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(Sards.
DR. w. h 7 hodnett
TENDERS his Professional services to the
citixens of Dawson and its vicinity. Of
f.a at Dr. Cheatham’s Drug Store. Resi
dsea—lne residence of Mrs. Chamberlain,
ec Depot street. nov22'6T-tf
n ,
Physician A Surgeon,
Dawson, • • Georgia.
tW Office at Smith k Williams’ Boarding
Meuse. nov22’6T6m
SIMMONS & HOYL,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
BdW’SOJT, - • fiEO/lfiM.
L e. nOTL. jan2s Iy. a. r. sinuous.
C. B. WOOTEN,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
2ly Dawson, Ga.
W, S, PARKS. J. M. WATSON.
PARKS & WATSON,
Attorneys at Daw,
BAR SON - - - - GA.
J. T>.
WATCH km
REPAIRER fIL Jtt JEWELER.
Dawson, G-a.,
IS prepared to do any work in hie line in
the very beet style. feb2B ts
J. G. S. SMITH,
GTJ2ST SMITH and
Machinist,
fWIPSO.P, / X Georgia.
Repairs all kinds of Guns, PUtols, Sewing
Maaines, etc., etc. 2 ly.
G. W. WARWICK*
•Attorney at Law and Solicitor
in Equity,
SMITH f'ILLE . . . GEO..
WILL practice la Lee, Sumter, Terrell
and Webster.
J, E. HIGGINBOTHAM ,
attorney at law.
Morgan , Qalhoun Vo., Ga
Will practice in all the Courts of the South
western and Pataula Circuits. dune 1
HARNESS & REPAIR SHOP
•AT PHIJTCE8 ’ BTtAIiL.ES,
Dawson, ... Georgia,
C~IAN furnish the public with Carriage
J Trimming, Harness Mounting, kc. Ail
work promptly done for the cash.
ReT2'r#73m HARRIS DENNARD.
THE DAWSON JOURNAL
Yol. 11.
AN ADDRESS
TO THK
People of Georgia nnd the Uni
ted States.
Fellow-Citizens oj Georgia and of the
United States:
By a Convention held at Macon on
the sth and 6th of December, 1867,
representing the Conservative people of
Georgia, the undersigned were appqint
ed a Committee to prepare an Address
to you, setting forth their sentimenta,
their condition, their fearful apprehen
sion of future ruin, and the final over
throw of the Constitutional government
In discharging this important duty, we
bring to the task an earnest and patri
otic desire, not only to promote the
welfare of our own State, but also that
of our whole country.
When the late unhappy war termin
ated and the Confederate aims were
surrendered, a single condition only was
required, which was that we should Te
turn to the pursuits of peace and obey
the constitution and laws of the Uni
ted St.tes, uuder tbe pledge, by tbe
victors, that, so long as we continued to
do so, we should bo protected io tbe un
molested enjoyment of tbe right aud
privileges which that Constitution and
those laws guarantee to each Stat- atm
to every citizen. We have kept our
promise in letter and spirit; aud, from
that day to this, no resistance has been
offered to the Federal authorities. Tbe
laws of tbe United States are quietly
obeyed, without tbe necessity of mil ta*
ry power to enforce them. Their courts
are open and their processes respected.
Crime can be punished by the regular
and established modes of judicial pro
cedure. With magnanimity and hope
fulness, our people united iD an honest
effort to build up their ruined fortunes
and re-establish their lost prosperi y.—
The war left our homes saddened with
bereavement, and, in thousands of in
stances, in ashes. It brought univer
sal sorrow and poverty. Our fields
wero desolated, our labor disorganized,
our industry paralyzed, all our enter
prises destroyed or crippled, and our
capital sunk. Towns and cities were
plundered and burned, and their inhab
itants driven, in destitution, lrom their
homes. But these were the fruits of
war—not legitimate to be sure—such,
however, as usually attends its march
of fire; and, therefore, we submitted to
them with patience and fortitude, cheer
ed by tbe hope, that the quarrel
and carnage having ended, the return of
peace aod prosperity would begin and
that, at least, political fraternity would
be restored. Under this inspiration we
endeavored to forget tbe bitterness
which the struggle had engendered to
eultivate a spirit of conciliation and
harmony, and to evince, in every pos
sible way, our desire to have Georgia re
stored to her constUn'ioual relation to
the Union. Terrible has been our disap.
