citations for Letters of Administration, 8 00 “ M Guardianship,. 8 00 Dismision from Apministration, 6 00 “ " Guardianship, 4 00 Application for leare to sell land, 6 00 Sales of Land, per square, 6 00 Sales of Perishable Property per squ’r, 8 00 Notices to Debtors and Creditors,.... 8 60 Foreclosure of Mortgage, per square, 2 00 Estray Notices, thirty days, 4 00 Job Work of every description exe entedwith neatness and dispatch, at moderate rates. RAIL-ROAD GUIDE. ■•uthwostern Railroad. MTM. HOLt, Pres. | VIRGIL POWERS, Sup Leaves Macon 8 AM\ arrives at Eu facia 5 80, P M ; Leaves Eufaula T 20, A M ; Arrives at Macon 4 50, P M. ALBANY BRANCH. Leaves Smithville 1 46, P M ; Arrives at Albany 3 11, P M ; Leaves Albany 9 35, A M; Arrives at Smithville 11, A M. jSacon * Western Railroad. A. J. WHITE, President. E. B. WALKER,'Superintendent. BAY PASSENGER TRAIN. Leaves Macon . • • 1 ?[■ Arrives at Atlanta . . . 16TP. M. Leaves Atlanta . . • f *• Arrives at Macon . . . 180 P. M. NIGHT TRAIN. Leaves Macon . • • B *® Arrives at Atlanta . . Leaves Atlanta . . • B ‘2 V Arrives at Macon . . • 125A. M. Western At Atlantic Railroad. CAMPBELL WALLACE, Sup’t. BAY PASSENGER TRAIN. Leave Atlanta . • • 845 JJ- Leave Dalton . . . • *■*?£’ «' Arrive at Chattanooga . . 6.AS r. M. Leave Chattanooga . • 8.20 A. M. An ire at Atlanta . • • 12-06 P. M. NIOIIT TRAIN. Leave Atlanta . . • TOOP. M. Arrive at Chattanooga . . 4.10 JJ - Leave Chattanooga . . 4.30 I. M. Arrive at Dulton . • • TSOP. M. Arrive at Atlanta . . . 141 A. M. (Sards. DR. w. h 7 hodnett TENDERS his Professional services to the citixens of Dawson and its vicinity. Of f.a at Dr. Cheatham’s Drug Store. Resi dsea—lne residence of Mrs. Chamberlain, ec Depot street. nov22'6T-tf n , Physician A Surgeon, Dawson, • • Georgia. tW Office at Smith k Williams’ Boarding Meuse. nov22’6T6m SIMMONS & HOYL, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BdW’SOJT, - • fiEO/lfiM. L e. nOTL. jan2s Iy. a. r. sinuous. C. B. WOOTEN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 2ly Dawson, Ga. W, S, PARKS. J. M. WATSON. PARKS & WATSON, Attorneys at Daw, BAR SON - - - - GA. J. T>. WATCH km REPAIRER fIL Jtt JEWELER. Dawson, G-a., IS prepared to do any work in hie line in the very beet style. feb2B ts J. G. S. SMITH, GTJ2ST SMITH and Machinist, fWIPSO.P, / X Georgia. Repairs all kinds of Guns, PUtols, Sewing Maaines, etc., etc. 2 ly. G. W. WARWICK* •Attorney at Law and Solicitor in Equity, SMITH f'ILLE . . . GEO.. WILL practice la Lee, Sumter, Terrell and Webster. J, E. HIGGINBOTHAM , attorney at law. Morgan , Qalhoun Vo., Ga Will practice in all the Courts of the South western and Pataula Circuits. dune 1 HARNESS & REPAIR SHOP •AT PHIJTCE8 ’ BTtAIiL.ES, Dawson, ... Georgia, C~IAN furnish the public with Carriage J Trimming, Harness Mounting, kc. Ail work promptly done for the cash. ReT2'r#73m HARRIS DENNARD. THE DAWSON JOURNAL Yol. 11. AN ADDRESS TO THK People of Georgia nnd the Uni ted States. Fellow-Citizens oj Georgia and of the United States: By a Convention held at Macon on the sth and 6th of December, 1867, representing the Conservative people of Georgia, the undersigned were appqint ed a Committee to prepare an Address to you, setting forth their sentimenta, their condition, their fearful apprehen sion of future ruin, and the final over throw of the Constitutional government In discharging this important duty, we bring to the task an earnest and patri otic desire, not only to promote the welfare of our own State, but also that of our whole country. When the late unhappy war termin ated and the Confederate aims were surrendered, a single condition only was required, which was that we should Te turn to the pursuits of peace and obey the constitution and laws of the Uni ted St.tes, uuder tbe pledge, by tbe victors, that, so long as we continued to do so, we should bo protected io tbe un molested enjoyment of tbe right aud privileges which that Constitution and those laws guarantee to each Stat- atm to every citizen. We have kept our promise in letter and spirit; aud, from that day to this, no resistance has been offered to the Federal authorities. Tbe laws of tbe United States are quietly obeyed, without tbe necessity of mil ta* ry power to enforce them. Their courts are open and their processes respected. Crime can be punished by the regular and established modes of judicial pro cedure. With magnanimity and hope fulness, our people united iD an honest effort to build up their ruined fortunes and re-establish their lost prosperi y.