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UNITED STATED AND MEXICO. Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King. Department ok State, ) Washington, Aug. 12, 1814 j Sir —l have laid your despatch No- 1, before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings towards the United States. The President in particular highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that in no e vent would any step he taken by his Go vernment in the slightest degree hostile or which would give to the United States, just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact that our previous information was calculated to make the impression, that the Governmentof France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Go vernment to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence He is happy to infer from your despatch that the information as far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go farther than you ought in assuring the King that the object of annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the A merican people were in its favor, and that it would'ce r tainly he annexed at no dis tant day. I feci confident that your anti cipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of political causes which led to this opposition to the measure, and to strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and necessary. You were right in making the distinc tion between the interests of France and England in reference to Texas—or rather I would say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France cannot possibly have any other than commercial interest in desiring to see. her preserve tier separ ate independence, while it is certain Eng land looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much im portance. But, in our opinion, the inter est of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France England, nor even Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it when the subject is fair ly viewed and considered in i's whole ex tent and all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace the extension of commerce, and security, are objects of primary policy with them, it may as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of these powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desirous by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safely a* the annexation of the latter tothe former, would be far more 'promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it. It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the king artificial, and inconvenient ine which divided them, atul that to lake into consideration the extraordinary in crease of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must] derive its inhabitants, institu tions and laws, without coming to the con clusion that it is their destiny to b ■ unite and of course, that annexation is merely a question of time and mode. Thus regar ded the quest ion to be decided would seem to be whether it would not be better to per mit it to be done now, with the mutual consent of both parties, and the acquies cence of these powers, than to attempt to; resist and defeat it. If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension ofcommeree by the rapid settlement and improvements of Texas, and increase and se curity 7, especially to Mexico. The last in reference to Mexico, may be doubted, but 1 hold it not less clear than the other two. It would be a great mistake to suppose that the Government has any hostile fee ling towards Mexico or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense—the fact is the very reverse. It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security ; and is prepared in the event of the annex ation of Texas if not forced into conflict with her to propose to settle with her the question ofboundary, and of all others growing outof the annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clear ly marked the boundary between her and Texas, by natural limits too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be so united to us, to see them firmly estab lished, as the most certain means of esta blishing permanent peace between the two countries and strengthening and cemen ting their friendship. Such would be the certain consequenc of permitting the an nexation to take place now, with the ac quiescence of Mexico; but far different would be the case if it should be attemp ted to resist and defeat it; whether the at tempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attemp of the kind would now probably lead to a conflict between ns and Mexico, and involves consequen ces, in reference to her and the general peace long to be deplored on all sides and difficult to be repaired. But should that not be the case, and the inteiference of a nother power defeat the annexation for the present, without the interruption of peace, it would but postpone the conflict and render it more fierce and bloody when ever it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of the power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of our people, who would be ready to seize the first fa vorable opportunity to effect by force what was prevented from being done peacea by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see how greatly such a conflict, come when it might, would endanger the gcnc- nil jieace, and how much Mexico might be the looser by it. lit the meantime, the condition ofTex as would be rendered uncertain, her set tlement and prosperity in consequence re tarded, and her commerce crippled, while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the annexation should be permitted to take place peaceably now (as it would without the interference of other powers,) the energies otour people would fora long time to come, be direc ted to the peaceable pursuits of redeem ing, and bringing within the pale of cul tivation improvements and civilization, that large portion of the continent lying between Mexico on one side, and the Bri tish possessions on the other, which is now with little exception, a wilderness with a sparse population consisting, for the most part of wandering Indian tribes. It is our destiny to occupy that vast re gion; to intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over it our religion, cus toms, constitution and laws ; anil to pre sent it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civiliza tion. It is our policy to increase, by grow ing and spreading out into unoccupied re gions, assimilating all we incorporate ; in a word, to increase bv accretion, and not through conquest, by the addition of mas ses held together by-the cohesion of force. No system can be more unsuited to the lat ter process or better adapted to