pointment. Having been baffled in tbe
attempt at secession, upon the idea that
such attempt was rebellion, we suppos
ed that its suppression left Georgia a
State in the Union, still possessing the
inherent right of self govermentand the
constitutional right of representation in
Congress. Instead of this, however,
the President of the United States re
quired that we should orgauize anew
State Government, ratify the Constitu
tional Amendment, abolishing slavery
and incorporating the same pro
vison into oar fundamentally ;
that we should repudiate our State
war debt and abrogate tbe Ordinance
of Secession and ail the laws in further
ance of the Confederate cause. Anima
ted by a determination to make any
sacrifice but that of honor, suppressing
even the spirit of complaiut, for tbe
sake of peace, we did all that he rrquir
ed—even surrendering our most valua
ble property, that of our slave sand e u
sented to become aim -st pauper?. Sup
posing that such deportment iuig.lt
challenge the magnanimity of the vic
tors towards a fallen foe, we then
thought, surely the dawn of peace was.
in sight, and that our right to the pro
tection and benefits of a common Con
stitution Would be recognized. We
elected our Senators and Represent-aiives
thus demooetrating, not only our ex
pectation, but also our earnest desire,
again to participate in the councils and
promised blessings of tbe Union restor
ed. But, as before, disappointment
was our fate. Our member* were
spurned from the Halls of Congress and
onr people denounced as traitors and
rebels. We have been perristettly
charge! with hostility to the Constitu
tion and Union, and treated as outlaws
from both. Whilst we do not thus al
lude to the deportment and temper of
our people in a spirit of boasting, yet
we challenge contradiction of our state -
meats, and fearlessly array them before
a dandid world, as evidence of tbe in
justice, and unkindness and falsehood
DAWSON, GA., THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 1808.
of the charges against us, urged as a
pretext for our oppression.
Proscription from the Union, we
could endure ; the ohargo of hostility to
it were tolerable ; from our prostration
we might rise ; our poverty we might
surmount, if we could be left undisturb
ed and permitted to enjoy our inherent
right of self government. Our noble
State abounds with the elements and re
sources of maternal wealth ; her people
are enterprising and full of the con
sciousness of unsullied honor and unsub
dued manhood Give play to their ca
pacities, unfetter their elastic energies,
remove unnecessary and unjust burdens
from their labor, and they will achieve
prosperity for themselves and tbe bless
ings of exalted civilization for their pus
ferity. But our oppressors are not wil
ling to do this. They claim to make
us the victims of their political policy
—worse than that—they requ re us to
be instrumental in executing that poli
cy, upon the perl of their vengeance ;
that a proud and gallant people upon
whose honor none but the tongue of slan
der ever breathed aught of shame—
their brethren by race, by ancestry and
bv political ties—shall vote for their
twu degradation or forfeit the rights of
free American citizens Demand after
a- maud having been made and submit
ted to, with as much complacency as a
gt Berous people could briug to the per
formance cf humiliating duty, tbe
scheme proposed by the military Acts
for Reconstruction is tbe bitter chalice
offered to our as the maxium of tbe
victor’s magnanimity, which we are to
drink to tbe dregs, on pain of political
death for refusal But, in our anxiety
for friendship aud good government, wo
did not dash it hastily from us On its
face it professed to resnect Our wishes;
it proposed that we should vote'freely,
for or against it—acceptor reject it—
and thus, by implication at least, invi
ted us to examine and consider it. We
did so, in the light of the Constitution,
and we found not one word in that in
strument to warrant the passage of the
Reconstruction Acts. They rest upon
tbe assumption that Congress has the
power to construct governments for the
States. They abrogate the government
of Georgia, which the people organized
in deference to the President’s wishes,
and, in its stead, place us under a Mili
tary Governor clothed with the power
of despotism, under which the soveriegn
ty of the people is ignored and the ptin
ciples of Magna Charta, incorporated
into the Constitution for the security of
property, life and liberty, are trodden
underfoot. They disfranchise a large
portion of the most intelligent and vir
tuous citizens, as a punishment for al
leged crime of which they L ave not been
legally convicted, and confer universal
suffrage upon tbe emancipated negroes.