— The war left our homes saddened with bereavement, and, in thousands of in stances, in ashes. It brought univer sal sorrow and poverty. Our fields wero desolated, our labor disorganized, our industry paralyzed, all our enter prises destroyed or crippled, and our capital sunk. Towns and cities were plundered and burned, and their inhab itants driven, in destitution, lrom their homes. But these were the fruits of war—not legitimate to be sure—such, however, as usually attends its march of fire; and, therefore, we submitted to them with patience and fortitude, cheer ed by tbe hope, that the quarrel and carnage having ended, the return of peace aod prosperity would begin and that, at least, political fraternity would be restored. Under this inspiration we endeavored to forget tbe bitterness which the struggle had engendered to eultivate a spirit of conciliation and harmony, and to evince, in every pos sible way, our desire to have Georgia re stored to her constUn'ioual relation to the Union. Terrible has been our disap. pointment. Having been baffled in tbe attempt at secession, upon the idea that such attempt was rebellion, we suppos ed that its suppression left Georgia a State in the Union, still possessing the inherent right of self govermentand the constitutional right of representation in Congress. Instead of this, however, the President of the United States re quired that we should orgauize anew State Government, ratify the Constitu tional Amendment, abolishing slavery and incorporating the same pro vison into oar fundamentally ; that we should repudiate our State war debt and abrogate tbe Ordinance of Secession and ail the laws in further ance of the Confederate cause. Anima ted by a determination to make any sacrifice but that of honor, suppressing even the spirit of complaiut, for tbe sake of peace, we did all that he rrquir ed—even surrendering our most valua ble property, that of our slave sand e u sented to become aim -st pauper?. Sup posing that such deportment iuig.lt challenge the magnanimity of the vic tors towards a fallen foe, we then thought, surely the dawn of peace was. in sight, and that our right to the pro tection and benefits of a common Con stitution Would be recognized. We elected our Senators and Represent-aiives thus demooetrating, not only our ex pectation, but also our earnest desire, again to participate in the councils and promised blessings of tbe Union restor ed. But, as before, disappointment was our fate. Our member* were spurned from the Halls of Congress and onr people denounced as traitors and rebels. We have been perristettly charge! with hostility to the Constitu tion and Union, and treated as outlaws from both. Whilst we do not thus al lude to the deportment and temper of our people in a spirit of boasting, yet we challenge contradiction of our state - meats, and fearlessly array them before a dandid world, as evidence of tbe in justice, and unkindness and falsehood DAWSON, GA., THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 1808. of the charges against us, urged as a pretext for our oppression. Proscription from the Union, we could endure ; the ohargo of hostility to it were tolerable ; from our prostration we might rise ; our poverty we might surmount, if we could be left undisturb ed and permitted to enjoy our inherent right of self government. Our noble State abounds with the elements and re sources of maternal wealth ; her people are enterprising and full of the con sciousness of unsullied honor and unsub dued manhood Give play to their ca pacities, unfetter their elastic energies, remove unnecessary and unjust burdens from their labor, and they will achieve prosperity for themselves and tbe bless ings of exalted civilization for their pus ferity. But our oppressors are not wil ling to do this. They claim to make us the victims of their political policy —worse than that—they requ re us to be instrumental in executing that poli cy, upon the perl of their vengeance ; that a proud and gallant people upon whose honor none but the tongue of slan der ever breathed aught of shame— their brethren by race, by ancestry and bv political ties—shall vote for their twu degradation or forfeit the rights of free American citizens Demand after a- maud having been made and submit ted to, with as much complacency as a gt Berous people could briug to the per formance cf humiliating duty, tbe scheme proposed by the military