the for mer, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be. resisted in its course, it will probably fulfil its destiny without dis turbing our neighbors, or putting in jeo pardy the general peace; but if it be oppo sed by foreign interference, anew direc tion would be given to our energy 7 , much less favorable to harmony with our neigh bors. and to the general peace of the world '(’lie cli arge would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of po licy oii the part of'France, England and Mexico. But to descend to particulars; it is cer tain that while England, like France, de sires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connexions; it is not lass so, that one ofthe leading motives for England desiring it, is the hope that through her diplomacy and influence, ne gro slavery may be abolished there and ultimately by consequence, in the United States, and throughout the whole conti nent is an object ardently desired by her we have decisive proof in the declaration ol the Earl of Aherneen, delivered to this] Department, and of which you will find a j copy among the documents transmitted to] Congress with the Texas Treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, atui lias used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the document with the correspon dence of this department with Mr. Pack enltatn, also to be found among the docu ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one ofthe objects of abolishing it there, is to facilitate its abolition in the U. ; States, and throughout the continent, is i manifest from the declaration ofthe aboli tion pitrty and societies, both iu ibis coun i try and in England. In fact, tlierc is good reason to believe that the scheme of abo j iishing it. in Texas, with the view to its a jbolition in the United States and over the continent, originated with the prominent] members ofthe parly in the United States , arid was first broached by them in the (so called) World’s Convention, held in Lon don in theyear IS4O, ami through its agen cy brought tothe notice ofthe British Go vernment. Now, 1 hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consumotion of this grand scheme which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if site can de feat t lie annexation ; but that her inreresl] and those of all continental powers of Eu rope, are directly and deeply opposed to it. It is 100 late in the day to contend that] humanity or philanthropy is the great ob ject ofthe policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this conti nent. 1 do not question but humanity may have been one of her leading motives for the abolition of the African slave trade and that it may have had a considerable influence in abolishing slavery in her West India possessions—aided indeed by the falicious calculation that the labor of the negro would be at least as profitable, if not more so in consequence of the meas ure. She acted on the principle that tro pical products can he produced cheaper by free Amrican labor and east india labor than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her com merce, navigation, navy, manufactures, revenue, and power. She was not igno rant that the support of h*r political pre ponderance depended on her tropical pos sessions, and had no intention of diminish ing their productiveness, nor any anticipa tion that such would be the effect, when the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary," she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her cal culations. She has failed in all her objects., 7’he labor of her negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the con solation of having improved their condi- tion. The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hundred millions of dollars indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to ball that sum; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the slave trade; making together two hun dred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of reali zing her hope, the result has been a sail disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off' to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants and those of nearly ail Europe with them, as formerly, she has now in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by slave labor, brought direct to England, or * refineil in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap or cheaper, than they can be produced there; while the slave trade, instead of diminishing, has been in ! firct carried on to a greater extent than ever. 180 disastrous has been the result that her fixed capital vested in tropical j possessions, estimated at the value of near i five hundred millions of dollars, is said to I stand on the brink of ruin. But this is not the worst. While this • cosily scheme has had sucli ruinous effects ]on the tropical productions of Great Bri tain. it has given' a powerful stimulus, fol : lowed by a corresponding increase of pro ducts, to those countries which have had thegood sense to shun her example. There has been vested it is estimated l>y them; in production of tropical products since J 808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000, 000, wholly dependent on slave labor. In the same period the value of their products has hern estimated to have risen from a -802,000,000, annually, to nearly t‘520,000,000, while the whole ofthe fix ed capital of Great Britain vested in cul tivating tropical products, both iu the East and West Indies, is estimated at a bout 8830,000,000, and in the value ofthe product annually at about 8-30,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three articles of tropical product, (sugar, coffee, and cotton) the British possessions including the West and East Indies, and Mauritius produced in 1842, nfsugaron- I ly, 3,993,771 pounds, whilst Cuba, Bra zil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, pro duced 9,600,000 pounds of Coffee, the Britih possessions produced only 27,303, 003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201, ! 