Hence, the congressional scheme is not
only violative of the Constitution, but
grossly, cruel and unjust, and devoid of
that far set mg and comprehensive states
manship which seeks good government,
in coDtradististinetion to partisan ascen
dancy. For who can fail to see that,
those Acts must lead, and were intend
ed to lead to negro supremacy ? Else
why such disfranchisement of the wbit< s
as to throw the power of tbe ballot box
into the control of tbe enfranchised
black race ?
Such is obviously their design, de
duced from their letter and spirit, not de
nied by their authors and fully illus
trated by the manner of their enforce
ment. Having placed us uuder milita
ry law, and tolerating our organized
government as merely provisional, its
civil officers were compelled to support
them, >n paiu of dismissal. Judges and
other offijers were disposed for r fus
ing to violate tbe constitution and law>
which they had sworn to obey and ■ xe
cut ; all civi* and military i fficer*
were ordertti to publish Ui ir legal ad-
Terri.-'' in cuts in suoii papers only as su--
taiu and the Congressional scheme Thus
lb.: purity and independence of our ju
diciary have beeu polluted and st.ieken
down aud tbe sauctity of tbe jury box
desecrated by compelling jury lists to bo
made upofwbites and blacks indiscrim
inately ; and thus tbe liberty of the press
ta fettered arid tolerated at tbe will of
tbe District Commander and military
Governor of the State. To these w«
might ad 1 numerous instances of the
violation of (tersuaal liberty, by arrests
without legal accusation or warrant, and
imprisonment without an impartial aud
public trial by jury. Iu consider.tiou
therefore, that the establishment of ne
gro supremacy was their inteutien, and.
that, lrom the mode of their enforce
ment it would inevitably be consumated
we firmly and deliberately opposed tbe
Reconstruction Acts, as most compati
ble with ourself respect and our duty
to the dead and tbe living—to tbe pres
ent and fu'ure generation*.
But power has, thus far, triumphed
over reason, justice and rightand the
Convention provided for, lepresenting
negroes only, with the exception cf a
few thou and whites, now sits, to crys
talize into constitutional forms tbe pol
icy of bringing the Stateof Georgia un
der the dominion of negro supremacy.
It is without paralel in the annals of the
world. For although history furnishes
instances of abolition, yet it affords no
example of an attempt by military force
to elevate tbe emancipated slave above
his recent master, to subordinate the
superior to the inferior race, and clothe
tbe latter with tbe political power of
tbe State. It is the most outrageous
policy ever advocated by a Christian
people. It should arrest the alarmed
attention of every friend of constitu
tional government throughout, the Uu
ion, as it must awaken the astonishment
o? tbe civilized world. The perpetra
tion of such monstrous wrong has been
reserved for the dominant power now
controling the destiny of this eountry—
for men, sworn to support aud obey tbe
Constitution of a Government professed
ly deriving, as a fundamental principle,
“its just powers from tbe consent of the
governed ”
Fellow Citizens : Shall negro suprem
acy be permanently enthroned in the
State of Georg a ? Shall ten States of
this Union he surrendered at tbe point
of the bayonet, to the denomination of
the African race ? Shall eight millions
of whites be subjected to the rule of
four mi Hi- ns of blacks? Shall they
become our Magistrates, our Legisla
tors, our Judges, our Governors, and
representatives iD Congress? Shall sev
en huudred tnonsand ignorant negroes
who can neither read nor write, who
know nothing of the principles of the
Constitution or of legislation, agrarians
by instinct, and taught by political drill
masters that they have injuries to avenge
against the white race, be admitted to
tbe ballot box ? These arc tbe uicmeu
tuus questions which demand solution
and disturb the peace and harmony of
<>ur country. If they are to be decided
affirmatively, what pen or tongue can
portray the direfully calamities which
we shall napat n . day ? The
praent dermee rnment
will con r tttue i' ,i a r-e ur material
prosperity, already at rested will be de
stroyed forever; ic ety, already shock
ed by sudden and forced changes, will
be thrown into the most deplorable con.