Acts for Reconstruction is tbe bitter chalice offered to our as the maxium of tbe victor’s magnanimity, which we are to drink to tbe dregs, on pain of political death for refusal But, in our anxiety for friendship aud good government, wo did not dash it hastily from us On its face it professed to resnect Our wishes; it proposed that we should vote'freely, for or against it—acceptor reject it— and thus, by implication at least, invi ted us to examine and consider it. We did so, in the light of the Constitution, and we found not one word in that in strument to warrant the passage of the Reconstruction Acts. They rest upon tbe assumption that Congress has the power to construct governments for the States. They abrogate the government of Georgia, which the people organized in deference to the President’s wishes, and, in its stead, place us under a Mili tary Governor clothed with the power of despotism, under which the soveriegn ty of the people is ignored and the ptin ciples of Magna Charta, incorporated into the Constitution for the security of property, life and liberty, are trodden underfoot. They disfranchise a large portion of the most intelligent and vir tuous citizens, as a punishment for al leged crime of which they L ave not been legally convicted, and confer universal suffrage upon tbe emancipated negroes. Hence, the congressional scheme is not only violative of the Constitution, but grossly, cruel and unjust, and devoid of that far set mg and comprehensive states manship which seeks good government, in coDtradististinetion to partisan ascen dancy. For who can fail to see that, those Acts must lead, and were intend ed to lead to negro supremacy ? Else why such disfranchisement of the wbit< s as to throw the power of tbe ballot box into the control of tbe enfranchised black race ? Such is obviously their design, de duced from their letter and spirit, not de nied by their authors and fully illus trated by the manner of their enforce ment. Having placed us uuder milita ry law, and tolerating our organized government as merely provisional, its civil officers were compelled to support them, >n paiu of dismissal. Judges and other offijers were disposed for r fus ing to violate tbe constitution and law> which they had sworn to obey and ■ xe cut ; all civi* and military i fficer* were ordertti to publish Ui ir legal ad- Terri.-'' in cuts in suoii papers only as su-- taiu and the Congressional scheme Thus lb.: purity and independence of our ju diciary have beeu polluted and st.ieken down aud tbe sauctity of tbe jury box desecrated by compelling jury lists to bo made upofwbites and blacks indiscrim inately ; and thus tbe liberty of the press ta fettered arid tolerated at tbe will of tbe District Commander and military Governor of the State. To these w« might ad 1 numerous instances of the violation of (tersuaal liberty, by arrests without legal accusation or warrant, and imprisonment without an impartial aud public trial by jury. Iu consider.tiou therefore, that the establishment of ne gro supremacy was their inteutien, and. that, lrom the mode of their enforce ment it would inevitably be consumated we firmly and deliberately opposed tbe Reconstruction Acts, as most compati ble with ourself respect and our duty to the dead and tbe living—to tbe pres ent and fu'ure generation*. But power has, thus far, triumphed over reason, justice and rightand the Convention provided for, lepresenting negroes only, with the exception cf a few thou and whites, now sits, to crys talize into constitutional forms tbe pol icy of bringing the Stateof Georgia un der the dominion of negro supremacy. It is without paralel in the annals of the world. For although history furnishes instances of abolition, yet it affords no example of an attempt by military force to elevate tbe emancipated slave above his recent master, to subordinate the superior to the inferior race, and clothe tbe latter with tbe political power of tbe State. It is the most outrageous policy ever advocated by a Christian people. It should arrest the alarmed attention of every friend of constitu tional government throughout, the Uu ion, as it must awaken the astonishment o? tbe civilized world. The perpetra tion of such monstrous wrong has been reserved for the dominant power now controling the destiny of this eountry— for men, sworn to support aud obey tbe Constitution of a Government professed ly deriving, as a fundamental principle, “its just powers from tbe consent of