590,125 pounds and of cotton, the British possessions including shipments to China only, 137,443,146 pounds, while the Uni ted Slates alone produced 790,479,275 pounds. The above facts and estimates have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority, and arc be lieved to be entitled to credit. This vast increase of the capital and production on the part of those nations who have continued their former policy towards the negro race, compared with that et Great britains’ indicates a corres ponding relative increase ofthe means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth and power. It is no longer a ques tion of doubt, that the great source of the wealth, prosperity and power of the most civilized nations ofthe temperate zone (especially Europe, where they have made the greatest advance) depends, in a great degree, on the exchange ol their products, with those ofthe tropical regions >Bo great lias been the advance made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical, within the tew last generations, that all ; the old civilized nations can with but a : small part of their labor and capital, sup ply then respective wants; which tends to limit within narrow bounds liic amount of the commerce between them and forces them all to seek for markets iu the tropi cal regions, and the more newly settled portion of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets, have the best prospect ol outstripping the others in the career ot commerce naviga tion, manutirclures, wealth and power. In order to regain her superiority she not only seeks to revive arid increase her own capacity to produce tropical produc tions, but to dimmish and destroy the ca pacity ol those who have so fur outsit ip- { her in consequence of her error, lu pur suit of the former, she lias cast her eyes to her East India possession—to central and Eastern Africa with the view of establish ing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially the slave trade itself under the specious name of transporting free la borers from Africa to her West India pos sessions, in order if possible to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all arfbrd but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the otliei alternative— to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is by abolishing African slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions—it matters not how or from what motive it can be done—whether it may be by diplomacy, influence or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be human or selfish, without re- gard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself should it bo accomplished, would put down.all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants and those of the rest of the world ; and thereby more than fully re trieve what she had lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show. W hat would be the consequence if this object of her unceasing solicitude and ex ertions should be effected by the abolition ofnegro slavery throughout this continent some idea may be formed from the im mense diminution or productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her west India possession. But as great as that has been, it is nothing com pared to what would be the effect if she should succeed in abolishing slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout the continent. The experi ment in her own colonies was made un der the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peacea bly, b) the steady and firm operation of the parent country armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all in surrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and disjtoscd to maintain to the full the political and so cial aset-udancy of the former masters over their former slaves. It is not at all w’onderful that the change of the relations of masters and slaves took place under such circumstances without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition should it be enacted by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other coun tries on the continent—and especially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look not to Jamaica but to St. Domingo, tor example.—The change would be bil lowed by unforgiving bate between them fiir superiority. One or the other would have to lie subjugated, extirpated, or ex pelled and desolation would overspread their territories as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. 1 lie end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them tothe British tropical possessions. ft is unquestionable, that she regards tite abolition of slavery in Texas as a most important step to thegreat object of poli cy, so much the aim of her solicitude and exertions and the defeat of the annexation of lexas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition ofslavery tbere. She is too sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it would give slavery in the United States, and hmv certainly its abolition with us would abolish it over the whole continent and thereby give her u monopoly to the productions oi the great tropical staples and the command of the commerce navi gation and manufactures ofthe world " it}’ an established naval ascendancy and political preponderance. To this conti nent t lie blow would be calamitous be yond description. It would destroy in a great measure, the cultivation and production of the great tropical staples, amounting annual ly in value to nearly s3ooo,ooo,ooo,’the fund which stimulates and upholds al most every other branch of its industry, commerce, navigation and manafuctures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealth im | rovement, and civilization over the whole continent, and vivifying, bv their over flow, the industry of Europe; thereby increasing its population, wealth and ad vancement in the arts, and in power for civilization. Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the con stant object es her desire and exertions— the abolition of negro slavery over this continent ; and towards the affecting of which she regards the defeat of the an nexation of 1 exas to our Union so impor tant. Can it be possible that Govern ments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France and the other great con tinental powers, can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to see what must inevitably follow, be her motive what it may should she succeed in her objects ? It is little short of mockerv to talk of philanthropy, with the examples before us of the effects of abolishing sla very in her own colonies in St. Domin go, and the Northern States of our Union, where statistical facts, not to he shaken, prove that the freed negro, after the expe rience of sixty years, is in a far worse condition t ban in the other States, where he has been left in his former condition. No: the effect of what is called aboli tion, where the number is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, hut to deprive the uegro of the guardian care of his owner, subject io all the depression and oppression belonging to his inferior condition. But, on the otle er hand, where the number is great, and Goars a large proportion to the whole pop ulation. it would be still worse. It Would be to substitute for the existing relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the subjection, expulsion, or extir pation of one or the other; and such would be the ease over the greater part of this continent where slavery exists.