dition of insecurity, and property, life
and liberty will be exposed to irremedi
able peril.
If our silence, in the past, has been
construed into apathy and indifference
then we have be >n greatly misappre
hended. We have subm'ttod, almost
without ccmplaint, because every
whisper of protest has been con
•tru a into disloyalty by our oppres
sors.
W e have offered the feeble opposi
tion of scarcely u'lered remonstrance,
only because outnumbered at the bal
lot-boX, and therelore impotent for sue
cessful resistance Tbe Conservative
people of Georgia feel that tame sub
mission hits ceased to be a virue. and
has become . crime against their coun
try, their race and future gen»ratii ns
The ruthless arm of unhallowed power
mujf enslave and degrade them, but
they will never, by word or deed, ac
tive or passive, consent to the outrage
offered to tteir manhood, but they l
will struggle against it by every legiti
mate meuns which trey can command.
They appeal to the friends.of Consti
tutional government throughout the
land to rally to its rescue from the
grasp of relentless een'rali.-m
It is the province of enlightened
statesmanship to search for tbe causes
of political maladies, with a view to
their removal. It is easy for any can
did observer to detect the origin of
those existing evils which threaten
such calamity to our country. We
have previously remarked, that tbe
Rec -n-troctton Acts assume that Con
gregs has tbe power to construct gov
ernments for the proscribed States
This assumption is the fruitful parent
of all our political troubles. It is not
pretended that the authority is to be
found in the Constitution • on the con
trary, it is asserted to be outside of tbe
Constitution. This is an admission of
the uutili’.y of the whole scheme,
How can Congress act outside of
the Cons itution ? Outside of the Con
stitution there is no Executive, no Ju
diciary, no Congress—no Government
of the United States Outside of tbe
Constitution, Congress —or rather the
men who compose it—have no more
authority titan any other body of indi
viduals voluntarily assembled. Out
side of the Constitution, they have no
commission to l«gis at. on any sub
ject. lor any pu.pi*. i m .my man
ner w hatsoever. Every act, ou side of
tbe Constitution is usurpation and ut
terly void. W'ba vitality, then, can
there be in a State government, coo
strutted in pursuance of laws passed
by authority, claimed to be outside oi
the Constitution ? How long can it
stand, after the bayonets that prop it
up shall have been removed ? It is a
fabric without foundation and must
fall. Theso are all self evident propo
unions, too axiomatic to admit of ar
gument ; and they necessarily present
for tbe consideration of the of
| the United States—especially the peo
| pie of those States designated, in the
parlance of the day, as loyal—this
j grave and momentous question. If
| the State governments, now being con
structed by Congress, aro thus invalid
and cun be maintained only by force,
I are they prepared to incur .he expense
and hazard to liberty of n standing
army, for such purpose ? Are they
prepared for a military despotism over
ten groat States of this Union, for the
mere purpose of oppressing the white
race and sustaining negro supremacy?