the governed ” Fellow Citizens : Shall negro suprem acy be permanently enthroned in the State of Georg a ? Shall ten States of this Union he surrendered at tbe point of the bayonet, to the denomination of the African race ? Shall eight millions of whites be subjected to the rule of four mi Hi- ns of blacks? Shall they become our Magistrates, our Legisla tors, our Judges, our Governors, and representatives iD Congress? Shall sev en huudred tnonsand ignorant negroes who can neither read nor write, who know nothing of the principles of the Constitution or of legislation, agrarians by instinct, and taught by political drill masters that they have injuries to avenge against the white race, be admitted to tbe ballot box ? These arc tbe uicmeu tuus questions which demand solution and disturb the peace and harmony of <>ur country. If they are to be decided affirmatively, what pen or tongue can portray the direfully calamities which we shall napat n . day ? The praent dermee rnment will con r tttue i' ,i a r-e ur material prosperity, already at rested will be de stroyed forever; ic ety, already shock ed by sudden and forced changes, will be thrown into the most deplorable con. dition of insecurity, and property, life and liberty will be exposed to irremedi able peril. If our silence, in the past, has been construed into apathy and indifference then we have be >n greatly misappre hended. We have subm'ttod, almost without ccmplaint, because every whisper of protest has been con •tru a into disloyalty by our oppres sors. W e have offered the feeble opposi tion of scarcely u'lered remonstrance, only because outnumbered at the bal lot-boX, and therelore impotent for sue cessful resistance Tbe Conservative people of Georgia feel that tame sub mission hits ceased to be a virue. and has become . crime against their coun try, their race and future gen»ratii ns The ruthless arm of unhallowed power mujf enslave and degrade them, but they will never, by word or deed, ac tive or passive, consent to the outrage offered to tteir manhood, but they l will struggle against it by every legiti mate meuns which trey can command. They appeal to the friends.of Consti tutional government throughout the land to rally to its rescue from the grasp of relentless een'rali.-m It is the province of enlightened statesmanship to search for tbe causes of political maladies, with a view to their removal. It is easy for any can did observer to detect the origin of those existing evils which threaten such calamity to our country. We have previously remarked, that tbe Rec -n-troctton Acts assume that Con gregs has tbe power to construct gov ernments for the proscribed States This assumption is the fruitful parent of all our political troubles. It is not pretended that the authority is to be found in the Constitution • on the con trary, it is asserted to be outside of tbe Constitution. This is an admission of the uutili’.y of the whole scheme, How can Congress act outside of the Cons itution ? Outside of the Con stitution there is no Executive, no Ju diciary, no Congress—no Government of the United States Outside of tbe Constitution, Congress —or rather the men who compose it—have no more authority titan any other body of indi viduals voluntarily assembled. Out side of the Constitution, they have no commission to l«gis at. on any sub ject. lor any pu.pi*. i m .my man ner w hatsoever. Every act, ou side of tbe Constitution is usurpation and ut terly void. W'ba vitality, then, can there be in a State government, coo strutted in pursuance of laws passed by authority, claimed to be outside oi the Constitution ? How long can it stand, after the bayonets that prop it up shall have been removed ? It is a fabric without foundation and must fall. Theso are all self evident propo unions, too axiomatic to admit of ar gument ; and they necessarily present for tbe consideration of the of | the United States—especially the peo | pie of those States designated, in the parlance of the day, as loyal—this j grave and momentous question. If | the State governments, now being con structed by Congress, aro thus invalid and cun be maintained only by force, I are they prepared to incur .he expense and hazard to liberty of n standing army, for such purpose ? Are they prepared for a military despotism over ten groat States of this Union, for the mere purpose of oppressing the white race and sustaining negro supremacy? W ill it be seriously maintained that the government can retain i's Jedcral character and yet sustain such a poli cy ? Will any candid man assert that it is consistent with the conlessedly re served rights of the States? Who 1 does not perceive that it will bo their entire absorption and the conversion of our constitutional Republic into on elective oligarchy, whose will, instead of the Constitution, will bo the “su preme law of the land ?” And all this for what ? For the sake of negro su premacy over the Southern States ; lor tbe sake of degrading eight millions of negroes may be forced into a status lor which they are utterly unfitted.