— It would not end there ; but would in all probability extend, by its example, the war of races over all South America, in cluding Mexico, and extending to the In dian as well as the African race, and make the whole a scene of blood anil de vastation. Dismissing, then, the stale and unfoun ded and stale plea of philanthropy, can it be that f ranee and the other great con tinental powers—seeing what must be the result of the policy, for the accom plishment of which England is constant ly exerting herself, and that the defeat of the annexation of Texas is so import ant towards its consummation—are pre pared to back or countenance her in her | efforts to effect either ? What possible i motives can they have to favor her cher ished policy ? Is it not better for them that they should he supplied with tropic al products in exchange for their labor, from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and this continent generally, than to he de pendent on one great monopolizing pow er, for their supply ? Is it not better that they should receive them at the low pri ces which competition, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, will furnish them by the former, than to give (lie high prices which monopoly, cear la bor, and great distance from market will impose ? Is it not better that their labor should be changed with anew continent, rapidly increasing in populatiou and tlie capacity for consuming, and which would furnish in the course of a few generations a market nearer to them , and of almost unlimited extent, for the products of their industry and arts, than with old and dis tant regions whose population has long since reached its growth ? The above contains those enlarged views of policy which it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take, in making up his own opinion on the subject of the annexation of Texas, and 1 the grounds, as it may be interred, on! which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations ol the deepest importance, and demanding the greatest attention. Viewed in connexion with them, the question of annexation be comes one of the first magnitude, not on ly to Texas and the United States, but to this Continent and Europe. They are presented that you may use them on all suitable occasions, where you think they may be with effect; in your correspond ence, where it can he done with propriety, or otherwise. The President relies with confidence on your sagacity, prudence and zeal. Your mission is one of the first magnitude at all times, but especially at the present time; and be feels assured nothing will be left undone on your part to do justice to the country and the gov ernment in reference to this great quest ion. I have said nothing as to our right of treating with Texas, without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds on which we rest our right, and j are so familiar with the facts necessary to add anything in reference to it. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, J. C. CALHOUN. VVm. R. King, Esq., &e. PRESIDENT TYLER’S MESSAGE. To the Senate and House of Representatives: 1 transmit herewith copies of despatch es received from our Minister at Mexico, since the commencement of your present session, which claim, from their impor tance, and I doubt not will receive, your calm and deliberate consideration. The extraordinary and highly offensive lan guage which the Mexican Government has thought proper to employ in reply to the remonstrance ofthe Executive, through Mr. Shannon, against the renewal of the war with Texas while the question of an nexation was pending belore Congress and the People, and also, the proposed manner of conducting that war, will not fail to arrest your attention. Such remonstrance, urged in no un friendly spirit to Mexico, was called lor by considerations of an imperative char acter, having relation as well to the peace of this country and honor of this Govern ment as to the cause of humanity and civilization. Texas had entered into the Treaty of Annexation upon the invitations ol the Executive; and when, for that act, she was threatened with a renewal of the war on the part of Mexico, she naturally looked to this Government to interpose its efforts to ward off' the threatened blow. But one course was left tlie Executive, acting within the limits of its constitu tional competency, and that was to pro test ill respectful, but at the same time strong and decided terms, against it.— The war thus threatened to be renewed, was promulgated by edicts and decrees, which ordered on the part of the Mexican military, the desolation of whole tracts ol country, and the destruction, without dis crimination, of all ages, sexes, and condi tions of existence. Over the manner of conducting war, Mexico possesses no exclusive control.— fShe has no light to violate at pleasure the principles which an enlightened civiliza tion has laid down for the conduct of na tions at war; and thereby retrograde to a period ol barbarism which, happily for the world, has long since passed away. — All nations are interested in enforcing an observance of those principles, and the foiled States, the oldest of the American Republics, and the nearest of the civilized powers to the theatre on which these en ormities were proposed to lie enacted, could not quietly content themselves to witness such a state of things. They had through the Executive, on another occasion, und as was believed with the approbation ol the whole country, remon strated against outrages similar, but even less inhuman, than those which by her new edicts and decrees she has threaten ed to perpetrate, and of which the late inhuman massacre at Tobasco was but the precursor. The bloody and inhuman murder ol Fannin and his companions, equaled only in savage barbarity by the usages of the untutored Indian tribes, proved how little confidence could be placed on the most solemn stipulations of her Generals, w bile the fate ol others who became her cap tives in war, many of whom, no longer able to sustain the fatigues and privations of long journeys, were shot down by the wayside, while their companions who survived were subjected to sufferings even more painful than death—had left an in delible slain on the page of civilization. The Executive with the evidence of at: intention on the part of Mexico to renew scenes so revolting to humanity, could do no less than renew remonstrances former ly urged. For fulfilling duties so imper ative, Mexico has thought proper, through her accredited organs, because she has had represented toiler the inhumanity ol such proceedings, to indulge in language unknown to the courtesy of diplomatic intercourse, and offensive in the