W ill it be seriously maintained that
the government can retain i's Jedcral
character and yet sustain such a poli
cy ? Will any candid man assert that
it is consistent with the conlessedly re
served rights of the States? Who
1 does not perceive that it will bo their
entire absorption and the conversion of
our constitutional Republic into on
elective oligarchy, whose will, instead
of the Constitution, will bo the “su
preme law of the land ?” And all this
for what ? For the sake of negro su
premacy over the Southern States ; lor
tbe sake of degrading eight millions of
negroes may be forced into a status
lor which they are utterly unfitted.—
We appeal to the peoplo of the North,
who have the power, to preserve the
Constitution. Are you prepared to
put in jeopardy our w ise fabric of gov
ernment and the liberty of more than
thirty millions of your own race, for
the Bake of enfranchising four millions
of illiterate and semi civilized Africans?
“We speak as unto wise men, judge ye
what we say.’’
We beg to offer another view fer
the calm consideration of the Northern
people. They almost universally con
tend that sec. 8-ion was a nullity. The
war having so decided it as a question
of practice, it is not necessary now to
contest it as a question of right. Then
let the assumption be granied. It fol
lows, then, that not only the Ordinance
of Secession was void, but that all the
subsequent proceedings—the entire
fabric erected upon it—were vlso void.
This fabric was the State governments
which were in existence and in opera
tion when the Confedera'e arms were
surrendered and the war was ter
minated. These State governments
were illegal because tbi y were built
on a breach of the true constitutional
relation between the States and the
Federal Government These proposi
tioLs are true, upon the assumption
that secession was a nulli.y, as insisted
upon by the Not them people. It fol
lows from them that the States were
never out of the Union, and that they
retained their right to continue as
such, however their visible organiza
tion and constitutional relations may
have been disturbed by secession. So
far, all is p'ain and easy. The next
step is the beginning of the difficulty.
If these State Governments w T ere void,
and therefore fell with tbo Confeder
ate cause, how can their places be
constitutionally supplied? Can it be
done by reconstruction ? By new State
governments constructed by the Pres
ident, Congress or any other power ?
Purely not. No department of the
Govern mi- ut of the United States, nor
all of them combined, is invested with
power to construct governments for
the States. Instead of being confer
red by the Constitution, it is palpably
inconsrs’eni with it. The duty, aud
the whole duty of tht United States
with respect to the State governments
is clearly dofined in the Constitution.
That duty is to guarantee to every
State a Republican form of govern
ment; to guarantee it, not to create it
—to preserve, not destroy and then re
construct it. Can you guarantee what
does not exist ? The very idea of
guaranteeing a government implies,
necessarily, the pre-existence of the
government. And this is precisely
the duty which tbe United States owe
to each State—to support and uphold
the government with which each State
started in the Union, whether that
start was made at the beginning or at
a later period of our history. When
ever the start was made, each Stare
started in the Uuion with a Republi
can form of government. This is cer
tainly true of Georgia and ail the
original thirteen ; and the admission
of other States, ut subsequent periods,
was a confession by the government,
which it is estopped from denying,
that they, too, were republican. The
government, therelore, with which a
State startad in the Union is the gov
eminent which the United States is
| obliged to uphold. It may be modi
fied in the legitimate way, that is, by
the people of the State, but always
under the limitation that it must re
main Republican, in form. And since
the failure of secession and the decis
ion by the sword, that secession was a
nullity, as a question of practice, it
No. 50.