— We appeal to the peoplo of the North, who have the power, to preserve the Constitution. Are you prepared to put in jeopardy our w ise fabric of gov ernment and the liberty of more than thirty millions of your own race, for the Bake of enfranchising four millions of illiterate and semi civilized Africans? “We speak as unto wise men, judge ye what we say.’’ We beg to offer another view fer the calm consideration of the Northern people. They almost universally con tend that sec. 8-ion was a nullity. The war having so decided it as a question of practice, it is not necessary now to contest it as a question of right. Then let the assumption be granied. It fol lows, then, that not only the Ordinance of Secession was void, but that all the subsequent proceedings—the entire fabric erected upon it—were vlso void. This fabric was the State governments which were in existence and in opera tion when the Confedera'e arms were surrendered and the war was ter minated. These State governments were illegal because tbi y were built on a breach of the true constitutional relation between the States and the Federal Government These proposi tioLs are true, upon the assumption that secession was a nulli.y, as insisted upon by the Not them people. It fol lows from them that the States were never out of the Union, and that they retained their right to continue as such, however their visible organiza tion and constitutional relations may have been disturbed by secession. So far, all is p'ain and easy. The next step is the beginning of the difficulty. If these State Governments w T ere void, and therefore fell with tbo Confeder ate cause, how can their places be constitutionally supplied? Can it be done by reconstruction ? By new State governments constructed by the Pres ident, Congress or any other power ? Purely not. No department of the Govern mi- ut of the United States, nor all of them combined, is invested with power to construct governments for the States. Instead of being confer red by the Constitution, it is palpably inconsrs’eni with it. The duty, aud the whole duty of tht United States with respect to the State governments is clearly dofined in the Constitution. That duty is to guarantee to every State a Republican form of govern ment; to guarantee it, not to create it —to preserve, not destroy and then re construct it. Can you guarantee what does not exist ? The very idea of guaranteeing a government implies, necessarily, the pre-existence of the government. And this is precisely the duty which tbe United States owe to each State—to support and uphold the government with which each State started in the Union, whether that start was made at the beginning or at a later period of our history. When ever the start was made, each Stare started in the Uuion with a Republi can form of government. This is cer tainly true of Georgia and ail the original thirteen ; and the admission of other States, ut subsequent periods, was a confession by the government, which it is estopped from denying, that they, too, were republican. The government, therelore, with which a State startad in the Union is the gov eminent which the United States is | obliged to uphold. It may be modi fied in the legitimate way, that is, by the people of the State, but always under the limitation that it must re main Republican, in form. And since the failure of secession and the decis ion by the sword, that secession was a nullity, as a question of practice, it No. 50. would seem that each State is bound to preserve its original relation to the Union, ns well as to have a Republican form of government. When there is n breach of either of these limitations, the thread of legality or constitutional ity is dropped. All that may' como afterwards is on an illegal basis and void. Such is the inevitable conclu sion, viewing the subject from the Northern standpoint. What, then, ia the remedy ? It