highest degree to this Government and People. Nor has she offended in this only. She has not only violated existing conventions between the two countries, by arbitrary and unjust decrees against our trade and intercourse, but withholds instalments of debt, due to our citizens, which she so lemnly pledged herself to pay, under cir cumstances which are fully explained by the accompanying letter from Mr. Green, our Secretary of Legation. And when our Minister has invited the attention of her Government to wrongs committed by her local authorities not onty on the pro perty but on the persons of our fellow citizens, engaged in prosecuting fair and honest pursuits, she has added insult to injury, by not even deigning, for months together, to return tin answer to his rep resentations. Still further to manifest W unfriendly feeling towards the United Stales, she has issued decrees expelling from some of her provinces American cit izens engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life, and now denies to those of our citi zens prosecuting the Whale Fishery on the Northwest coast of the Pacific/ the privilege which has, through all time heretofore been accorded to them, of ex changing goods of a small amount in value at her ports in California for suuplies in dispensable to their health and comfort. Nor will it escape the observation of Congress, that in conducting a correspon dence with the minister of the United States, who cannot, and does not, know tiny distinction between the geographical sections of the Union, charges wholly unfounded are made against particular States, and an appeal to others for aid and protection against supposed wrongs, fn this-same connection, sectional preju dices are attempted to be excited, and the hazardous and unpardonable effort is made to foment divisions among the States of the Union, thereby to embitter theirpeace. Mexico lias still to learn, that however freely we may indulge in discussion among ourselves, the American People will tol erate no interference in their domestic af fairs by any foreign Government; and in all that concerns the constitutional guar antees and the nation.al honor, the people of the United Stales have but one mind and one heart. 'Hie subject of annexation addresses it self most fortunately to every portion of the Union. The Executive would have been unmindful of its highest obligations, if it could have adopted a course of poli cy dictated by sectional interests and lo cal feelings. On the contrary, it was be cause the question was neither local nor sectional, but made its appeal to the in terests of the whole Union, and of every Stale in the Union, that the negotiations, and finally the Treaty of Annexation was entered into; and it lias afforded me no oulinary pleasure to perceive that, so far as demonstrations have been made upon it by the People, they have proceeded from all portions of the Union. Mexico may seek to excite divisions amongst us, l>v uttering unjust denunciations against particular Stales, but when she comes to know that the invitations addressed toour follow citizens by Spain, and afterwards by herself, to settle Texas, were accepted by emigrants from all the States; and when, in addition to this, site refreshes her recollect ion with the fact, that the first effort w hich was made to acquire Texas, was during the administration of a dis tinguished citizen from an Eastern State, which was afterwards renewed under the auspices of a President from the South west, she will awake to a knowledge of the futility of her present purpose of sow ing dissensions among us, or pioilucing distraction in our Councils by attacks ei ther on particular States, or on persons who are now in the retirement of private life. Considering the appeal which she now makes to eminent citizens by name, can she hope to escape censure for having ascribed to them as well as to others, a design, as she pretends now, for the first time revealed, of having originated nego tiations to despoil her, by duplicity and falsehood, of a portion of her territory? The opinion then, as now, prevailed with the Executive, that the Annexation of Texas to the Union was a matter of vast importance. In order to acquire that territory before it had assumed a position among the in dependent powers of the earth, proposi tions were made to Mexico for a cession of it to the United Slates. Mexico saw in these proceedings, at the time, no cause of complaint. She is now, when simply reminded of them, awakened to the know ledge of the fact, which she, through her Secretary of State, promulgates to the whole world as true, that those negotia tions were founded in deception and false hood, and superintended by unjust and iniquitous motives. While Texas was a dependency of Mexico, the United States opened negotiations with the latter power for the cession of her then acknowledged territory; and now that Texas is indepen dent of Mexico, and lias maintained a separate existence for nineyeais—during which time she has been received into the family of nations, and is represented by accreditated ambassadors at many of the principal Courts of Europe—and when it has become obvious to the whole world that she is forever lost to Mexico, the United Stales is charged with deception and falsehood in all relating to the past, and condemnatory accusations are made against Slates which have had no special ageni yin the matter, because the Execu tive of the whole Union lias negotiated with tree and independent Texas upon a matter vitally important to the interests of both countries. And ufter nine years of unavailing war, Mexico now announces her intention through her Secretary of lor eign Affairs, never to consent to the Inde pendence of Texas, or to abandon the ef fort to reconquer that Republic. She thus announces a perpetual claim, which at the end of a century, will furnish her as plau sible aground ior discontent against any nation, which at the end of that time,ma> enter into a Treaty with Texas, as she possesses at this moment against the l m ted States. The lapse of tim can ad nothing to her title to independence. A course of conduct such as has been described, on the part ofMexico, in vioa (ion of all friendly feeling, and of the cour tesjs which should characterize course between the Nations of the Ear i, might well justify the United States in resort to any measure to vindicate te ‘ national honor, but, actuated by a smeer desire to preserve the genera! p a . n in view of the present condition of Mexic the Executive, resting upon its integrity* and not fearing hut that the judgemen o the world will duly appreciate its motix -* abstains from recommending to Oongres a resort to measures of redress, ani cor tents itself with re-urging' upon that ' .