would seem that each State is bound
to preserve its original relation to the
Union, ns well as to have a Republican
form of government. When there is n
breach of either of these limitations,
the thread of legality or constitutional
ity is dropped. All that may' como
afterwards is on an illegal basis and
void. Such is the inevitable conclu
sion, viewing the subject from the
Northern standpoint. What, then, ia
the remedy ? It is for Congress to
step in and construct anew govern
ment ? We have already shown that
they have no such power. But the
remedy is to go back and pick up the
thread of legality “right where it was
dropped or, in other words, restore
the government which was wrongfully
displaced. It was not destroyed by
secession, assuming secession to be
void ; its functions wero suspended on
ly ; its offices were vacated, but not ox
tmguished. Hence, it follows, that as
soon as the disturbing couse (which
was secession and its results) was re
moved, the legitimate Constitutions of
the States, which were in force at the
time of secession, stood in their origi
nal vigor, aud the offices of their gov
ernments should have been immediate
ly filled by the proper constituency.—
This doctrine of tbe succes
sion of legality in the Slate govern
ments is precisely what was decided
by the Supreme Couit of the United
States, in the caee of Dorr’s rebellion,
in Rhode Island. The du'y belongs
not to Congress alone, nor the I’res
ident alone, nor to the Federal Judi
ciary alone, but to all of them, each
acting in its appropriate sphere —it be
longs to the United States. Ail of the
poweis of the United States stand
pledged to its performance—the duty
of main'aining the State Government
with which each State entered the
Union, with such modifications as it
may have received by tne free and vol
untary action of its people, cons'stent
ly with the Constitution of the United
States. Whenever there is a breach
cf the limitation imposed by the Con
stitution of the United States, every
thing thereafter too becomes illegal
and void. The remedy therefore is a
remission back to the interrupted legal
status. Now the late war has decid
ed, as a question of fact, thnt secession
broke the thread of consti u'ional rela
ti< n between the seceding States and
the United States, and that the State
governments founded on secession
were illegal and void, and fell with
the Confederate cause. These fabrics
having thus fallen, the people of the
States, ns a logical necessity, ore re
mitted back to their Constitutions and
Governments which existed at the
time of secession. All that was nec
essary—ail that the United States, un
der the Federal Constitution had tbe
right to do—(and that they were
bound to do)—was to restore those
governments and constitutions back to
the peopV This was their solemn
constitu ional obligation. If it had
been prompt'y recognized and per
formed, the Union would have been
immediately harmonized nnd all politi
cal disturbance settled. Tbe remedy
therefore for present ills and tbe only
preventive of ut’er future ruir is, for
each department, in is apprspriute
sphere, and all the departments com
bined-constituting die Government of
the United States—to return, in good
faith, to tbe Constitution. That instru
,ment guarantees the equality of the
State* in rights and dignity, and rec
ognized the fundamental principle that
each for itself, shall confer and define
State citizenship, and prescribe tbe
qualification for exercising the elective
franchise and holding office.
In making this earnest protest against
being placed, by force, under negro
dominion, we disavow all feeling < f
resentment towards that unfortunate
race. As we were destined to live to
getber, we desire harmony and friend
ship between them and ourselves; as
they are made the dupes of unscrupu
lous partisans and designing adventu
rers, we pity them ; as they are igno
rant, de; endam and helpless, it is our
purpose to protect them in the enjoy
ment of all the rights of person and
property to which their freedom enti
tles them.
Conservative men of Georgia ; Awak
en to s proper sense of your danger !
Organize for self protection and cease
less opposition to the dirciul rule of ne-'
<jro supremacy, which is sought to be
enforced upon us and cur children, in
defiance of the Constitution, and in
oontempt of the civilization of the age
and the opinions of mankind.
Fellow Citizens of the North: Within
the last few months the question of ne
gro suffrage his been before yon at the
ballot-box. In a voice not to be mis
understood, yon have decided against •*
You d'eid'd W** 1 . ,
... .antarily. It has been
decided for us against our will anl
against our convictions of wbat is com
patible with good government and the
Constitution cf tbo United States: and
decided by those who dot expect to live
under the State Governments they pro
pose to establish by force. You decided
against it, although the number of ne
groes among you was too small to con
stitute a considerable, much less a con
trolling element in politics. It is or
dained by our oppressors that we shall
have r, notwithstanding that it will
lead to negro supremacy over us. We
aro powerless; you are potent to forbid
the outrage. Will you stand aloof and
calmly see us subjected to this damning
wrong; aDd that, too, when it will im
peril the Republic and spread baleful
disaster over every interest.