is for Congress to step in and construct anew govern ment ? We have already shown that they have no such power. But the remedy is to go back and pick up the thread of legality “right where it was dropped or, in other words, restore the government which was wrongfully displaced. It was not destroyed by secession, assuming secession to be void ; its functions wero suspended on ly ; its offices were vacated, but not ox tmguished. Hence, it follows, that as soon as the disturbing couse (which was secession and its results) was re moved, the legitimate Constitutions of the States, which were in force at the time of secession, stood in their origi nal vigor, aud the offices of their gov ernments should have been immediate ly filled by the proper constituency.— This doctrine of tbe succes sion of legality in the Slate govern ments is precisely what was decided by the Supreme Couit of the United States, in the caee of Dorr’s rebellion, in Rhode Island. The du'y belongs not to Congress alone, nor the I’res ident alone, nor to the Federal Judi ciary alone, but to all of them, each acting in its appropriate sphere —it be longs to the United States. Ail of the poweis of the United States stand pledged to its performance—the duty of main'aining the State Government with which each State entered the Union, with such modifications as it may have received by tne free and vol untary action of its people, cons'stent ly with the Constitution of the United States. Whenever there is a breach cf the limitation imposed by the Con stitution of the United States, every thing thereafter too becomes illegal and void. The remedy therefore is a remission back to the interrupted legal status. Now the late war has decid ed, as a question of fact, thnt secession broke the thread of consti u'ional rela ti< n between the seceding States and the United States, and that the State governments founded on secession were illegal and void, and fell with the Confederate cause. These fabrics having thus fallen, the people of the States, ns a logical necessity, ore re mitted back to their Constitutions and Governments which existed at the time of secession. All that was nec essary—ail that the United States, un der the Federal Constitution had tbe right to do—(and that they were bound to do)—was to restore those governments and constitutions back to the peopV This was their solemn constitu ional obligation. If it had been prompt'y recognized and per formed, the Union would have been immediately harmonized nnd all politi cal disturbance settled. Tbe remedy therefore for present ills and tbe only preventive of ut’er future ruir is, for each department, in is apprspriute sphere, and all the departments com bined-constituting die Government of the United States—to return, in good faith, to tbe Constitution. That instru ,ment guarantees the equality of the State* in rights and dignity, and rec ognized the fundamental principle that each for itself, shall confer and define State citizenship, and prescribe tbe qualification for exercising the elective franchise and holding office. In making this earnest protest against being placed, by force, under negro dominion, we disavow all feeling < f resentment towards that unfortunate race. As we were destined to live to getber, we desire harmony and friend ship between them and ourselves; as they are made the dupes of unscrupu lous partisans and designing adventu rers, we pity them ; as they are igno rant, de; endam and helpless, it is our purpose to protect them in the enjoy ment of all the rights of person and property to which their freedom enti tles them. Conservative men of Georgia ; Awak en to s proper sense of your danger ! Organize for self protection and cease less opposition to the dirciul rule of ne-' <jro supremacy, which is sought to be enforced upon us and cur children, in defiance of the Constitution, and in oontempt of the civilization of the age and the opinions of mankind. Fellow Citizens of the North: Within the last few months the question of ne gro suffrage his been before yon at the ballot-box. In a voice not to be mis understood, yon have decided against •* You d'eid'd W** 1 . , ... .antarily. It has been decided for us against our will anl against our convictions of wbat is com patible with good government and the Constitution cf tbo United States: and decided by those who dot expect to live under the State Governments they pro pose to establish by force. You decided against it, although the