Renewing our pledge of unsullied
honor and oar tender of frank and
manly obedience to the Constitution,
we appeal to you, in the name of tbe
Conservative people of cur State, to
unite together in the patriotic effort to
restore and perpetuate constitutionil
government. Your recent elections en
courage our hopes and challenge our
gratitude. May truth, justice and right
—“terrible as army with banners,” —
gathering strength in every conffiot,
march on, “conquering and to conquer,
until its friends, rescuoing it from the
grasp cf centralism, shall restore, to ita
appropriate supremacy, the Constitution
of the United States, so that Georgia,
together with her sisters in oppression,
shall enjoy tbe same protection which
its honest enforcement would give U
every State in the Union.
llershel V. Johnson.
Absalom H. Chappell,
Benj. H. Hill,
Warren Aik in,
T. L. Guerhit.
January 3, 1868.
THc Time to Advertise.
An exchange, commenting upon the
stringency of the times, gets off the fol
lowing sensible ideas :
In the meantime, how are business
man to keep afloat? Prudence and
economy, of course, are the two great
lessons to be learned; but there is one
part of theso lessons which in dull
times is especially apt to be forgotten.
Be sure of one thing: whatever you
have to sell, there are many people ready
to buy, even in the most depressed sea
sons. Find them out: show them your
wares; persuade them to buy of yon
rather than another. When buyers are
reluctant, sellers must be active. It is
neither cheap nor sensible to sit still be
hind your oounter and writ for the bus
tle of trade to revive. When Du-inets
is dull, that is /be very time to adver
tise. In tbe first place, that is wben
you most need to advertise; and io the
second, that is wben people devote most
time to read the newspapers, and when
your advcitiscmcnt consequently is most
generally seen.
Tbe New York dailies vre about in
troducing type-setting machines.
The Wises, for shooting Pollard at
Baltimore, are to bo tried next month.
Surratt will be tried again in Marob,
bL,re a mixed jury of whites and ne
groes.
Next Wednesday $25,000,000 in coin
will go to pay the interest on the 5;20
bonds of 1861.
Brigham Young is making telegraph
operators out of the surplus wives of
Utah.
Fonr thousand London bankers
ask that banks be opened at ten o’cloek
instead of nine.
Krupp, the steel king of Prussia, em
ploys 19,000 workmen. He consumes
1,000 tons of coal a day.
The Kentucky Legislature have, in
effeot, invited Senator Guthrie to die or
to resign.
It is stated that not one of the pro
fessors in the State Agricultural Col
lege of Kansas knows anything about
farming.
Two liquor-crazed individuals select
ed the balmy evening of Tuesday to
wander naked about the streets of
Brooklyn.
An Omaha actress is laid np with in
flammatory rheumatism. She played
Mazeppa with the meroury at four be
low.
The Emperor of China, 12 years old,
is happy in the name of • High Posteri
ty." llis father rejoiced in the name of
“Perfeot Bliss."
Mrs. Mary Augustus Emma Oarolino
Hempstead Cunningham Bur Jell Dore
mis Hyde has brought a divorce suit to»
strike off her last name.
Dolby informs the Buffalonians that
Mr. Diekens will positively read in their
city before he returns to England. He
will also “do" Rochester.
A man was killed reoently at Ken—
dallvillc, 0., while trying to get his dog
off the railroad track. The dog was
saved. The man leaves a wife and. sev.-?
cn children.
Lucy Stone once said : “There is eofr
ton in the ears of a mas, and hope in
tbe bosom of woman." Lucy made a
mistake and got the cotton in tbe wrong
plaoe.
Fall Diver, Mass., turns out over
eighty-five thousand miles of print cal
iches yearly, or enough to girdle the
eaith three times.
A fierce lynx, which leaped at one
bound from the ground to a crotch of
a tree fifteen feet from the ground, haa
been killed near Rock River.
A Scotch edit' r a p o logißJß for the lack
of IQ jjj g p a pe rj by saying that
uis marriage the week before took all
I tl.enictry out of him,