number of ne groes among you was too small to con stitute a considerable, much less a con trolling element in politics. It is or dained by our oppressors that we shall have r, notwithstanding that it will lead to negro supremacy over us. We aro powerless; you are potent to forbid the outrage. Will you stand aloof and calmly see us subjected to this damning wrong; aDd that, too, when it will im peril the Republic and spread baleful disaster over every interest. Renewing our pledge of unsullied honor and oar tender of frank and manly obedience to the Constitution, we appeal to you, in the name of tbe Conservative people of cur State, to unite together in the patriotic effort to restore and perpetuate constitutionil government. Your recent elections en courage our hopes and challenge our gratitude. May truth, justice and right —“terrible as army with banners,” — gathering strength in every conffiot, march on, “conquering and to conquer, until its friends, rescuoing it from the grasp cf centralism, shall restore, to ita appropriate supremacy, the Constitution of the United States, so that Georgia, together with her sisters in oppression, shall enjoy tbe same protection which its honest enforcement would give U every State in the Union. llershel V. Johnson. Absalom H. Chappell, Benj. H. Hill, Warren Aik in, T. L. Guerhit. January 3, 1868. THc Time to Advertise. An exchange, commenting upon the stringency of the times, gets off the fol lowing sensible ideas : In the meantime, how are business man to keep afloat? Prudence and economy, of course, are the two great lessons to be learned; but there is one part of theso lessons which in dull times is especially apt to be forgotten. Be sure of one thing: whatever you have to sell, there are many people ready to buy, even in the most depressed sea sons. Find them out: show them your wares; persuade them to buy of yon rather than another. When buyers are reluctant, sellers must be active. It is neither cheap nor sensible to sit still be hind your oounter and writ for the bus tle of trade to revive. When Du-inets is dull, that is /be very time to adver tise. In tbe first place, that is wben you most need to advertise; and io the second, that is wben people devote most time to read the newspapers, and when your advcitiscmcnt consequently is most generally seen. Tbe New York dailies vre about in troducing type-setting machines. The Wises, for shooting Pollard at Baltimore, are to bo tried next month. Surratt will be tried again in Marob, bL,re a mixed jury of whites and ne groes. Next Wednesday $25,000,000 in coin will go to pay the interest on the 5;20 bonds of 1861. Brigham Young is making telegraph operators out of the surplus wives of Utah. Fonr thousand London bankers ask that banks be opened at ten o’cloek instead of nine. Krupp, the steel king of Prussia, em ploys 19,000 workmen. He consumes 1,000 tons of coal a day. The Kentucky Legislature have, in effeot, invited Senator Guthrie to die or to resign. It is stated that not one of the pro fessors in the State Agricultural Col lege of Kansas knows anything about farming. Two liquor-crazed individuals select ed the balmy evening of Tuesday to wander naked about the streets of Brooklyn. An Omaha actress is laid np with in flammatory rheumatism. She played Mazeppa with the meroury at four be low. The Emperor of China, 12 years old, is happy in the name of • High Posteri ty." llis father rejoiced in the name of “Perfeot Bliss." Mrs. Mary Augustus Emma Oarolino Hempstead Cunningham Bur Jell Dore mis Hyde has brought a divorce suit to» strike off her last name. Dolby informs the Buffalonians that Mr. Diekens will positively read in their city before he returns to England. He will also “do" Rochester. A man was killed reoently at Ken— dallvillc, 0., while trying to get his dog off the railroad track. The dog was saved. The man leaves a wife and. sev.-? cn children. Lucy Stone once said : “There is eofr ton in the ears of a mas, and hope in tbe bosom of woman." Lucy made a mistake and got the cotton in tbe wrong plaoe. Fall Diver, Mass., turns out over eighty-five thousand miles of print cal iches yearly, or enough to girdle the eaith three times. A fierce lynx, which leaped at one bound from the ground to a crotch of a tree fifteen feet from the ground, haa been killed near Rock River. A Scotch edit' r a p o logißJß for the lack of IQ jjj g p a pe rj by saying that uis marriage the week before took all I tl.enictry out of him,
